Monday, January 20, 2014

Oromo: OLF Convenes Solidarity Conference


The Oromo Liberation Front convened a solidarity conference to address the social, political and economic situation of the Horn of Africa, with a specific focus on Ethiopia. The Ogaden Liberation Front also took part in the solidarity conference as well as the Eritrean Solidarity.

Below is the full speech of the OLF representative:

Dear Mr. Chairman,

Dear Honorable representatives of People’s Front for Democracy and Justice (PFDJ), Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF) and beloved Oromo, ogadenian and Eritrean community as a whole!!   It is a great privilege and honor for me to be among you today representing the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF).  First of all, I would like to my deepest gratitude to the organizing Committee for having organized such a timely and important conference supposed to assess the social, political and economic situation of the Horn of Africa with special emphasis on Ethiopian empire. 

Ladies and Gentlemen, 

The Oromo-Ogaden and Eritrean Solidarity, such as we see today here in Frankfurt, did not emanate overnight or out of naught. It has rather had its own history and raison d’etre in our distant history of struggle for freedom against the oppression and subjugation we commonly have suffered and been suffering still under the Ethiopian empire.  Indeed, I believe that the Oromo-Ogaden-Eritrean solidarity is deeply rooted in the hearts of our respective peoples who continually aspire through their struggle to restore their inalienable right to the right of self-determination. No doubt, each people has its own separate history and social identity in accordance to which it articulates the specifity of its problems and hence propose their solutions accordingly. However, those speficities can never override the common experience of colonial oppression and therefore the necessity of solidarity among freedom seeking different peoples. Freedom for each is pre-determined by freedom for all and vice-versa. Such mutuality and reciprocity lies at the core principle of the type of solidarity I am talking about. Though the Eritrean people have already counted two decades of freedom and sovereignty, it is precisely because of this basic principle that the Eritrean people and government still remain in solidarity with the Oromos, Ogadenians and other oppressed nations and nationalities. Its freedom will not be a full-fledged one without the freedom of other oppressed peoples of the region, because the security and political stability in Eritrea are unthinkable without peace and justice in the region as a whole. Therefore, the urge and strive for peoples’ freedom would remain to be the ultimate explanation for the relentless support the Eritrean state have been giving to the Oromo liberation struggle. The Oromo, Ogaden and Eritrean solidarity is a matter of categorical imperative to the political will of the region and the Horn of Africa in general - not just an accidental phenomena that lies in the whim of their respective politicians. 

 Honorable representatives and all participants of the conference,

Our common march to freedom, equality and justice is just like traveling on a big ship which sails on the vast open ocean to a common destiny. Not only do we need to ascertain where we are traveling to but also the conditions of the ship and the possible obstructions it may face, be it natural or technical, so that the ship not only arrive at the point of  its original and final destination safely but also smoothly and punctually. This is an analogy that best describes for me the common march of the Oromo-Ogden and other oppressed peoples in Ethiopian empire to freedom as they are progressing in their endeavor to build and shape a more stable, democratic and prosperous society.  As much as the sailing journey is dependent on many unforeseeable natural calamities, human and technical failures, our common march to freedom can never be smooth, calculable or guaranteed against all odds. As experience has repetitively shown us, our journey has always been with many ups and downs which would often result with forth and backward movements in our struggle. 

Betrayal in the course of Ethiopian politics has been observed several times in our protracted struggle. In 1991, for example, the mediating international community promised solidarity with our struggle as it heralded the famous motto “No democracy, No support”. But sooner than the ink, with which the transitional charter was written, dried, the western world turned, as you all know deaf ear and blind eye to the catastrophic aftermath of the failure of the transitional agreement. The so called international community was not alone in such a betrayal. Even our neighboring countries such as Kenya, Sudan and Djibouti did the same by having subsequently handed over our veterans to the EPRDF government. In due course of time, we were even betrayed by our own members as the balance of force kept tilting to the side of the TPLF/EPRDF. 

