Tuesday, June 24, 2014

Aid donors announce investigation into tribal evictions in Ethiopia

Bulldozers clearing Mursi land in Mago National Park, where communities are being evicted from their land to make way for sugar plantations.
Bulldozers clearing Mursi land in Mago National Park, where communities are being evicted from their land to make way for sugar plantations.
© E. Lafforgue/Survival
Representatives of some of Ethiopia’s biggest aid donors have announced that they will send a team to the southwest of the country to investigate persistent reports of human rights abuses amongst the tribes living there.
Survival International, the global movement for tribal peoples’ rights, has exposed how thetribal people of the Lower Omo Valley are being persecuted and harassed to force them off their land to make way for cotton, oil palm and sugar cane plantations.
Many other organizations have published similar reports.
The plantations are made possible by the Gibe III hydroelectric dam, which is itself the subject of huge controversy.
The dam, which is nearing completion, will have a serious impact on the livelihoods of 500,000 tribal people, including those living around Kenya’s Lake Turkana.
It is also projected to have catastrophic environmental consequences for the region, which is home to renowned UNESCO World Heritage sites on both sides of the border.
Survival and other NGOs have repeatedly denounced the eviction of hundreds of Bodi and Kwegu and continue to receive reports that people are being intimidated into leaving their lands for resettlement camps.
Daasanach are being forced off their land to make way for infrastructure development such as this giant pump at Omorate, which will facilitate irrigation of the plantations.
Daasanach are being forced off their land to make way for infrastructure development such as this giant pump at Omorate, which will facilitate irrigation of the plantations.
© E. Lafforgue/Survival
The Ethiopian government has not sought or obtained the indigenous peoples’ free, prior and informed consent to move from their lands, in breach of the guidelines for resettlement drawn up by the Development Assistance Group (DAG), a consortium of the largest donors to Ethiopia, including the US, the UK, Germany and the World Bank.
DAG provides significant financial assistance to the local administration responsible for the forced evictions.
DAG has decided to return to the Lower Omo later this year to investigate the situation, even though the evictions continue regardless of past donor visits, the findings of which have often not been published.
This decision follows mounting worldwide concerns. European parliamentarians from Italy,Germany and the UK have asked questions in the European Parliament, and MPs in the UK and Germany have raised their concerns with various ministries. Parliamentary questions have also been tabled in the UK.
Following a lawsuit brought by Friends of Lake Turkana, the Kenyan courts have ruled that the Kenyan government must release all information about the deals it has made with Ethiopia about buying electricity generated by the Gibe III dam.
Earlier this year, a UNESCO report recommended that Lake Turkana be inscribed on the List of World Heritage in Danger.

TPLF’s Sidama Messenger Ambassador ‘Markos Tekle Riqqe’ Embarrasses our Nation!

Lagide Dikkale, Harbagoonna district, Sidama, Ethiopia

Human beings are created greedy. In particular when it comes to a personal gain, peoples can take unimaginable step to benefit from the sufferings of others. Even brothers barbarically assassinate own bothers for the sake of personal benefit such as fighting for throne (royal family). Such greedy individuals wash their hands with bloods of their immediate family members by assassinating their own children, husband/wife, father/mother, brothers/sisters and others. Doing so is known to be psychotic disorder as psycho-behavioural Science puts it; however it is extremely difficult to comprehend how mothers/fathers can kill their own children? As human beings are very important to one another, peoples have equally proved that they can actually become diabolic to their likes. When such tragic realities unfold among humanity, it will be hardly possible to distinguish wild animals (Hyena cannibalising each other’s) from human being apart from the fact of having moral code which socially obliges groups of peoples to behave in such a manner that is socially acceptable, adverse actions are punishable.

When we come to todays’ Ethiopian regime’s inhumane actions to its subjects, it’s impossible to believe that regime’s messengers at various levels condone the massacre of innocent civilians blatantly denying the truth. It also becomes serious when a person once who has appeared to be the Champion of justices and equality prefers to stifle justice by agreeing with the system that dehumanises his own people. Although such realities of individual’s being inhumane to their likes is known phenomenon since time immemorial, besides, it will be very difficult to take in what once who has appeared to be genuinely defending human rights is seen defending an indefensible inhumane actions of the regime once he’s unequivocally condemned for its brutal actions towards its subjects including his own people. 

'Markos Tekle Riqqe' once who has been a staunch supporter of Sidama’s national cause has taken U-turn. He has suddenly decided to follow the misguided ideology of TPLF’s authoritarian regime by agreeing to stifle the just cause of his own nation. Since he has been recruited by the regime (no one for sure knows to date how Markos Tekle Riqqe has decided to sell the interest of the Sidama nation), he has been given his current fake Japan’s Ethiopian Ambassadorial position by the name of the Sidama nation. Even since he has been awarded this fake position, he has appeared to be believing that the regime is seriously violating the rights of Sidama nation differently. He has been in constant underground contacts with Sidama Diaspora groups advocating for the rights of Sidama nation and others subjugated nations of the country. His interview with (Kassahun of? Media June 2014) in particular obliged me to say something from the heart of Sidama land, Harbagoonna district from where the above traitor has be born and brought up.

It’s utterly embarrassing to the Sidama nation to have a person like Markos Tekle who trades by the bloods of primarily his own Sidama nation and secondly with bloods of others nations of the country. While individuals who have demanded their constitutional rights to be respected in a civilised and peaceful manner are killed in broad day lights by the regime’s army and security forces, mindful peoples can hardly believe that Markos Tekle can defend the regime’s erroneous claim on the fact that it’s implementing its constitution and respecting peoples’ individual & collective rights to freedom of expression and assembly. It’s hardly believable to learn that this very young man who has travelled to entire Sidama villages therefore has known the level of injustices the regime has deliberately caused to the Sidama nation by whose name this traitor and others trade; defends the concept of federalism whilst his nation’s civilians are massacred demanding these very rights denied to them for the past 23 years.

He has also emphasised the Ethiopian peoples have happily elected TPLF’s authoritarian regime in the past elections therefore the regime received over 99% of the vote because of its policy; yet the reality on the ground speaks otherwise. In reality however, TPLF regime won’t be able to get 20% if the election was fair and free which has been proved during May 15, 2005's elections. His claim about the fairness of the play field for various opposition groups, in his interview with his unpalatable Abyssinian (Amharic language) says that the opposition members are freely exercising their rights without the involvements of the regime, while the opposition members are hunted down like antelopes and prisons of the country and full of these. He also claims that the economy is booming, poverty is eradicated and equality of opportunity being achieved despite the fact that Ethiopia is growing most unequal and the second from the bottom last in the world in poverty measurement. Over 36,000, 000 Ethiopians don’t have proper one meal a day and others 75-80% of the population don’t have enough to eat and potable water to drink. Unemployment if rocketing while Ethiopian is the second highly corrupt country in Africa. Human rights record is extremely poor and becoming poorer from day to day.

The urge for the fact is in order. Markos Tekle Riqqe, once who has appeared to be the Champion of Sidama nation’s rights claims that ethnic federalism is the best policy on which the current TPLF’s regime is working on- therefore prospering. Such blatant denial of the fact for which the Sidama traitor, Markos Tekle Riqqe has previously claimed fighting for- as TPLF’s regime denied his own nation the very ethnic federalism rights, puts him in the bottom of Sidama nation’s history. History never forgive such traitors when the rights time comes. The Sidama nation with others oppressed nations of the country will undoubtedly be victorious. The sons and daughters of the Sidama nation must be able to distinguish friends from foes and traitors from genuine Sidama human rights defenders. The true sons and daughters of the nation must know Markos Tekle Riqqe is one of the Sidama nation’s enemies not less than the others such as criminal Shiferaw Shigute and the rest. Thus, utmost vigilance is paramount at this very critical moment of the history.

