Friday, May 10, 2013


Framing: What We Are Told Is Not What It Is

Tigire ruling elites often misleadingly frame genocidal massacres against Oromo in various parts of Oromia as "inter-communal violence, ethnic conflict, border conflict or water conflict" in order to absolve themselves from responsibility and possible future indictment in local and international courts. 

For at least two decades, genocidal massacres against Oromo have been framed that way in order to cover-up the deliberate effort by TPLF elites to either reduce Oromo by attrition to a minority population or to destroy them fully so that Tigireans can take over Oromia and its resources. That is their long-term plan. 

Aslii Oromo, an exiled Oromo political prisoner and torture survivor, cited the late Ethiopian Prime Minster Meles Zanawi ( from Tigray) who said, "We [TPLF or Tigrean elites] will reduce the number of Oromos from 40 million to 4000 without the knowledge of the world." Yet, many, including some well-meaning Oromos, have hesitated  calling widespread massacres against Oromo a "genocide", and  comfortably stayed on the human rights violations side of a much protracted problem. 

Ethnic Tigire elites declared their intent of destroying the Oromo partially or fully and have acted on their declarations. Where they did not declare these intents, they can be inferred from the actions of singling out and massacring and displacing Oromo en masse or selling their lands to land grabbers by the millions of hectares. Even an airhead would understand that no one group will massacre other groups just out of love or to do them some favor by killing them off of their land.  Calling massacres against Oromo "genocide" has been avoided mainly because some people make false strategic calculations and believe that it is enough for the Oromo to claim human rights abuses instead of claiming genocide too. Human rights violations are indicators. There are some who see the talk of genocide as an inflation or overstatement. But, connecting evidence on the ground can show us that massacres in Oromia are  indeed conspicuous acts of  genocide.  

Let's just go beyond routine condemnation press releases, which echo the official framing of such massacres as "border conflicts or ethnic clashes etc", and come to grips with the reality--genocide. The methods are multi-pronged: direct massacre, displacement, landgrab, spread of lethal infectious diseases, starving, withholding services, destroying crops to just list a few.  In the process, it becomes important to see these massacres as part of an ongoign genocide, "the deliberate and systematic destruction, in whole or in part, of an ethnic,racial, religious, or national group"

With absolute military, economic and diplomatic powers, Tigirean elites have ever been emboldened to destroy the Oromo nationality and its material, cultural and intellectual properties. They are accountable to no one--not to their laws, not to international law and not to moral principles. TPLF elites' arrogance is becoming limitless, soaring. While they engage in genocidal activities in Oromia, the international community has afforded them the complete silence they so want. However, the human and material destruction caused by Tigire elites in Oromia is no short of the Syrian crisis or Darfur, but Western cameras are not focused on Ethiopia as its has been considered a regional counter-terrorism linchpin even now when Somalia is on the path of stability and reconstruction.
  

 Reductionist may say, "oh yea, ethnic clashes have been going on between Oromo and others for decades, so what is the big deal about what is happening now?" 

As stressed earlier, these are not just ethnic clashes between equally armed or unarmed groups trying to settle their differences violently.  To understand what is going on, we have to make the links between the different events of massacres in Oromia. Briefly comparing the recent genocide hotspots in eastern Oromia, southern Oromia and western Oromia will offer a much needed deep perspective.  

 Patterns of Genocide

1. The Case of Massacre and Displacement  in Eastern Oromia

The mass atrocities against Oromo in Eastern Oromia (Qumbi county) started in 2011 when TPLF elites provided advice to armed bands of Ogaden militants to lay claim to six districts that traditionally belonged to Oromia region. Land claims are TPLF incentives to another group to get the group to indirectly  commit genocide on their behalf.  Who does the planning of the genocide--TPLF elites--are more important than the agents on the ground hired to do the depraved job of massacring and looting. This violence has been intensifying over the last six months. The Human Rights League of the Horn of Africa describes the massacre and the displacement in the following terms:

....this government-backed violence that has been going on in the name of border dispute around the Anniya, Jarso and Miyesso districts between the Oromia and Ogaden regional states has already resulted in the death and/or disappearance of 37 Oromo nationals and the displacement of about 20,000 others. Around 700 different types of cattle and other valuable possessions are also reported to have been looted. The reports indicate that the violence has been backed by two types of armed forces (the Federal Liyou/Special Police and the Ogaden Militia) from the Ogadenis side, while on the side of the Oromos, even those who demonstrated the intentions of defending themselves in the same manner were disarmed, dispossessed and detained.

Another radio report estimates the number of internally displaced Oromos at 150,000 people. The displaced people continue to die through starvation and diseases. 