Despite all the odds and the calamities we had to be through, our determination and resilience to struggle for freedom have been gathering its momentum through the immense sacrifices the Oromo Liberation Army and the Oromo youth have been paying back at home. By contrast, we Oromos in Diaspora need to critically asses ourselves in respect to minimum national duties we are expected to fulfill on our part. We need to be reflective as to whether we do all what we can do in protecting and safeguarding, at least, the achievements of those sacrifices. We need to learn from our past mistakes not to repeat history.  Today, we need, more than ever, to resolutely work and endeavor to be the master of our own destiny rather than simply waiting and hoping some one else to accomplish our own duty.  Today, our peoples are in a period of transition. It is a transition from self-awareness as a nation towards self-realizing as a social agent of change towards achieving more stable, prosperous and democratic system for the entire region without relinquishing one's own ideals and national identity. As history taught us, a period like this is indeed full of sensitive and critical problems, which often can result in a setback and the deterioration of the nation's living conditions. It is in this situation that social instability would result and would further precipitate chaotic and disorderly behaviors even amongst freedom seeking nations themselves. Such a period could even be more dangerous when the stronger or superior sides are forcing their own will by repressive mechanisms.   Accordingly, today our nations are challenged with varied, complex and multifaceted problems in the areas of politics, economy, social affairs, and security and Environmental conservations. 

Therefore, taking this opportunity I would like to extend our call again to stand shoulder to shoulder in the face of the larger common goal of eradicating the horrendous oppressive system of Ethiopian empire and to ascertain freedom, liberty, justice, and Peace for our peoples and the Horn as well. Needless to stress the fact that only people’s freedom and liberation can guarantee for peace and stability in the region.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

In what follows, I would like to shed a light on how the TPLF led EPRDF ruled with iron feast for the last 22 years. It created in the 1990s a form of “indirect rule” based on official definition of ethnicity. Organizationally, the TPLF managed full control over the EPRDF. It systematically pushed out viable opposition forces out of legal political playing field. Key positions in National defense force and security were overwhelmingly occupied by Tigreans. Finally, they managed to build one of the strongest army in Africa not only to smash down any opposition force in the country but also to keep and guard "security and stability" in other African states such as the ones it sent to Rwanda, Liberia, Sudan,  Somalia and South Sudan in the name of "peace-keeping force". In having done so, it used the opportunity in portraying itself as the best partner of the West in fighting international terrorism. Mind you!! Its achievements are two fold at a stroke. While it is consolidating its military power and dominance in the region on the one hand, it is simultaneously using this very act as a source of securing international financial support and legitimacy, on the other. By the same token, it puts all IGAD member countries under its influence either by across border raid or trade tie such us promoting Electric power. It higher foreign consultants in Brussels, London, Washington D.C and New York for the purpose of lobbying its repressive political system to the western governments. It sold fertile land of Oromia and the south to foreigners and used its subversive action as a diplomatic leverage. It bought and penetrated oppositions with money and trying to attract Diaspora with minor petty benefits. Despite all these, it never succeeded to defeat our liberation struggle. On the contrary, we are vigilant, resilient and determined in our struggle more than ever. Today we are progressively getting better militarily. As I already mentioned, the Oromo Liberation Army is very much visible in its consistent operations in the entire Oromia regions including the central one, directly, adjacent to the capital city Addis Ababa. General civil unrest and mass movement have been under way for quite sometime thanks to the Oromo Youth, known as Qerro, which is getting progressively engulf all other social sectors beyond the youth. 

Ladies and gentlemen,

Finally, our struggle for democracy, freedom and self-determination stands at a historic juncture where it is gathering and consolidating its momentums in determining not only our separate destinies but also the course of history for the entire region in the future. As I have already mentioned elsewhere, as an Oromo nation and Oromo Liberation Front we believe that our alliance with all oppressed peoples, progressive democratic forces and peace seeking neighboring countries in the region is strategically important in the drive towards freedom, peace and stability for the Horn. The struggle for freedom will be concluded when the right to self-determination is realized and choice of the people is implemented and respected. In this regard we have to be cautious not to make unforgivable failure by deciding our self the outcome of a people’s choice that affects the existence of the right to make a choice. The outcome of our people’s referendum should not be a subject of a political discussion as we witness today. In respect to this principal position of the OLF, I recommend my fellow Oromos to see not things in their mundane existence but in their interrelationships, not in their snapshot appearance but in their contextual essence as part and parcel of a larger process.
Ladies and gentlemen,
The politics of alliance demands identifying reliable partners, articulating and undertaking common objectives to be achieved and cultivating mutual trust to achieve further consolidation of unity at yet higher level. Interests based on geographic proximity, Cultural ties, Complementary economy, suffering the same fate of subjugation are all factors that make the Oromo and other oppressed peoples of the south natural allies. This shouldn’t be misused by lack of skills and foresight on both sides. EPRDF is skilled in instigating ethnic conflict. The ongoing savage act of “the Somali kilil liyyuu tor" on Oromos (in the Mayyoo, Fadiis, Miidhagaa Lolaa, Cinaaksan, Baabbilee area of the east Oromia and far south at Diida of Booranaa zone) is just a case in point. Our vanguard organizations and both Oromo and Ogaden elders need to work hard to stop such bloodshed orchestrated by our common enemy, the TPLF. I should unmistakably emphasize that we Oromos have no any animosity towards any other people in the region except we are against an oppressive and repressive system. We all know that governmental systems are temporal as a matter of historical necessity. However, peoples and their relation to one another remain eternal, in fact, often bonded by common destiny. It is based on this basic fact that we insist on the need and importance of solidarity among our peoples if they are to achieve freedom, justice, prosperity and peace in the region as a whole. An enduring and lasting peace can only be achieved through justice that confers each people with the right of self-determination - a fundamental principle of voluntarism, free choice based contractual conception of society upon which all modern democracies are established.