Lagide Dikkale, Yayye district, Sidama, Ethiopia

June 24, 2014        

THE NAME OF THE ABOMINABLE CRIME IS POLITICIDE THE MASS MASSACRE & IMPRISONMENT OF ORA ORPHANS – WALLAGAA 1992-93

By Mekuria Bulcha (Prof.)


“… many of us lost our parents and relatives and were cared for by the Oromo Relief Association (ORA) for our survival and wellbeing. With the support of the international community and Oromos abroad, some 1,700 of us have been taken care of in exile in the Blue Nile Province of the Sudan … The ORA gave us the chance to survive” (from a letter by “Raagaa,” one of the ORA children 1993).
“The lives of those of us who did not experience the sweet love of parents, but had known only an organization [ORA] were devastated when the organization collapsed; we were left alone without relations. There are many who shared my misfortune; regrettably the whereabouts of many of them remains a mystery” (from an interview by the author with another former ORA child, Leensaa, March 2014).
“We appeal to you to do all you can to shed light upon the fate of the more than 1,600 children from ORA camp in Kobor. Where are Sagantaa Useen, Tolina Waaqjiraa and Duulaa Tafarra and all others?” (from a letter sent by the teachers and pupils of Heinrich-Goebel-Realschule to Dr. Klaus Kinkel, German Minister of Foreign Affairs, November 2, 1992)
Introduction
The three quotations presented above are from documents used in writing this article and reflect, in one way or another, the fate of about 1,700 Oromo children who were looked after by the Oromo Relief Association (ORA) in the refugee camps of Yabus, Damazin and Bikoree in the late 1980s. The first quote is from a letter written by one of the ORA children to the ORA office in Germany after he had escaped from the Dhidheessa concentration camp in 1993. “Ragaa” is a fictive name as the letter’s writer lives in Ethiopia. The second quote is from an interview with Leensa Getaachoo who was one of the ORA orphans. First incarcerated at the age of ten in 1994, she had been in seven Ethiopian prisons before she fled from Ethiopia in 2000. A brief account of her more than a decade-long odyssey across three continents and her sojourn in six countries in search of a safe haven is included in the last section of this article. The last quotation is from a letter written by students and teachers of a school in Germany appealing to the German Ministry of Foreign Affairs to help them find out the whereabouts of the ORA orphans. Their school supported the ORA project materially and the pupils were pen friends with the ORA children.
The main purpose of this article is to shed light on what happened to the ORA children in western Oromia during the summer months of 1992. Associating them with the Oromo Liberation (OLF), the Tigrayan Liberation Front (TPLF) imprisoned hundreds of them in 1992 and 1993 along with thousands of Oromo civilians and OLF fighters in the Dhidheessa concentration camp. Although I knew that many of the ORA children were imprisoned, I only got a hint of the full magnitude of the crime committed against them last year when I came across a report written in 1996 by the UK based Oromia Support Group (OSG Press Release, No. 13, 1996). The OSG wrote about the flight of the ORA children and their guardians chased by the TPLF forces. The report noted that “After three weeks on the run, with rain, mud, hunger and sleeping rough in the bush, the remaining 600 or so children were attacked in the Gunfi area … Local informants claim that the fleeing children were hunted like kurupĂ©, a small antelope which leaps to see its way while fleeing through tall vegetation.” (Emphasis mine) This reminded me of what I read about the now extinct indigenous inhabitants of the island of Tasmania. They were hunted and killed by white settlers just like wild game and were exterminated. It is embarrassing that we have failed to record the story of the ORA children properly during the last twenty-two years. However, I believe that it is our obligation to record their story now and bring it to the attention of particularly the Oromo people. As the first two quotations above indicate, most of the children were parentless; the majority had no families to remember them. It is our duty to remember them by recording their story.
An inquiry into the intention of the crime is another aim of the article. The crime was carried out systematically and over a long period of time. The question is: why? Why did the TPLF forces chase children and adolescents for over three months and capture or kill them, when they knew that they were unarmed youth and that the adults accompanying them were not fighters but their guardians? Based on information gathered through interviews and the description of the manner in which the TPLF security forces have treated them inside and outside the concentration camps, the article will argue that politicide,[i] was perpetrated against the ORA orphans. The TPLF was in an open war with the OLF when the children were massacred in the summer months of 1992. Consequently, it wouldn’t be farfetched to argue, as I will do in this article, that the atrocities committed by the TPLF against the ORA children and their guardians constitute a war crime.
Thirdly, the article will show that the persecution of the ORA children was a springboard for the TPLF policy of liquidating those individuals and groups its makers see as bearers of the seeds of Oromo nationalism, and that this has culminated in the current widespread war against Oromo students. I will describe, albeit briefly, the case of other Oromo children and youth who have been accused of “supporting” the OLF or branded as “terrorists” and treated with incredible cruelty. The many crackdowns on Oromo students during the past fifteen years, including the ongoing war against secondary school and university students throughout Oromia, which I will discuss in another forthcoming article, are guided by the same odious policy which led to the massacre and imprisonment of the ORA orphans. Based on my readings of its cruel treatment of the educated Oromo youth, my assessment of the main objective of the TPLF regime’s policy has been to deprive the Oromo nation of its current and future leaders. In short, what has been going on in Oromia since 1992 is clearly politicide. Oppressive Latin American dictatorships, which were led by military generals, such Augusto Pinochet in Chile from 1973 to 1999, and Jorge Rafael Videla, Leopoldo Galtieri and others in Argentina between 1975 and 1983, used politicide to liquidate their opponents. Although not widely known and acknowledged, the politicide carried out against Oromo intellectuals, businessmen and students — who are often labelled by the TPLF regime as “OLF supporters” or “terrorists” — surpasses in its ferocity that of the Latin American dictators against the so-called communists. The TPLF regime’s treatment of its Oromo victims is in many ways “dirtier” than the “Dirty Wars” which the Argentinian military dictators carried out against left wing politicians and others between 1975 and 1983. Politicide takes on genocidal characteristics when carried out against members of an ethnic, linguistic or “racial” community. The policy of the Tigrayan ruling elites against the Oromo displays these characteristics.
Sources of information
The article is based on information collected from both primary and secondary sources. The primary sources comprise:
a. correspondence which I had with a former teacher and head of the ORA children’s project – who was also with the children during their flight from the TPLF in western Oromia,
b. written and telephone interviews with two former ORA children who live in an African country and one who lives in England,
c. telephone interviews conducted with Oromos who were imprisoned by the Ethiopian regime in the 1990s. These Oromos, who are now scattered across different countries in Africa, North America and Europe and who know what happened to the children during the second half of 1992 or later.