Who are the attackers and how and why were they organized? Who supplies them? What types of weapons  were they using? The above quote does provide answers to those questions. It is well known that the Federal Liyu/Special  Police is a heavily armed group that carried out the killings and the displacements on behalf of the Tigrean elites who master-minded the creation of this Janjaweed-like group with UK tenders.

Just like the Sudanese government organized, armed and used Janjaweed militias  to overrun villages in Darfur, the Ethiopian government has organized and supplied Liyu Police and has had them overrun several villages, towns and counties in eastern Hararghe, Oromia. In contrast, the Oromo were disarmed and discouraged from carrying out any acts of self-defense, according to the report quoted above.  The Oromo have absorbed everything passively. When a group of government-backed  heavily armed military group attacks villages, of course, the primary responsibility falls on the government who created it and mobilized it to commit mass atrocities. If the government did not plan this genocide, why were it watching it for six months until it gets to this?  

The main reason TPLF uses groups such as Liyu Police from the neighboring Ogaden region or any other region is because it wants to acquit itself from being held accountable and brought to justice in a local or international court at some point in the future. It  is also easier for TPLF elites to frame such massacres "border disputes" for the same purpose of absolving themselves, but they won't be quite  as absolved as they think since evidence shows they have planned, funded and and executed  these attacks. This is a pure case of a heavily armed group overrunning Oromo civilians in towns and villages. It is not a war between two armed groups. It is a massacre perpetrated by a state-run militia group. Locally, everyone knows this despite the misleading frames being tossed around.   

2. The Case of Massacre and Displacement in Borana, Moyale

BBC reported in July 2012 that scores of unarmed Oromos were massacred and  over 20,000 were displaced by the same force from the neighboring Ogaden region. Like the Eastern Hararge massacre,  the Moyale massacre was a result of  cross- border raid into Oromia from the neighboring Somali region. This group was also heavily armed with military convoys, trucks, AK47s, machine guns,  and other kinds of  heavy weapons that only a group armed by the Ethiopian government can afford to have.  Tigrean leaders have provided Oromo lands as incentives upon a successful completion of massacre in this area as well. The Oromo got displaced and the land was occupied by the armed settlers from a neighboring region. The attackers fulfilled their short-term goals of sharing the spoils of genocide, while their TPLF elites master-minding this massacre have  made progress toward their goal of destroying the Oromo nation. TPLF elites do not care because the violence against Oromo does not affect their co-ethnics in Tigray region who are far removed from the actions. We are talking about the distance between Mekele and Moyale here (951 miles or 1530kms). Tigreans are sheltered from the kind of genocidal violence their elites unleash on Oromos everyday.      


3. The Case of Eastern Wallega 

The massacre in eastern Wallega (western Oromia) began in 2008 and went on for over 5 years. This also shares the features of the two other  massacres and  massive displacements. The only difference is the difference of another neighboring group from Benishangul Gumuz that Ethiopia trained and supplied to do the same job of perpetrating genocidal violence on behalf of Tigire elites. These elites are capable of extremely evil schemes that no rational person can contemplate. The same applies here---they don't care because the violence doesn't affect their Tigrean co-ethnics who live removed far from the actions--we are talking about a distance between  Nekemete  and Mekele (675.5 miles or 1087km). 

Oromia Support Group describes eastern Wallega massacre in the following way:


....the slaughter of defenceless Oromo by Benishangul Gumuz militia in the Didessa and Hanger valleys, Eastern Wallega, from 17-19 May.Well-trained and armed by the government with AK47s and heavier machine guns, Gumuz militias attacked unarmed Oromo villagers as they slept, slaughtering men, women, children and babies, cutting throats, dismembering bodies and casting body parts aside – limbs, breasts and genitals.

The cases above, among others, show us how the ruling Tigrean elites are aggressively hiring, training and supplying Oromo neighbors to perpetrate genocide on their behalf foolishly thinking that that would absolve them from responsibility. The arrogance of Tigrean power in Ethiopia is growing by the day. It's an unrestrained power of a hate-intoxicated minority elites who would stop at nothing short of wiping out Oromos slowly as their leaders have claimed or implied in the past. The misrepresentation of these  massacres and displacements targeting the Oromo are promoted by both TPLF elites as well as the international media that relies on Tigirean sources for their news reporting and opinions. 

Since Ethiopia prohibits  journalists and the press direct access to these sites of genocide, the act is often wrongly labelled inter-ethnic clashes over borders, pasture and water. They did not or could not see what it really was.  Looking at the nature of the state-backed heavily armed militia groups makes the cases rise above ordinary clashes between  civilians of equal power. 