As a result let us stand together be unite our effort against EPRDF Regime, support each other and work hard in collaboration, to achieve our dream for freedom.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

let me conclude my speech with a reminding announcement to my Oromo fellows and of course Oromo friends: As I suppose you all know, January first is a multifaceted anniversary for the OLF members, supporters and Oromo people at large. It has been decided as a date of anniversary for Oromo liberation army in 1979 and first celebrated in 1980. Since then it has always been celebrated by all freedom loving Oromos around the world. The historical background to this choice is shortly as follows: In November 1973 J/Elemo Qilxuu and his comrades took Chercher as gorilla base to fight against colonial yoke and in September 1974 began to combat against the emperor army but the armed struggle terminated for a while and again started in 1976. It was endangered in 1978 and recovered in 1979. As a result of such hazardous situation encountered by the OLA, January 1stwas selected to be the anniversary day of OLA. Since 1980 January first is celebrated as the day of OLA and New Year. Once again I congratulate you for the day of OLA and wishing you happy New Year.

Thank you for your attention, 

Long live OLA!

Freedom and justice shall prevail!
The struggle for freedom shall continue until victory!
Honor and glory for the fallen heroines!

Thank you,  


=>unpo

Sichi Arrabsamana, Sichi Hidhamna, Sichi Ajjeefamana, Sichi Saamamna, Sichi Biyya Abbaa Keenya Haalamna!