I have consulted reports and documents from the archives of ORA as a secondary source of information. These include a short letter written inAfaan Oromoo by one of the ORA children who were deported to the Dhidheessa concentration camp in June 1992. He escaped from the concentration camp in 1993 and found his way to Finfinnee (Addis Ababa) from where he wrote the letter to the ORA office in Germany. The letter was translated into English by Tarfa Dibaba. The other secondary source of information, an OSG (Oromia Support Group) report, was based on interviews with the surviving children, teachers, guardians and local Oromo population of western Oromia in 1996. The third document used here is a short article based on an interview given in 1994 by a former prisoner of the Dhidheessa concentration camp. The interview was in Afaan Oromooand was translated to English by Yoseph Taera & Kathrin Schmitt and published as “An EPRDF Prison Camp from Inside” (see Oromo Commentary, Vol. VI (1), 1994). The informant was a detainee at the Dhidheessa concentration camp. Other documents obtained from the ORA archives in Germany include most of the photos used in the article, and a copy of the letter written by the teachers and pupils of Heinrich-Gobel-Realschule of the city of Springe in Germany to the German Minister for Foreign Affairs in November 1992 mentioned above. The article has three short parts, including this one. The second part will discuss imprisonment and death in the Dhidheessa concentration camp. The third part consists of short life stories of some of the children, both dead and alive.
The Oromo Relief Association: Its Origins and Objectives
The Oromo Relief Association (ORA) had its origin in a clandestine committee created during the dark days of the so-called Red Terror, which was unleashed by the Dergue (the Ethiopian Military Regime) and devoured thousands of the educated youth in Ethiopia in 1977-78. The objective of the committee was to assist families whose breadwinners were jailed, had “disappeared” or had been killed. The committee was known as “Funding-raising Committee,” and functioned mainly in Finfinnee (Addis Ababa). Oromo government employees and businessmen made contributions to assist the work of the clandestine committee.[ii]
When it was formally established abroad in 1979, one of the objectives of ORA was to assist in bringing up the children of those Oromos who had died or were imprisoned because of their role in the national struggle for freedom. ORA provided humanitarian assistance to needy people in the OLF-held areas, and offered medical and social service for Oromo refugees in the neighboring countries of the Horn of Africa. The Sudan was one of the countries in which the association was established and was recognized by its government.
ORA’s humanitarian activities in the Sudan
I visited the ORA offices in both Khartoum and Damazin in the Sudan for the first time in November 1981. From December 1982 to February 1983, I was again in the Sudan and could see the progress which the association was making in providing crucially needed services to Oromo refugee communities settled in the Blue Nile Province of the Sudan. In all the places I visited in the Sudan, the largest concentration of Oromo refugees was in Yabus, a district located south of Kurmuk town near the Ethiopian border. Being one of the remotest districts in the Sudan, Yabus lacked not only a clinic and a school, but also all means of communication, including roads. In February 1983, I presented a report entitled “Some Notes on the Conditions of Oromo, Berta and other Refugees in the Kurmuk District of the Blue Nile Province, Republic of Sudan” (Bulcha, 1983) to the UNHCR and NGOs in Khartoum, to raise awareness about the problems which were facing Oromo refugees in the remote districts of Sudan’s Blue Nile Province, particularly the health problems and high death rate among children. I also pointed out that the only organization which was assisting the refugees in the province was the ORA, and that it had almost no resources at its disposal to support even its staff. The UNHCR and NGOs responded positively to my short report.
ORA_History_Photo_1
Picture 1: The head of ORA, Fakadu Waaqjiraa in the ORA office in Khartoum, Sudan
Photo: Mekuria Bulcha, November 1981
The UNHCR sent a staff member to Damazin and followed up the problem. Among NGOs was Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) or Doctors Without Borders, which participated in providing medical service to Oromo refugees and the ORA children whose stories are given in this article. Researchers from Europe and the U.S. were also in the region and to conduct further studies of the problem facing Oromo refugees.[iii] The report was also presented during workshops organized by ORA support committees in some European countries.
ORA_History_Photo_2
Picture 2: On the Road from Yabus to Darsumma near the Ethiopian boarder in 1983; Yabus was inaccessible by vehicle during the rainy season and barely accessible even during the dry season.
The Toyota Land Cruiser was a donation from the ORA Support Committee in Holland and was fitted with spare parts for the rough terrain. The person standing farthest from the camera is the late ‘Goota Bobbaas’ Bunee (d.1991), veteran of both the Maccaa Tuulama Association and the OLF.
Photo: Mekuria Bulcha, February 1983
ORA_History_Photo_3_1
Picture 3: a group of Oromo refugees in Yabus in 1983. Stranded in the middle of nowhere in inaccessible border areas, hundreds of Oromo refugees were suffering from hunger and diseases when I visited Yabus in 1983. Malaria and diarrheal diseases were taking their toll particularly among the children.
Photo: Mekuria Bulcha, February 1983
Through hard work and assistance from Oromo Support Committees in Europe and the U.S., the ORA was able assist Oromo refugees in the Horn of Africa, particularly in the Sudan. Through its children’s program, the association provided education to young refugees, and took care of parentless children in shelters it had built in the Sudan (see Tarfa Dibaaba’s book: It is a Long Way: A Reflection on the History of the Oromo Relief Association(2011)).
ORA_History_Photo_4_2
ORA_History_Photo_4
Picture 4a (Above Left): Tarfa Dibaba, former head of ORA office in Germany and coordinator of ORA activities abroad at a school event in Oldenburg, Germany, talking about ORA and its activities; Picture 4b (Right): Relief shipments with clothing, school material, toys, sports equipment and musical instruments for the ORA children in the Sudan arriving at the ORA office in Delmenhost, Germany.
ORA_History_Photo_5
Picture 5: A child getting treatment with glucose under the shade of a tree in Yabus. Her name is Berhane; she fled to the Sudan with her parents and their neighbors who were displaced from Kusaayee, a village west of the town of Gidaami by the resettlement program of the Dergue. Berhane was only about 6 years old, but in the picture she looks like an adult because of severe malnutrition. The ORA medical staff saved the lives of many children and adults in the remote refugee settlement of Yabus.
Photo: Arfaasee Gammadaa, 1985
ORA_History_Photo_6
Picture 6: Members of ORA-Germany Arfaasee Gammadaa and Gerda Klein, both of them trained nurses, in Yabus in 1985.
The social backgrounds of the ORA children
As described in the first two quotations at the beginning of this article, many of the children, who were supported and educated by ORA in its children centers in Yabus, Damazin and Bikoree in the Sudan, were parentless. They lost their parents and relatives during the Dergue period. Most of them were small when they came to the ORA camps. For example, the record shows that of the 244 children who fled Yabus to Damazin, 24 percent were between six and ten years old, 67 percent were between 11 and 15, and 9 percent from 15 to 17 years old (source: ORA documents, Berlin, Germany).
ORA_History_Photo_7b
ORA_History_Photo_7a
Pictures 7a & 7b: Some of the ORA children in Yabus and in Damazin in the late 1980s.
Photos: Tarfa Dibaba
ORA_History_Photo_8b
ORA_History_Photo_8a
Pictures 8a & 8b: Some of the smallest ORA children in Yabus in 1988: In the forefront are the ‘inseparable sisters’ Sadiyyaa and Nuuriyya Tolasaa (see also 8b above). Many of these children were viciously killed, imprisoned and tortured by TPLF’s forces in the 1990s.
Photos: Tarfa Dibaba
The 1989 flight from Yabus
Quoting Amanda Heslop and Rachel Pounds of the London-based agency “Health Unlimited,” who were working as volunteers in Yabus as a teacher and a nurse respectively when it was attacked by the Sudan People’s Liberation Army (SPLA), the New African (April, 1990) wrote “In mid-December 1989, Oromo children started arriving in an Oromo refugee camp in Damazin, Central Sudan in a severe state of malnutrition and shock.” The New African added, “They were orphaned children who, among 6,000 Oromo refugees, had fled from the South Sudanese town of Yabus.” According to another source (Dhaabaa, November 21, 2013) some of the children were moved to Damazin and the rest were sent to Bikoree when Yabus was attacked by the SPLA. The SPLA was fighting the Sudanese army and was backed by units of the Ethiopian army when it attacked Yabus.
ORA_History_Photo_9
Picture 9: The 244 children who fled from Yabus to Damazin in December 1989 were quartered in tents on their arrival. The tents and other ORA properties, including trucks and large amounts of food in store, were confiscated by the Sudanese government in 1992 supporting the Tigrayan regime in Finfinnee (Addis Ababa)
