Commercial farming, with its vast tracts of land, is running into
problems in Ethiopia’s Gambella region – and local communities are
reaping few benefits
Guards near Saudi Star’s farm in Gambella, which was attacked by gunmen two years ago. Photograph: William Davison As dusk envelops the grasslands of Gambella in western Ethiopia ,
a weary Jakob Pouch sits on a jerry can, resting his chest against a
wooden staff. The 45-year-old evangelical preacher from the Nuer
community has just made the three-hour walk from the banks of the Baro
river, where he tends to his large family’s small plot of corn. His
daughters are preparing cabbage and cobs to be cooked on an open fire.
In the opposite direction, across the asphalt road that leads to South Sudan ,
lies the farm of BHO Bioproducts, an Anglo-Indian company growing rice
and cotton on the 27,000 hectares (67,000 acres) it has leased.
Pouch says the company doesn’t care about the people of his village,
Wath-Gach. Grazing land has been lost, and BHO has built a wooden cage
around a water pump to prevent locals using it. “From the beginning we
did not have a good relationship,” he says. “It was given without
consultation. There has been lots of negative impact.” The company
didn’t respond to a request for comment.
BHO’s operation ,
which began in 2010, is one of many concessions Ethiopia’s government
has granted in Gambella, including one plot leased to the Indian company
Karuturi Global of 100,000 hectares. Commercial farmers are expected to
bring knowhow, technology and jobs to one of the country’s poorest and
most remote regions. By converting uncultivated bush into productive
farms, officials believed food security and export revenues would
improve in a country dominated by subsistence agriculture.
But despite those worthy ambitions, progress has been hampered by
Gambella’s logistical difficulties, and a failure to ensure local
communities benefit.
The village of Ilea is home to people from Gambella’s other main
indigenous group, the Anuak. It’s also been the headquarters of
Karuturi’s operation for the past five years. In the village, a group of
men shelter from the afternoon heat, passing round a tobacco waterpipe.
Behind them, women draw water from a well built by the government.
Karuturi’s project has stalled after managers discovered that four-fifths of the land is in a floodplain .
The firm also failed to build relations with residents, according to
the elders. Complaints include reduced land for farming and hunting, no
promised health clinic, cattle dying from ingesting pesticides, the
burning of unwanted maize, and only a handful of jobs for villagers.
“The government benefits from the tax but the community does not
benefit,” says Obang Wudo, one of the elders.
Jakob Pouch says his community in Gambella hasn’t benefited from a nearby commercial farm.
Photograph: William Davison
The gripes of Ilea’s residents about Karuturi are compounded by their
concerns about nearby land parcelled out to Ethiopian investors from
outside Gambella. They say they frequently lobby the regional government
to act, but nothing has been done.
That region’s president, Gatluak Tut Khot, expresses support for
investors engaged in “very difficult work”. The regional government
can’t force companies to pay more, he explains, but his administration
has held meetings to improve relations. “They have to respect the
interests of the community and those who need jobs from them,” he says.
Gambella has been the focus of a political fallout between the central government and advocacy groups such as Human Rights Watch and the Oakland Institute – with donors uncomfortably positioned in the middle. The critics claim that a resettlement programme to move scattered rural populations to larger settlements was coercive and designed to clear the way for investors . Ethiopia says rights groups from the global north are ideologically opposed to its state-heavy development model and that the voluntary resettlement
programme was to make public service delivery more cost-efficient. The
UK’s Department for International Development and the World Bank are
facing legal inquiries for funding the salaries of civil servants who staffed the enlarged villages.
Bikrum Gill is studying the impact of Indian investors on Gambella’s
people for his doctorate, with a specific focus on Karuturi. He found
that locals had hoped to access more food and better farming
technologies, but were often disappointed. Instead, communities lost
land and flooding worsened. Speaking specifically about the Karuturi
investment, Gill says: “It’s difficult to ascertain, what, if any,
benefits this project has brought to affected local people.”
Karuture farm managers at the site referred inquires to the company’s
head office, which didn’t respond to attempts to contact it.
One farmer from Ethiopia’s highlands, who did not want to be named,
tells a different story. He thinks the wave of commercial farming will
transform an economic backwater. “They were sitting on the side of the
riverbank,” he says about locals. “If investors are coming, their life
has changed, they are operators, technicians.” He pays 50 birr (about
£1.60) a day – above the average for manual labour in Ethiopia – and
provides transport for his workers. Eight houses have been built for
teachers, he says, and 25 hectares cleared for the community to plough.
Some larger enterprises are also reaching out. At the request of the regional administration, Saudi Star Agricultural Development ’s
four-year-old rice farm in another part of the region has hired 40
local professionals, while district governments will each get two
tractors for young people to use.
“We know we’re creating job opportunities, transforming skills,
training locals,” says the firm’s chief executive, Jemal Ahmed. “The
community has to profit from the project and we have social
responsibility.” He is fully aware of local sensitivities about the
company’s work. The farm, bankrolled by Ethiopian-born Saudi billionaire
Mohammed al-Amoudi, was attacked by gunmen two years ago and has been criticised as a land-grab .
Ahmed says no one was displaced from Saudi Star’s 10,000 hectares,
which were earmarked in the late 1980s by the previous government for
large-scale agriculture. “It’s not part of any villagisation, it’s not
been grabbed – that’s a fact,” he says. “But people who have their own
agenda, – Oakland Institute and Human Rights Watch – fabricated stories and campaigned against this project.”
Gill says part of the problem is that investors are “not seeing the
people on the land … It precludes the possibility of engaging with
locals. To succeed you have to build out of local diversity and
knowledge.”
=>theguardian