Baareentuu Gadaa irraa*
Tibba kana ilmaan nafxanyootaa biyyaa fi Alattii wal-tahanii duula olaantummaa isaanii calaqqisiisu, kan tuffii saba Oromootif qabana caalaatti argisiisu dalagaa jiraachuu kan quba hin qabne hin jiru. Leelliftoonni sirna gabrummaa kun waggoottan 100n darbaniif Oromoo xiqqeessanii ilaalu, tuffachuu, saamuu hidhanii dararuu fi ajjeessuurraa kan duubattii deebi’anii hin beekne tahanilleen; gochi tibba kana itti jiran garuu kan duuriitin adda. Kan adda isa godhummoo maqaa abbootii isaanii warreen harkaa-miila Oromoo ciran, abbootii isaanii warreen harma haadha teenyaa ciran faarsuu fi dhaadheessuu akkasumas ofii isaanitiifuu osoo carraa argatanii gocha wal-fakkaataa Oromoorratti dabaluuf fedhii kan qaban tahuu calaqqiisiisuu isaanii ti.
Yakkamtoonni har’aa kun; yakkamtoota kaleessa saba Oromoorratti yakka raawwatan maqaan yaamanii “Gochi isaan Oromoorratti dalagan sirrii ture” jechuun uummata Oromoo lammata madeessuudhaaf carraaqaa jiraachuun dhugaa hundi keenyaa quba qabnuu dha. Kana bira darbaniis sabboontonni Oromoo gocha isaanii kana balaaleeffachuu isaanitiin “Inumaawuu saba Oromoo jedhamu hin beeknu, biyyi isaas asii miti, lafti Oromoon har’a irra jirus kan Oromootii miti” jechaat jiru. Kun gar malee nama madeessa, nam dhukkubsa, tuffii dorgomaa hin qabnes!
Gama mootummaa abbaa irree wayyaaneetiinis yakka Oromoorratti hojjeetamaa jiru yoo ilaalle; kan yeroo kamiyyuu caalaa sukanneesaa fi kan dorgomaa hin qabnee ta’aat jira. Yakkoota waggoottan 22n darban keessa Oromoorratti dalagame dhiifnee kanuma waggaa tokkoo as raawwatame yoo kaafnee ilaalle yakka dorgomaa hin qabnee dha. Yakki wayyaaneen Oromoorratti raawwachaa jiru yakka sanyii balleessu ti. Oggaa darbe keessa qofa lammiiwwan Oromoo kumootan lakkaawwaman balleessaa tokko malee dharaan yakkamanii hidhamuu, reebamanii qaamaa hirdhachuu, gariin ajjeefamuu, kan hafan ammoo biyya abbaa isaanirraa baqachiifamuu namni Oromoo tahee quba hin qabne hin jiru. Kan Gammoojjii fi Galaanatti dhume manni haalakkaawu! Kun hunduu tuffatamuu fi gadoottii ilaalamuurraa madda, maal fidaarraa madda! Akka walii galaatti yoo ilaalle yeroo ammaa kana uummanni Oromoo duula gam-lamaan itti baname keessa jira. Gama tokkoon ilmaan Nafaxanyootaa biyya abbaa isaarratti madaa kaleecha itti uuman irra deebi’anii waraananii madeechuuf itti duulaa fi itti dhaadachaa jiru. Gama biraan mootummaan abbaa irree wayyaaneen qabeenya Oromoo saamaa, dhalataa Oromoo hidhaa, dararaa fi ajjeesaa kaan biyyaa baqachiisaa jira. Gama hundaanuu duula qindaayeetu Oromoorratti gaggeeffamaa jira jechuun ni danda’ama!
Dhaadheessitoonni gabrummaa kun “Guyyaa dhalootaa fi du’a nugusa
keenyaa kan Miniliki kabajuun mirga keenya, Oromoon kan mormuuf mirgas hamilees hin qabu, maaliif jennaan Oromoon saba biyya hin qabne, Oromoon saba godaanee dhufe waan taheef haasa’uu hin danda’u” jechaa akka jiran hundi keenyaa arginee dhageenyeerra. Akka dhaadannaa fi holoola jara kanaatti “Inumaawuu Oromoon yoo adabatee taahuu baate Itiyoophiyaa keessaa hari’ama, lafti amma Oromoon irra jiru kun lafa isaatii miti. Biyya Oromiyaa jedhamtus sabni Oromoo jedhamus naannoo kana hin turre, dhiheenya kana godaanee dhufee qubate” jechuun nu xiqqeessuu fi ijoo gadootiin nu ilaaluu barbaadu.
Gabronfattoonnii fi leelliftoonni garbrummaa kun seenaa dogoggoraa fi jal’aa kan kijiba irratti hundaa’e; kan abbootiin isaanii warri diina ummata Oromoo ta’an barreessan har’as achii as baasuun dhara kaleessaa dhugaa fakkeeffachuuf lallabaa jiru. Kanaaf ragaan tokko ammoo gaafii fi deebii namni Taklee yeshaawu jedhamu kan Jaarmiyaa Morash Waganee gaggeessu Raadiyoo hawaasa Itophiyaa Amerikaa keessa jiruuf kennee dha.