The Desire for the World to Know

An elderly survivor from east Oromia said:

"...As I speak to you now, my eyes are filled with tears, we don't have any mobile phones, we don't have a single camera in the village to take pictures of our people who have fallen and let the world know... Those of you in exile must know that our people are being hunted like wild animals, but nobody knows about this outside." 

The elderly survivor was very smart to observe that recording/filming events of massacres can help publicize the ongoing genocide against the Oromo people. The lack of cameras and inexpensive mobile phones also reflects badly on  Oromo leaders who have failed to listen and continue to only issue dry press releases from the convenience of their desktop computers using word processors. If we can't get cameras in and get pictures and videos of many state-backed massacres out of Oromia, at minimum, what is the point of the Oromo national struggle? 


Ethiopia: Violation of Freedom of Expression in Ethiopia

BY ARID LANDS INSTITUTE, 9 MAY 2013
Statement delivered at the 53rd ordinary session of the African Commission on Human and Peoples Rights in Banjul, Gambia
Madame chair, ladies and gentlemen
May 10, 2013 (Ogadentoday Press)- Today, Ethiopia lives through the sword of the Damocles drawn against it. The scourge of the old days of the Red Terror grips the population. 90 million Ethiopians, a total population of a few countries in Africa put together, live in absolute fear. A simple test for the prevalence of unfreedom and absolute violation of freedom of expression is whether or not the population of a given country is gripped with fear when it comes to freedom of expression. That is the reality in Ethiopia today and no amount of claims on the contrary can change this fact.
Madame chair,
What distinguishes humans from animals is not the capacity to think but the capacity of humans to express what they think in speech and writing. If that capability is deprived, humans are reduced to the level of animals. Today, the Ethiopian people are reduced to this deplorable level. Ethiopia, the seat of the African Union and the Economic Commission for Africa and considered as the symbol of African independence, has relinquished this prestige by muzzling its own people from expressing what they think. In as much as the population is subjected to live in fear, the government has also displayed its utter fear of the freedom of expression of the population particularly after the 2005 elections.
The government seems to have concluded that the 2005 elections gave it one major lesson: muzzling even the narrow space of expression that had existed. Muzzling the freedom of expression assumes another dimension: depriving the populace of alternative sources of information. This strategy necessitated closing down practically all private newspapers, jamming broadcasts from abroad and blocking websites that report on Ethiopia. The next step is to launch exaggerated claims on its work depicted as ‘achievements’. As a consequence: journalists who reported without fear were thrown to long term imprisonment. Eskindir Nega, an international award winning blogger, who defied the prevailing fear and wrote freely about freedom and democracy was sentenced to 18 years of imprisonment. A number of journalists who also won international wards are on trial. In appearance, it seems it is these journalists who are on trial. In actual fact however, it is freedom of expression and justice in general that is on trial in the Ethiopian courts today.
To jam radio and TV broadcasts from abroad, the government devotes a large chunk of the tax payers’ money. It is a paradox of immense proportion when a country that needs capital investment very badly devoting a huge sum of money for the purpose of depriving the population from acquiring information from alternative sources. A glance at the level of teledensity in Ethiopia and the fact that there is only one government internet server in the country of 90 million simply display the level of the restriction not only access to information but also in communication in general. When a government claims to hold the ultimate truth and resorts to muzzle others; that is tantamount to depriving people to think differently.
To reinforce the deprivation of freedom of expression and right to information, a new weapon introduced is the Anti-terrorism Law that was proclaimed following the defeat of the ruling party in the 2005 elections. In the 2005, the ruling party lost miserably that it resorted to massive rigging and stealing of votes. In order to consolidate this state of affairs made fait accomplit to the world, a series of new law were proclaimed. In addition to the Anti-terrorism law, extremely restrictive and prohibitive NGO and press laws were proclaimed. Once the government closed all avenues of popular expression, it went out to make wild claims such as on economic growth and winning the 2010 elections by 99.6%.
The government in Addis Ababa is not only at war with its own people on freedom of expression but also with international human rights organizations such as Human Rights Watch, Amnesty International and other organizations concerned with the continuous violations of human rights. The government’s image internationally has been tarnished for some time now. It is for no reason that the US based Parade magazine named the late prime minister of Ethiopia, Meles Zenawi, as the “15th worst dictator in the world”.
Madame Chair,
It is a paradox of immense proportion that Ethiopia, as the seat of the African Union and the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa, instead of becoming a pace-setter and example for freedom and democracy, has become a symbol of unfreedom.
Despite the wild claims by the government, today in Ethiopia freedom is still a pie in the sky.
Thank you.

Jaarraa Abbaa-Gadaa Foundation Inaugural and Memorial Ceremony in Atlanta