The tents were donated by the German Ministry for Development Aid
Photo: Tarfa Dibaba
The children who were in the ORA children’s camps in the Sudan in the mid-1980s returned home in 1992. According to the ORA, the first batch of its 1033 children returned to Oromia from Bikoree in early 1992. They were joined in May 1992 by 691 children from Damazin. In addition to the 1,724 returnees from the Sudan, there were over 300 children in two camps — one in Caanqaa and the other Mummee Dhoqsaa in OLF controlled areas (source: Dhaaba as above).
Following the demise of the Dergue regime, “Those from Bikore, aged 12-18, were moved to Asosa in 1991. Because of the poor security situation there, they were moved to a site near Mendi (Wallagaa) for one year. Nearby clashes between the OLF and the TPLF forced them to be moved around April/May 1992 to Kobor, 10-20 km in the direction of Asosa from Begi” town. Soon after, “the 5-15 year olds” from Damazin also arrived in Kobor (OSG Press Release, No. 13, 1996).
“We were all full of joy to be back in our country”
Research on international migration shows that, irrespective of age, sex and profession, a spiritual and physical return to the lands of their ancestors is uppermost in the minds of most of those who find themselves outside of their homeland against their wishes. Indeed, the ORA children must have been very happy to return to their homeland. The parents of many of them had sacrificed their lives fighting for its freedom. In a letter he wrote to ORA-Germany, Raagaa, who escaped from the Dhidheessa concentration camp explained,
When the situation seemed favorable to move back to our country, arrangements were made to take us back to our home areas of western Wallagaa. … First, we were taken to Mendi and from there to Begi. We did not see anything of the fighting between the TPLF and the OLF. We did not know anything about the problem. We did not see any armed units on the way. We enjoyed a short-lived peaceful time. We continued our regular lessons under shady trees and in small village schools and spent most of the time outside enjoying the cool climate of our country. We were all full of joy to be back in our country (emphasis mine).
Raagaa belongs to the batch of children who returned from Bikoree in early 1992. The joy he described above did not last long. Those who returned from Damazin in May 1992 did not get a chance to experience even the short-lived peaceful life that the returnees from Bikoree experienced. Their dream of a happy life in a free homeland was shattered by terror perpetrated by enemy forces which occupied their homeland. The children were deprived not only the right to live and grow in freedom and happiness in their ancestral homeland, but many of them were also deprived of the right to life itself.
A walk into a death trap
The return of the ORA children from Damazin to Oromia coincided with the encampment of the OLF forces – which was mediated by representatives of the U.S. and Eritrean governments and signed by the OLF and the TPLF, preparing the ground for elections planned to take place in June 1992. But that did not happen. As we all know, following the withdrawal of the OLF from the local elections scheduled for the third week of June, its camps were attacked by the TPLF soldiers, who were not encamped like those of the OLF.
Regrettably, it was not the peace and happiness for which the children were longing, but violence, horror and death that was waiting for them at home in the shape of a new enemy that had occupied it. Ironically, from the relative security in refugee camps in the Sudan, they walked into a death trap laid out by the TPLF-led regime in their homeland. The shelters for the children at Gabaa Jimaata (for those from Bikoree) and at Ganda Qondaala (for those from Damazin) — both near Kobor — were attacked as if they too were OLF camps. So were the smaller shelters at Mummee Dhoqsaa and Caanqaa. The fact that the shelters were both homes and schools for children was known to the public. This was not hidden from the TPLF troops. They would have been informed, not only by their intelligence agents, but were in the area for weeks before they started their murderous attack on the children. In other words, the assaults on the shelters were carried out with the intent of harming the children. At that time of the attack, 1,724 children who returned from the Sudan and 22 who joined them at home (altogether 1,746 children) lived with their 37 caretakers and 35 teachers in the two ORA children centers mentioned above. In addition, the two smaller centers at Caanqaa and Mummee Dhoqsaa run by the OLF, housed and supported about 300 internally displaced, poor or parentless children. All in all, the assault targeted over 2000 children. According to Dhaabaa (November 21, 2013), at that time the children were receiving training in different skills in addition to the education given in public schools.
Describing what had happened to the children he had bravely tried to protect from the TPLF killers during their three-month long bewildering flight, Dhaaba (November 21, 2013) wrote,
“Ijoolleen mirga namummaa, kabaja ijoollummaa isaani illee utuu hinsafeeffatamin addamsuun, irratti dhukaasuun, madaa’uu fi ajjeefamun akkasumas hidhaatti guuramuun carraa isaanii tahe”
Translated into English the statement reads,
“The children were denied human rights; they were hunted, shot at, wounded and killed. Those who were captured were dragged into prison in violation of ethics that ought to be respected. That became their fate.”
ORA_History_Photo_10
Picture 10: A classroom in a school ran by ORA for refugee children in Damazin
As reflected in the eager faces of these pupils, children in refugee camps often have an amazing thirst for education. They see in it a better future. Regrettably, the life of these knowledge thirsty ORA children was cut short by the TPLF regime. They lacked protection: parental, organizational and legal.
Photo: Tarfa Dibaba, 1988
ORA_History_Photo_11
Picture 11Obbo Shifarraa was one of the assistant teachers and caretaker of ORA children in the ORA school in Damazin
ORA and the OLF ran schools which taught classes up to grade six. This was also the case in areas under OLF control inside Oromia. It was here that together with the literacy classes that were given to Oromo refugees in different places in the Sudan, Djibouti and Somalia and elsewhere that the qubee based educational system adopted by all school Oromia in 1992 was laid down.
ORA_History_Photo_12
Picture 12: Shows a classroom in Bikoree in 1990. It is difficult to say how many of these lovely kids were killed during the June-July 1992 TPLF onslaught or died in Dhidheessa concentration camp later.
Photo: Tarfa Dibaba
Through Forests and Marshlands and Over Mountains with Killers on their Heels
Dhaba reported that they, the teachers and caretakers (hereafter the guardians), fled with the children into the Charphaa forest. From there, they sent some of the children away to Gidaami and some of them to Begi to look for relatives or hide among the local population. The TPLF forces arrived after sometime and opened fire on the group. In the shooting that followed, some of the children were killed or injured. The children and their guardians fled from Carphaa to the Gaara Arbaa mountain range. Helped with information about the whereabouts of the TPLF forces provided by the sympathetic local population, they had been hitherto ahead of their hunters. However, soon after, two days after their arrival in Gaara Arbaa area, they detected that the TPLF fighters were building a ring around the forest wherein they were hiding. The children were forced to rush down the hillsides toward the Dabus River. As the month of June is part of the season when the rainfalls are the heaviest, the valley had turned into a marshland and was covered with impenetrable tall elephant grass. Fleeing on foot through the wild and impenetrable vegetation was taxing. Blood-thirsty insects swarmed in the tall grass making travel through them immensely difficult and unbearable even to the most experienced adults: they had to fight off biting insects and struggle to walk through the grass at the same time. The children and their guardians found the Dabus was in full flood and unfordable on foot. Fortunately, there were canoes owned by the locals. However, they carried only 2 or 3 individuals at a time. Therefore, it took many hours filled with fear and anxiety to take the children to the other side. After ten days, the children and their caretakers came to Mummee Dhoqsaa on the banks of the Dillaa River, a tributary of the Dabus after ten days (Dhaabaa, December 9, 2013).