Namni kun “Oromoon biyya hin qabu godaaneet dhufe, kan amma irra jirus biyya isaatii miti. Yoo adabatee hin teenye hinumaawuu biyyaa hariina” jedheera. Akka Sabni Amaaraa fi kan Itiyoophiyaa jaalatu hundi Oromoorratti duuluufis waamicha dabarsuu isaa dhageenyeerra. Kun saba Oromootiif tuffiidha, tuffii bira darbees duula biyya isaarraa har’u irratti gaggeeffamaa jiru keessaa tokko tahuu ifatti agarsiisa. Duulli Teklee Yeshaawuu fi fakkaattoonni isaa saba Oromoorratti labsan kun duula akka salphaatti ilaalamee bira darbamuu miti. Kun ilaalcha ykn yaada nama tokkoot jedhamuus hin danda’amu. Warri Oromoo akka sabaatti hin jaallanne, gabrummaaf hawwan, Oromiyaa arguu hin feenee fi sirna gabrummaa leellisan hundi ilaalchaa fi ejjennoo kana akka qaban ifaa dha. Gaafii deebii nama kanaarraayis kan hubachuun danda’amu Ilmaan Nafxanyootaa hangam akka sammuu tortore baatanii har’as jaarraa 21ffaa kana keessa socho’an namatti argisiisa. Biyya keessattis haaluma wal fakkaatuun warreen yaada nama Taklee Yeshaawu jedhamu kan jaarmiyaa “Morash Waganee” gaggeessuu kana deeggaran hedduu dha. Akka fakkeenyaatti Hogganaan “Samaayaawii Paartii” namni Yiliqaal Tamasgeen jedhamu gaafii fi deebii Amajjii 13 bara 2014 Weebsitii “Ze Habashaa” jedhamuf kenneen “Guyyaa Minilik kabajuun, Minilikis dhaadheessuun sirrii dha, mirgas jedheera, Minilik harka mure, miila mure, harma mure jedhanii odeessunis dubbii dhugaa hin qabne afoola namoonnii siyaasaa Oromoo Odeessaa jiraniidha” jedhee nutti qooseera.
Yiliqaal Tamasgeen itti dabaluunis “Oduun kun kan dhaadheeffamaa jiru dhuguma minilik gocha kana raawwatee osoo hin taane Oromoota daladala siyaasaa irratti bobba’antu afarsa jira, kanarraa bu’aan argatanimmoo hin jiru” jechuun yakka Miniliki Oromoorratti dalage haaleera. Tuffii Oromoof qabu ifatti calaqiisiisera. Galaana uummataa warra godaannisa Minilik itti fideen mankaraaraa jiru gidduu ciisee kana dubbachuun isaa tuffii tuffii caalu dha. Kun yakka lammataa saba Oromoo fi cunqurfamtoota saboota Impaayeera Itiyoophiyaa keessa jiranirratti dalaguu dha.
Akka dhalataa Oromoo tokkootti ani; yaada hoogganaan jaarmiyaa “Morash waganee” Taklee Yeshaawuu biyya alaa taa’ee Raadiyoo Habashootaatiif kenne yaada hogganaan “Samaayaawii Paartii” Yilqaal Geetinnati Ze Habashaaf kenne, akkasumas gochaa sirbituun Habashaa Teediroos Kaasaahuunii fi leelliftoonni sirna gabrummaa biroo alaa fi biyya keessatti itti jiran yoon walitti qabee ilaalu duulli isaan Oromoorratti gaggeessaa jiran kan haalaan qindaayee dha. Duula tuffiirraa maddee, Duula Oromoo xiqqeessuu fi gadootti ilaalurraa maddee dha. Akka sabaatti tuffatamuun, gadootti ilaalamuun ammoo hedduu madeessa dha.
Gama wayyaaneetiinis hidhaan, ajjeechaa fi biyyaa baqachiisuun Oromoorratti raawwatu jabaatee itti fufuun, Saamichi qabeenya Oromoorratti gaggeeffamu daran cimaa deemuun kan namattii argisiisu duulli qindaahaa fi jabaan garoonfattootaa fi leellifttoota gabrummaatiin Oromoorratti gaggeeffamaa jiraachuu dha. Duula kana dhalataan Oromoo bakkayyuu jiru tokkummaan fundura dhaabbachuu qaba. qaba qofaa osoo hin taane biyya “Biyya abbaa kootiit” jedhu ennaa haalamaa jiruutti callisee taahuun ykn dhagahee dhiisuun yakkamtoota isa tuffatan, akka gadootti isa laalan kanaaf akka tumseetti of ilaaluu qaba. Kun ammoo aadaa Oromootii miti, aadaan Oromtichaa kan ganamaa diina isaa irree tokkoon dhaabbatee ittisuu dha. Aadaa irree tokkoon diinarratti bobba’uu sabni Oromoo qabu kana hojiirra haa’oolchinu. Haa xiiqoofanu, Bilisummaa keenyaaf haa kaanu! Irree tokkoon kahuu baannaan kan nu’eeggatu akkuma kaleessaa har’a, akkuma har’aa, bor-iftaan; leelliftoota gabrummaa fi wayyaanee abbaa irreetiin sichi tuffatamna, sichi saamamna, dararamna, ajjeefamna biyya abbaa keenyaas haalamna!
Baareentuu Gadaa: gassogeda@gmail.com

Some hiding grounds of Amhara elites

Toleraa T


Identity issue is high again on the political landscape [particularly in the diaspora] of Ethiopia. Although it has been generally the prominent force shaping sociopolitics of the empire since its creation and formally since Walelign’s time, the issue has never received full attention and thus not completely solved. That is why Oromos and other nations and nationalities are challenging Abyssinian system of identity construct on social media as a strong response to the recent attempts by the Amhara elites to rehabilitate past leaders as a unifying figures to bounce back from their political bankruptcy.
The assimilative narrative of Ethiopian identity that stresses on a colonial outlook demonstrates that the contemporary social fabric is unfairly and unjustly dominated by Abyssinian values, language and culture and that it needs a complete revision and makeup. The unionist approach, however, aims on at least keeping what has been built intact and deemphasizes the need for any ethnic based identity politics. Doing so, it challenges the rife nationalism amongst Oromos, Ogadenis, Afars, Sidamas and other nations and nationalities particularly reconstructed over the last two decades under ethnic federalism arrangement. An important aspect of this issue is that ethnic nationalism counter influences the Ethiopian identity that is in practice exclusively superimposed by Amhara identity. The assumptions under which the Ethiopian unity is built on or is sought to reflect is so much so shallow that ethnic nationalism in Ethiopia has already passed a point of no return. I and millions of other young Oromos, regardless of our political ideological differences, would never foresee the future without Oromia and Oromummaa. I think this is a fundamental truth the Amhara elites [such as Tekle Yishaw] either do not understand or purposely prefer to ignore. And it is definitely a failure on their part.
Essentially, Oromia and Oromummaa can synergistically and coherently co-exist with equivalent Amhara region and Amhara nationalism. However, any attempt to put a layer of Amhara nationalism, overtly as it was in the past and covertly at present, as a sole identity construct of otherwise diverse Ethiopia, would certainly collide not only with the Oromo identity but also with other nations and nationalities. And the unfortunate denial of the Amhara nationalism by the elites is certainly a source of disturbance and mistrust in this respect.
The sympathy and support the Amhara elites probably enjoy is based on their firm stand on the Ethiopian unity. The Amhara elites want united Ethiopia much more than anyone; unfortunately making it hard for others to compete. They want to see a united Ethiopia not based on once ethnic origin but by an expression of Ethiopiawinet. Amhara elites want to avoid the ethnic barriers between people of Ethiopia to make the way for greater country. A thorough look in to their love for Ethiopia reveals that it is emanated from their frustration that the Amhara nationalism would finally be dissociated from its cover, Ethiopiawinet. In their school of taught, when they say united Ethiopia, they meant a country where people would speak a common language, practice common cultural expression and share common values; which all are part of the Amhara identity. And they can’t face an Ethiopia where all cultures and languages are respected, tolerated and practiced, and the right for self-determination guaranteed. So they resort in to labelling individuals and organizations that operate based on ethnic lines as separatists and anti-Ethiopian to pursue their version of the aforementioned unity. Had the Amhara elites come out unconfused and distance themselves from equating the Amhara nationalism with Ethiopian identity, it would make it very easy and practical to be an Ethiopian. So one can say the Amhara elites are failing the very Ethiopia they want to keep in one piece because they lack a room for diversity.
When the Eritreans rebelled against the imperial regime, they had an Identity question in mind. Same is true with OLF, TPLF and ONLF that are driven by the quest for self-determination with identity dimension clearly indicated. The unity camp has always portrayed Identity issue as a factor of chaos and avoids it at all costs. Surprisingly, the Amhara elites and their political organizations celebrate the most controversial and divisive figure, Atse Menelik II, to bring about unity! Among other things, the unity crowd believes Amharic should be uncontested. Does not that contradict with reality where Afaan Oromoo is the most widely spoken language in the empire? In a country where there is no language called ‘Ethiopian’, is it not favouring the Amharas to single out their language and endorse it to be the only for official use? Why the elites can’t see a united Ethiopia under the banner of ‘self-determination’ or a genuine ‘unity in diversity’? Is it not being very narrow to reduce such rainbow country as monochromatic reflection of mere Abyssinian culture and language? I postulate that Amhara elites avoid the reality because they have fatal assumptions as their hiding grounds.
The Amhara elites hide in their past ‘heydays’. Their commitment to present political challenges in the empire is overwhelmed by their nostalgic emotional attachment to the past. They don’t have a genuine open mind to entertain diverse political ideologies within the empire. They aspire to impose their own version of the past on present citizens of all nations and nationalities alike. Yet, they try to time travel between past and present, just like between home and work, living in the past and working at present, to engineer the future they have in mind. Since recently, they embarked on an illusion of merging their past to present by idolizing a king. Unfortunately, this has backfired.  All the atrocities Atse Menelik committed are now very loud and clear to Ethiopian community and the Oromo people. Their denial of past injustice and present realities continues though. Of course there are fewwho have recognized such history and urge those concerned to work towards reconciliation.
The Amhara elites also hide in their assumption that identity politics does not work in globalized world. They take cosmopolitan society of United States as an example to demonstrate their claim not identity but education and expertise should determine people and their position in politics. However, they fail to see the likes of Scotland and Catalonia that are prepping for independence. In fact, in most countries where the society is not uniform in ethnicity and language and common set of identity is not built, political ideologies are as diverse as the number of distinct identities and it is often the only feasible and plausible form of polity. And the mechanics of identity politics works in developing and western countries fairly similarly. Highly influenced by their little urban niche in Addis Abeba and DC, unity addict reactionary Amhara elites believe Ethiopia is all same colour and very much ‘globalized’ or in this case ‘Amharized’. This is one of top political absurdity purposely perpetuated to serve their affinity for the past.
Amhara elites want to use religion as their last hiding ground. Ample evidences [e.g K Kaplan, S. (1988), Taddesse Tamrat (1972)] are there to support the fact that the Ethiopian Orthodox Church, which I and my parents go to, has played an important role in perpetuating feudal Gebar System of exploitation, imposition and expansion of Amharic language in the form of compulsory church teaching, and generally has furnished unqualified ideological support for the monarchy, state power and for its conquests. There are even church documents [e.g Methafe Mistir] which are still in use that dehuminze the people of Kush [Ham] making those servants for the glorified Semites. Such books have immense psychological effect in highly spiritual society such as of Ethiopia that abides by the order of the church and has unquestionable loyalty to it. In desperate attempt to twist this truth, the Amhara elites rush to label the entire Oromo movement as Muslim extremism and badmouth those behind it.
The practice of living as an Oromo emphasizes in secularism and tolerance that gives proper place for all beliefs and religions.