The Dillaa was also in flood and, as the children were trying to cross under similar stress and circumstances (as when they crossed the Dabus), the TPLF, whose soldiers were still on their heels, opened fire on them in the Gunfi area. According the OSG report mentioned above, an unknown number of children were killed or wounded, and some were captured by the soldiers. The rest were separated and scattered in different directions. Dhaabaa reported (December 9, 2013) that a clinic in Gunfi (where children who were suffering from malaria and other diseases were getting medication) was surrounded by the TPLF soldiers who opened fire on them. Although caretakers were assigned and had accompanied each group (Dhaabaa, see above) it is difficult to say how many of the children were able to escape the TPLF troops as they continued to chase and capture or kill them for many weeks.
ORA_History_Photo_13
Picture 13: Some of the ORA teenagers in Bikoree, Sudan, having a good time together in 1990.
This and the other pictures taken in exile show that the children were well cared for by ORA.
Photo: Tarfa Dibaba
As mentioned above, there is no doubt that the TPLF forces knew that those who were fleeing from them were children, as well as their caretakers and teachers, and not Oromo soldiers or fighters. Although they might have been “carrying out” orders from above, they behaved monstrously as though the children they were chasing and killing were not human beings like themselves. It seems that they captured, persecuted or killed the children as a matter of duty.
Killed by TPLF bullets or taken by floods while fleeing from them
Nobody knows how many of the ORA children were killed or captured and imprisoned by the TPLF. Different incidents are mentioned by the sources in which the children incurred casualties at the initial stage of their flight. According Abdalla Suleeman, a former OLF fighter, in one attack at a place called Yaa’a Masaraa, near Kobor in Begi district, over 30 children were killed when the TPLF forces bombed a building in which the fleeing children took shelter. He also mentions that many children had also drowned when the pursuing forces opened fire on them on the banks of the Dabus River (personal communication, March 2013). One of the eyewitness-accounts of the TPLF assault was given by a 13-year-old girl, “Milkii” (fictive name as she is married and lives in Oromia now). Milkii was among the group of children who were sent in the direction of Mendi in the north. Although wounded when her group was attacked on the banks of the Dabus River, she was lucky to escape together with her 11-year brother and many of her companions. Regrettably, it was not all the children in her group who had that luck. She said that between 35 and 40 children in her cohort were killed on the riverbank or drowned while trying to cross to the other side seeking safety.
Since we do not have any other eyewitness of the incident described above, we have to accept Milkii’s account with caution. This, not because I believe she is telling lies, but because of the situation under which she had made the observation. However, it is important to note that other sources also indicate that a number of the ORA children had drowned while crossing the Dabus River or its tributaries. The OSG, for example, mentions that about 20 children had drowned while Dhaabaa mentions only one child who died in such an accident. Since the children were dispersed and fled in different directions, nobody seems to know how many of them had drowned or were killed during the flight. It is also difficult to verify whether the sources are referring to the same or to different incidents. In general, given the information we have, it is impossible to account for the fate of the majority of the 1,724 children who returned home, nor of the 300 who were in the Caanqaa and Mummee Dhoqsaa shelters when the TPLF attacked them in June 1992. However, regarding the number of children killed by the TPLFforces,the OSG (Press Release no. 13, August 1996: 17) wrote that “Between 170 and 200 bodies of children were found.” The OSG indicated that the figures were based on “Interviews with surviving children, teachers and carers, and interviews with residents in Wollega province over the last twelve months.” In short, although we cannot confirm the death statistics given above, there is no doubt that many of the ORA children were killed during their three-month long vicious pursuit and assault by the TPLF forces. Among those who were gunned down by the TPLF forces were the three boys — Tolina Waaqjiraa, Duula Tafarraa and Sagantaa Useen — mentioned in the letter cited at the beginning of the article (Dhaabaa, December 9, 2013). As mentioned above, over 300 children were captured and imprisoned in the Dhidheessa concentration camp. As will be revealed in the next part of this article, many died there from hunger, diseases and torture.
Crime against guardians and sympathetic local Oromo population
Noteworthy aspects of the flight of the ORA children were the courage that their guardians — their teachers and caretakers — had shown in protecting them as well as the support given them by the inhabitants of the districts they traversed. The price which both the guardians and many sympathetic peasants had paid to protect and support the children was high. Some were killed during the flight. It seems many were also caught and imprisoned. Among the children’s guardians who were killed were Abbaa Jambaree and Adabaa Imaanaa. The killing of the physically handicapped Adabaa Imaanaa was carried out with barbaric brutality. Dhabaa wrote (November 21, 2013) that:
Adabaa Imaanaa was a guardian of the ORA children starting in Bikoree until the time of the TPLF assault. As he couldn’t walk, I got help from the people who gave us a mule to be used by him during flight from the assaulters. We were followed by the enemy from place to place and arrived in Mummee Dhoksaa on the banks of the Dillaa Gogolaa. After sometime we were surrounded by the enemy. They opened gunfire on us. One of the children’s caretakers, Abba Jambaree was killed. We managed to cross the river by canoes. Since his mule was frightened by the gunfire, panicked and galloped away, we sent away Adaba Imaanaa to limp to his village hiding from the enemy. When I went to his village later and I heard from his neighbors that he had reached his village with difficulty. But the TPLF agents had traced him, surrounded his house, took him out and killed him in late 1992.
However, in spite of the risks involved, the Oromo inhabitants of the districts through which the children passed, sheltered, fed, and directed them to the safest routes, informing them about the whereabouts of the TPLF forces. They had also volunteered to receive and hide those children whom the ORA staff were forced to place in their guardianship. The generosity shown to the fleeing children and their guardians by the inhabitants of the many villages through which they passed, did not go unpunished by the TPLF. According Dhaabaa (November 21, 2013), the first person to be accused of helping the ORA children was a priest in the village of Gabaa Jimaata mentioned above. His name was Abbabaa. He was dragged out of his house by the TPLF soldiers and shot in cold blood. A farmer called Gaaddisaa Daaphoo was killed for feeding the children and their guardians in Harrojjii, a village in which they stayed during their flight.
It is difficult to imagine the hate that makes people commit such atrocities. Why did they kill, for example, a physically handicapped old man? Is it because he was an Oromo? What did the Oromo do to them? How can one hate a people amongst whom one lives in such a manner? Some probable answers to these questions will be discussed in the forthcoming part of this article.
———————
[i] Politicide means “a crime committed with intention on political grounds.” More fully, it is a deliberate killing or physical destruction of a group who form (or whose members share a distinctive characteristic of) a political movement.
[ii] I was a contributor for a short time before I left Ethiopia in September 1977.
[iii] See for example, Virginia Lulling, “Oromo Refugees in a Sudanese Town”, Journal of Northeast African Studies, 8(2&3), 1996.
———————
Gadaa.com
Mekuria Bulcha, PhD and Professor of Sociology, is an author of widely read books and articles. His most recent book, Contours of the Emergent and Ancient Oromo Nation, was published by CASAS (Centre for Advanced Studies of African Society), Cape Town, South Africa, in 2011. He was also the founder and publisher of The Oromo Commentary (1990-1999). He is an active member of the OLF and has served in the different branches of the national movement since the 1970s.