The Old Ethiopia that was moulded and built based on Abyssinian ideology and aspiration of monochrome identity is successfully dismantled. And it should be clear that what is remaining of the old system continues to erode and displaced with multi-coloured Ethiopia that should never leave any hiding ground for those reactionary Amhara elites.

A Message from My Heart to My Oromo People

By Jamal Abdulkarim Hassan*
My aim is to create a strong unity that promotes a truly democratic society, not only within the Oromo people, but also throughout the African continent in my lifetime. True democracy promotes free speech! The purpose of free speech is to communicate freely without interference from anyone, including governments and other officials. Democratic societies promote educational and economic stability. In such a society, individuals are free to speak their minds and are able to criticize, not only the ones who have power, but the government as a whole in order to promote unity. As some of us know a famous Oromo proverb, “Dhalooni nama hundi walqixumaadhaan dhalate gaafa dhalte” (every one of us came into the world as a free individual – a status which we earned from God). This means, every person has a God-given right to speak freely. To me, freedom is the ability to live according to how one feels while also respecting others, following God’s and societal laws, while not fearing those in power. God gave us lives and liberty – the liberty to speak our minds and live freely accordingly.
The Oromo people cherish the Gadaa-System of living. The GadaaSystem includes everything that I have mentioned above, and even more when it comes to democracy and individual rights. According to my understanding, traditionally, the Gadaa System does not discriminate against anyone from enjoying their rights based on their religions, political views, tribal associations, or racial and gender differences. Under theGadaa-System of living, everyone is equal and has full access to their own rights of living regardless of differences. Since we, the Oromo, lost theGadaa democratic system of living, our enemies have been studying, not only how to destroy the Oromo language and culture, but also how to create divisions amongst the Oromo people. Plans for creating divisions amongst the Oromo include, but not limited to, regional and religious differences.
Therefore, today for the sake of our own good, I am calling on my Oromo brothers and sisters to unite regardless of our regions and religious differences; we must stick together in order to bring back our Gadaa-System of living to the nation. Unless we create unity based on our common background, rather than pointing to our differences, there will not be educational and economical developments in Oromia. There will not be love, peace and happiness in the Oromo Land. There will always be hunger, HIV/AIDS, and genocide in our nation unless we as an Oromo nation come together and create strong unity despite our religious, political and regional differences.
Needless to mention, let’s remember what happened between Oromo groups in the 1990s because of our political differences! Though I was only a six-year-old boy at the time, I still remember those days as if it were yesterday; as my late grandfather would say, “Nama jechuun kan waan dabre iraa baratee fuula durati deemu yaadu gaarii hojachuuf!” (A great person is the one who learns from the past and goes forward to create greatness). Therefore, we must learn from the ugly past and move forward to create strong unity that promotes educational and economical developments in our nation. Without strong unity, there cannot be stability. I know this from the fact that I am aware of our own Oromo history and world history. There are no countries, nations, and even villages that have become free places for humanity without first joining or calling on one another for national unity (Waaliif galtumaa yokan tokkummaa). Those nations like the United States of America and other free Nations in the world were not born with it or have had it all the time, just like our own. More specifically, those free and freedom-loving nations like U.S. and United Kingdom, etc. had to suffer one another because of their racial, religious, and political differences until they had realized that unity would be the only way to become economically and educationally independent – which has made those developed nations today the wealthiest and freest nations of the world.