The Rise and an Imminent Fall of a Minority Regime-TPLF

(The Tigrean People’s Liberation Front)

By David Makuria | June 24, 2014
Western democracy is built on the principles of a majority rule while respecting minorities’ rights. This norm is nowhere more evident than the United States of America. Although the Greeks have a legitimate claim to be the oldest democracy in some form, currently, the United States can claim the guardianship of modern democracy. This is not to say other Western democracies have no equal claim of their own. The theme of this article is not to compare Western democracies, but rather, to draw some parallels to show the genesis and demise, the political representation and lack thereof in the current political discourse in Ethiopia. The emergence of the current Ethiopian regime in the national political arena in 1991 is no accident in that citizens of Ethiopia had enough with the previous military junta, the Derg. It is after this change in people’s attitude that the current regime marched to the capital, Addis Abeba without much resistance. It does not; however, appear that the TPLF regime recognizes this reality on the ground. Once they occupied the Arat Kilo Palace, they have done everything to maintain their control on power without paying due regard to citizens interest. Yet, there are numerous signs that power is slipping away from this regime.
There are some telltale signs that the TPLF regime is losing its grips on power. After all, a minority regime which serves only itself and neglects the will and interests of the overwhelming majority has no future, but eventually succumbs to the will and demand of the people. Arbitrary arresting of journalists/bloggers, jamming opposition radio and TV channels, indiscriminate labelling members of a certain ethnic group who do not comply with their political agenda as terrorists, firing at and killing peaceful student protestors as young as teenagers, the list can go on and on. But, what more signals do we need as a proof for the decaying of this repressive state. All the aforementioned measures indicate actions taken by a desperate and repressive regime such as TPLF. There is no doubt that this regime will disintegrate sooner than later. The question is not if but when? However, what worries many political observers in the Horn of Africa is that out of desperation they will vent their anger on the general public who is unarmed and unprepared especially in Oromia region. Nevertheless, one can argue they are already doing just that, the recent measure they took on peaceful student protestors against the Addis Abeba Master Plan (AAMP) being a case in point.
In another clear sign of desperation, the Ethiopian repressive state has tightened its shackle this time on the diaspora community. In this case, they just wanted to play the terrorist card on Somali descendants who are leaving away from their homeland. They don’t shy away to label all the members of a certain ethnic group as terrorists when in fact they are the one who are terrorizing the 90-plus million people in Ethiopia for the past 23 years. By their definition, almost all the members of the Oromo, Somali, Sidama, Benishangul-Gumuz, Gambela, Hadya nations, et. al. are terrorists, since according to TPLF, they all support ‘terrorist organizations’ such as the OLF and other liberation fronts. The OLF is an Oromo organization established by the Oromo people for the Oromo people, there is no denying that! Likewise, ONLF is an Organization for the Somali people. Allow freedom of choice in Ethiopia and see which political parties the public elect as their representatives!
It is a tragedy to be considered a terrorist in one’s own country just because one belongs to a certain ethnic group. There will come a time when they can’t play this game anymore in the face of international community in general and Ethiopian community in particular. However, this political deception and mockery has been going on for far too long and needs to end now before it is too late. The Western world, especially the US and its allies need to see this repressive state for what it is. Throwing tax payers money to this regime and hoping it will get better is self-deception at best. In fact, the aid money Ethiopia gets in some ways exacerbates the problem rather than solve it since the regime uses part of this money to buy ammunitions and other logistics to suppress the public. The TPLF regime is comprised of callous, cold-blooded murderers. There are already multiple instances of mass-murder committed by this regime. To protect its power, it doesn’t hesitate to shoot at its civilian citizen. Unless corrective measures are taken by the West, a civil war is in the making in Ethiopia in the not too distant future. Ethiopia could become president Obama’s Rwanda. Let’s hope this day won’t come, but hope by itself is not enough unless it is followed by concrete plan and actions.
What more evidence do we need for this repressive state to be considered genocidal. The recent attempts to silence peaceful mass demonstration throughout Oromia implicate this scenario. According to some observers, Ethiopia is one of the countries at greatest risk of state-led mass killing based on ethnic origin. In a sign of complete intolerance to peaceful dissension, time and again, the Ethiopian repressive state has shown its callous nature by taking excessive force and firing live ammunitions at unarmed protestors by its ‘Agazi’ force. This ‘Agazi’ force is a composition of special military and federal forces organized for just this purpose, i.e., to quash any opposition against the regime. This force is mainly recruited from the ruling Tigrean ethnic minority, particularly those who are in the upper leadership positions. Supposedly, Oromia state has its own police force to take care of its domestic affairs such as dealing with peaceful demonstrations. However, the regime does not trust this police force. This shows complete lack of federalism where individual states denied exercising their constitutional authority.
The brutal crackdown on the Oromo people is not new, but recently the extent to which it is done is alarming. In a sign of desperation the regime is becoming even more repressive. The Oromo public at home is bearing the full force of this repressive regime. For the Oromo public, the choice is either to join the regime or be labelled as a terrorist, there is no middle ground. Life is very hard unless one is a member of EPRDF, the ruling party for the past 23 years. EPRDF is a pseudo-TPLF, where the minority party (TPLF) has a complete control and stronghold on the political and economics of the country. Employment opportunity is preferentially given to members of this ruling political organization. The same is true for Oromo farmers; fertilizers, selected seeds, pesticides and herbicides are given to EPRDF members only. More importantly, in another sign of callousness, in areas were drought and famine is persistence, even foreign aid is denied unless one is a member. To recruit members they use starvation as a weapon, talk about a heartless regime. All these show that ordinary citizens’ livelihood is drastically affected based on ones affiliation to EPRDF.
Another weapon they utilize effectively against the general public at home is fear. One can argue the reason why they take excessive measures against any opposition is to instill fear in the psyche of the people. As an example, the disproportionate measure they took against Ambo students peaceful protesters in opposition to the AAMP is to create fear among students in other university campuses in Oromia so that they will refrain to do so. This is a regime trying to prolong its power by fear, intimidation, harassment, persecution and whatever measure under its control. But, we need to overcome fear and face the challenges like the students throughout Oromia have shown time and time again. Currently, TPLF has an unmatched army; however, they need to realize the fact that they do not have the public backing and also the truth is in our corner. They might intimidate us, shed our blood, break our bone; but they will never break our will and our determination to restore our God given right and our freedom!
One apparatus they use effectively to shackle the public in fear is the Kangaroo court they instituted against any opposing individual and opposition parties. This legal system is designed to inflict the most severe and harshest of penalties to create fear among the public rather than to serve justice. This legal maneuverings play key roles by legitimizing the regime’s repression by fabricating charges against any opposition and this fake, Kangaroo court prosecutes the alleged defendants under the guise of due process. This system makes sure that whoever is deemed a treat to the hegemony of TPLF political apparatus will be found guilty by this court. Loaded words such as ‘treason’, ‘conspiracy’, and ‘terrorism’ are used most often to punish political prisoners with maximum penalty. To legalize this Kangaroo court, the TPLF-led parliament passed the so-called proclamation of anti-terrorism and the charities and societies law. Because of this decree, Oromo activists such as Bekele Gerba and Olbana Lelisa, prominent Muslim leaders and several independent journalists and so many political prisoners are languishing in TPLF prison camps today. Even female prisoners who are due to deliver their babies are not spared from this cruel scepter of law and forced to give birth in prison cells. There are also numerous incidents where political prisoners were denied medical attention and ended up passing away in prison. The torture and brutal murder of Engineer Tesfahun Chemeda and Aslan Hasan can be mentioned as examples here.
This is an ongoing dilemma for the Oromo public currently residing back home. Oromo identity has become a reason for extrajudicial killing, harassment, imprisonment, eviction from one’s own land. There is no more humiliation than this, for Oromos to be considered second class citizens in their ancestral land. Even for the OPDO members who work for their masters, TPLF, there is mistrust in that they are constantly spied upon. Those who do not follow strict orders from the TPLF leadership would lose their job to the extent of being thrown into jail. For OPDO, the choice is clear, before it is too late; to disavow TPLF and join their Oromo brethren to fight for the legitimate Oromo question or be subjected to eternal humiliation. If it weren’t for the OPDO, TPLF cannot withstand the current Oromo movement. It’s time for OPDO to learn from history and rectify its course and join the legitimate Oromo question. The train is about to leave the station, the time is right and it is better late than never! One crucial question OPDO members should ask themselves is how Oromo interests are better served under TPLF leadership rather than by authentic and independent Oromo organizations such as OLF?
Since TPLF took power in May 1991, a new Oromo generation has come of age. This new generation also referred by the name ‘Qubee Generation’ has a worldview unlike any previous Oromo generations. This ’Qubee Generation’ has arrived at the political scene of Ethiopia equipped with unadulterated and authentic Oromo values, history, culture and language. Their core political belief is shaped not only by the Oromo nationalism question, but also by what is transpiring in Ethiopia. They are at the core of the current political discourse in Ethiopia and spearheading the reviving Oromo nationalism, ready to restore the dignity of the Oromo nation at whatever cost. In this sense, they are a force to be reckoned with! To ignore their legitimate Oromo nationalism question is foolish at best and political suicide at worst in the long run. The regime’s measure recently taken to quell their legitimate question about the expansion of Addis Abeba by taking away millions of Oromos’ farmland around the capital city is another futile effort which escalates the situation rather than solves it. Most of the ‘Qubee Generation, like any other Oromo generation, are the sons and daughters of Oromo farmers. To take away their ancestral farmland is like to deny them their means of livelihood. Like most Oromos, they strongly denounce and oppose this land grabbing scheme in the name of development.
For too long, the Oromo question is ignored by all the regimes ruling the Ethiopian empire since its inception some 130 years ago hoping it will go away. The Oromo public has forcefully been assimilated in its own land ever since the Ethiopian Empire came to existence. We were forced to abandon our own language and adapt a foreign one, the Amheric language. The Oromo people have been systematically marginalized from the economic and socio-political discourse. For far too long upward mobility and educational opportunities were intentionally limited or denied for the Oromos. Like its predecessor, the TPLF regime has created an Apartheid-like economic system where they hand pick who to succeed or to fail. Not only is employment opportunities in governmental organizations are preferentially given to EPRDF members but in the private sector, money lending is mainly available to close kin and party affiliates. In fact, there are reports that the Tigrean elites do not even pay taxes on their businesses. On the other hand, plenty of well-established Oromo businessmen were either put to jail for no apparent reason other than their identity or forced to flee the country abandoning their businesses.
An all-out war on the Oromo public at home has been waged in all fronts: social, economic, and political for far too long. Yet, there are some achievements attained such as using the Oromo language as a working language in Oromia since 1991. However, there are groups including the current Ethiopian regime who are trying to reverse this achievement. Ignoring the political aspiration of the largest ethnic group in Ethiopia, i.e., the Oromos will have disastrous consequences in the long run. Scarifies are made in blood and treasure, generations of Oromo nationalists paid dearly for this cause, there is no going back. Underestimate this ‘Qubee generation’ at your own peril! Not only the fate of the Oromo nationalism movement depends on this ‘Qubee generation’ but the future direction of the country in general will depend on this golden Oromo generation. The current movement by the ‘Qubee Generation’ across institutions in Oromia region points to this fact.
The ‘Qubee Generation’ cannot liberate the Oromo people alone from tyranny. It is imperative on the rest of us especially those of us who live abroad to stand by their side. In light of the current effort by the TPLF regime to legitimize its barbaric act on civilians, they instituted a draconian law. Any dissent is judged by this draconian prism. Tens of thousands of Oromo citizens are jailed for no apparent reason other than their identity. By some account, most Oromo intellectuals and businessmen are either in prison in Ethiopia or fled the country. In an effort to hide its murderous rampage, the regime has also expelled independent journalists especially from Oromia. In the still ongoing student movement episode, particularly in the town of Ambo, scores of unarmed students were shot at and killed. The full extent of this rampage is not reported. So, it is incumbent on those Oromo nationals who live in the West to expose this heartless misdeed. Needless to say, it is encouraging to see passionate diaspora Oromo public showing its support to our fellow citizens at home. Oromo nationals residing abroad in small and major cities converged to show their solidarity by soliciting the Oromo cause to the world. This movement does not appear to calm down any time soon.
Moreover, it is very encouraging to see the efforts put toward to strengthen civic societies by the diaspora Oromo community. It is more important than ever to reinforce the existing Oromo civic societies and to establish new ones. TPLF is doing all it can to dismantle the fabrics of Oromo society. It has waged an all-out war on Oromo-way of life out of fear for the growing Oromo nationalism. The closing of Macha and Tulama, and land-grabbing of native Oromo farmlands around Addis Abeba without due consultation and proper compensation points to this undertaking by the regime. But, there are some very promising activities among the diaspora Oromo communities to undo just that. The formation of AFAAN Publication to teach Oromo values, language and culture to kids of the diaspora Oromo families and ultimately to all Oromo kids is one effort worth mentioning. In her own words Toltu Tufa, the person responsible for the initiation of AFAAN said “her dream is to create a book in the Oromo language for every Oromo child in every family, in every home.” This is a dream worth fighting for and we should support her. National identity is a reflection of one’s own language, culture, norms and values and should be passed to posterity and AFAAN is set out just to do that. Another very important recent achievement among Oromo communities is the establishment of media organizations such as Oromo Media Network (OMN).
It is hard to overlook the crucial role social media and independent media organizations play in a repressive state such as Ethiopia. In the absence of objective and independent journalism at home, the establishment of OMN does no come at a better time. The Oromo public at home is a victim of TPLF’s deceptive propaganda machine. To counter this completely false and misleading propaganda, we need authentic Oromo news outlets such as OMN. Almost all independent journalists are either in prison or fled the country for fear of persecution. Particularly, in the context of the ongoing Oromo students’ movement, an independent Oromo media such as OMN plays a crucial role. Just a few months have passed since the inception of OMN; nevertheless, it is hard to overstate the role it is playing by shedding light on the barbaric act of the TPLF regime against those peaceful protesters. The grim pictures of our fellow citizens depicted on these media outlets are reminders that we need to redouble our efforts to expose this tyrannical regime. Perhaps, it is our overriding duty to support as well as nurture these quintessential Oromo media organizations. Remember, wars are not only won in battlefields, but also in media outlets!
Another very important tool in this information technology age is social media such as Facebook and Tweeter. Although the Ethiopian government controls the communication apparatus and intentionally keeps the internet penetration rate very low; even with this tight control and limited access, social media can still play a vital role to debunk the dissemination of false propaganda by the regime. We all remember the impact of social media on the Tunisian Revolution (also known as Jasmine Revolution) and The Egyptian Revolution of 2011 (locally known as the January 25 Revolution). Both revolutions benefited tremendously from the utilization of Facebook and Tweeter. Citizens of both countries were propagating and sharing messages using Facebook and Tweeter in the absence of traditional media outlets such as TV or radio. Unlike these traditional news outlets, the dissemination of information through social media can reach many more audience quicker than ever. Moreover, it does not need the infrastructure hurdle required to establish radio and TV stations.
Another essential body the diaspora Oromo communities should establish is a Legal team. Diaspora Oromo legal experts should play vital and leading roles. This body can bring the perpetrators of these heinous crimes to justice; give legal advice to different Oromo civic societies; lobbies representatives, senators and executive brunches. We should all remember that we are the representatives of the Oromo nation; we have to solicit for the Oromo nationalism question, interests and values. One thing the TPLF regime does very well is to hide its atrocious crime and present itself as a democratically elected government. But, the truth cannot be any further than this! By some estimation, the regime’s 40 % annual budget comes from foreign aid. Essentially, in some ways our tax money goes directly or indirectly to suppress our people. At the very least, by exposing this repressive state we should influence the West to revise its policies toward this regime. There are mounting evidences that this regime has committed ethnic cleansing and mass murder. We should be collecting and organizing all the evidences which implicate the regime’s endeavors and present these evidences to committees such as Foreign Aid Appropriations Committees of the US Congress. That day will undoubtedly come when these murderers will face justice, but we should work tirelessly before it is too late!
The recent discovery of mass grave site is another revealing sign that this repressive, genocidal state is desperate to hide its wrongdoings. Most of the citizens of the empire are facing subjugation and inhumane treatment, the brunt of which is imposed on the Oromo people out of fear of Oromo nationalism. The scrambling of the regime to hide this mass grave site is another telltale sign that the TPLF regime is on its last gasp. It is reported that in the Western zone of Oromia, West Hararghe in Hamaressa district a mass grave site was uncovered by the residents. There was also a report that a clash taking place between the locals and the regime on this issue culminating in the injury of few members of the local community by the regime force. On this same site is built a military camp, which the regime has been using for the past 23 years. Do they have anything to hide? I believe so, since, if they do not have anything to hide, they would have led the investigation and let forensic experts take care of the truth. In fact, if what they have done in the past 23 years is any lesson, they would have organized the heralding event themselves with fanfare and camera crew for the world to watch the uncovering of this mass grave. On the contrary, the effort they have put to hide this site so far shows anything but their innocence.
Just when I was about to post this article, I came across one of the well-researched writings of Dr. Makuria Bulcha, a renowned Oromo scholar, about the mass massacre and imprisonment of ORA (Oromo Relief Association) Orphans by the TPLF military in West Wellega Zone during 1991-1992. In this article, Dr. Bulcha, with ample evidence, put forward how cold-blooded this regime is. In this account, he shed light on the gruesome reality of what transpired during the summer of 1992. These children of Oromo descendants were not spared from the cruelty of the TPLF regime although they were as young as 6 and as old as 17 years old. These kids were parentless, unarmed and trying to find a safe place like any other kid to play with their peers and to go to school. The ruthless TPLF army hunted down, shot, wounded and killed some of these kids cold-bloodedly while putting the rest in prison camps with military prisoners. If this is not human cruelty at its worst I do not know what is? This crime rivals that of Nazi Germany’s crime against humanity and the instigators should be brought to justice. We should organize our resources towards this end.
More than ever, the Oromo liberation movement is at its critical and final juncture spearheaded by Oromos from all walks of life. One can say in the past decade the Oromo nationalism question had some setbacks due to infighting among Oromo Political parties and fragmentations of our efforts. Apparently, mistakes have been made, but instead of pointing fingers, we all should ask ourselves the question, what did I contribute for the Oromo movement? In some ways, we all are the leaders of the Oromo movement and we all should share the blame. No Oromo has a superior moral authority to blame the other; we rise and fall together. Formation of a vibrant Oromo society depends on all of us; we should all own this movement. Better still, we should learn from our mistakes and make amends for our past setbacks. More importantly, we should consolidate our efforts toward our common goal, to liberate the Oromo people from tyranny. We should rise to the occasion like generations of Baro Tumssa and General Tadessa Biru; we need more selfless Oromos like Bekele Gerba and Olbana Lelisa.
The regime is undeniably shaken from its core and its looming fall is bound to happen, but it is up to us to facilitate its demise and alter the political discourse of the Empire in our favor. Undoubtedly, as they become more and more desperate, they will take harsher measures to silence the public. The current land grabbing scheme in Oromia in the name of development is one more deception to irreversibly alter the socio-political and economic structures in Oromia. It’s a grand scheme designed to marginalize the Oromo farmers by denying and removing them from their ancestral land. What the TPLF regime has accomplished against the Oromo public within the last quarter of a century rivals what had been achieved by the previous regimes combined in a century against the Oromo society. If we let this to happen, the fabrics of the Oromo society as we know it will not exist anymore. They are against the Oromo values, language, culture, norm and our way of life. They are racing against time to alter the social construct in Oromia to finish the social engineering project their close kin has started since the inception of the Ethiopian Empire.
However, we should not relent since victory will not come without sacrifices and it is the call of this generation Oromos to undo this injustice and heinous act perpetrated against the Oromo society. Our struggle is for the survival of the Oromo nation, the enemy is doing all it can to reduce us to a minority with no land. To answer this call and finish the work of previous Oromo generations the ‘Qubee Generation’ has risen to the occasion. Harassment, intimidation, imprisonment, torture, expulsion from higher education and killing by the regime has not deterred this determined Oromo generation. More than ever we need to redouble our effort for our cause is just and victory is within sight! For us the choice is clear, either to lose our identity and perish for eternity or restore our ‘Oromummaa’ and once more create a vibrant Oromo nation. The former is unthinkable as nobody wanted to live in bondage and humiliation while the latter is our only option and our natural right worth fighting for!
Finally, it is greatly encouraging to see one of the Oromo friends in the South, i.e., the Sidama people showing their solidarity with the Oromo movement. Notwithstanding the repeated intimidation and harassment by the TPLF regime, and after a month long protraction of the request they have made to show their solidarity to the ongoing peaceful student movement in Oromia, the Ethiopian repressive state has caved in to their demand for a peaceful demonstration. With persistence comes result! We are not alone in this fight. The floodgate is opening slowly but surely. Citizens from different nations and nationalities are openly showing their opposition to this repressive state. Too often the regime has utilized the divide and rule policy. They have orchestrated clashes between not only Oromos with other nations and nationalities, but also among different families of the Oromo nation. The recent clash between the Gujji and Borana Oromos are one such example. But, this modus operandi won’t work forever and ultimately this repressive regime will run out of deceits and its days are numbered. As the saying goes they can run but they can’t hide from their deception and mischiefs!
Victory to all the oppressed people!
Injifannoon saboota chunqurfamniif!