Whether you agree or not, I for sure know that we, the Oromo, have destroyed each other because of our political differences in 1990s, instead of celebrating our differences and leaning on our similarities to build strong national unity within us. Are we going to reflect on the past or keep repeating it? Are we are going to reflect on the corrupted history, learn from it and forgive one another in order to move forward? If the answer is ‘yes,’ are we going to come back and forgive one another in order to move forward to create the freed Oromo Land and bring back our Gadaa-System for the sake of today’s seeds and tomorrow’s leaders? The question is, when are we coming back to one another in order to forgive each other for whatever we have done in the past and celebrate our unity, fight with HIV/AIDS, poverty, and finally create national educational opportunities and wealth for our next Oromo generations? As we all know, today in the 21st century, our mother Oromia is the oldest nation in the world, yet the poorest one without unity. It is not because Oromia is poor by its nature; it’s rather because of our disagreements and finding our narrow differences to vilify our sisters and brothers. It is safe to say that we need unity rather than pointing to each other based on our political, religious and regional differences. No more open door for our enemies. It is my hope, we, of theQubee Generation, are much better equipped than our past leaders. Therefore, we are ready to celebrate the independence of Oromia soon with the power of the Qubee Generation.
From now on, we must know that we are one, say ‘no’ to opening the door for the enemies. Once up on a time, the fox said to herself: Jeedaloon waan jate ja’an, “Rabbiin Qeyransaafi leenca waliti haa kaasu, hanga isaan wal nyaatan ani re’eetiin nyaadha.” The moral of the story is that when we, Oromos, fight one another, the enemies celebrate the day. I have strong hope that our Qubee Generation is much better than this and learn from the past, more specifically from the mistakes of 1990s.
No matter what one may think, we should hope and work hard to build strong unity within the Oromo nation. I hope that, with hard work, we, of theQubee Generation, will bring the Gadaa-System back to Oromia for all nations and nationalities. If there is any, the conflict within us must stop by developing strong Oromo national unity. We, of the younger generation, must come together to celebrate our independence day in a short time. “Making mistake one time is not a crime, but repeating the same mistake is a big crime.” The moral of this quote is, we, of the Qubee Generation, must remember the chance we lost in 1990s because of a simple mistake that was made by our leaders. We must look at our brothers and sisters, who have been serving in Ethiopian prisons without committing any crime other than keeping their identity. We must remember our students, professors, politicians, civilians and religious leaders who lost their lives under Meles Zenawi, Minilik, Haile Selassie, etc. The desire of creating strong unity within the Oromo nation must begin within us, not from outside. We must look forward to create strong unity in order to prevent HIV/AIDS in Oromia and bring back the Gadaa-System to the Oromo Land, which gives full rights of living and freedom, not only for the Oromo people, but also for everyone else who lives in Oromia, including, Somali, Harari, Walayta, Kambata, Hadiaya, Tigrayan, Sidama, Gurage, Amhara, and the myriad of other oppressed peoples.
Oromia Shall Be Free!
* The author, Jamal Abdulkarim Hassan, is currently working towards a Doctoral Degree at the School of Health Science of the University of Nebraska; he is an alum of the University of Minnesota.


No universal Ethiopian hero or history: a rejoinder to Al Mariam

By Buri Waddesso
(OPride) – Menelik II, Ethiopia's brutal 19th century king, has made a sudden return to the Ethiopian media spotlight over the last two months. Much has been written, from opposing viewpoints, in connection with a centennial intended to mark the 100th year of his death.
In his latest, rather nauseatingly lengthy, foray into the polarizing and heated debate about the king, Alemayehu G Mariam, who teaches politics atCalifornia State University, tried to recount Menelik's "many accomplishments" and dismiss Menelik’s detractors as a deluded, irrational, and unenlightened bunch undeserving of being heard.
In a convoluted effort to rationalize his fetish for the greatest murderer of the Oromo and South, Al Mariam accused those he disagreed with of being government puppets. As a critic of the current dictatorial Ethiopian regime, for much longer time than Al Mariam, I would like to point out the follies of the likes of Al Mariam in trying to present a sanitized version of Menelik and the long past, which they desperately strive to resurrect to replace Ethiopia's dismal present. 
Menelik was a complex man of many faces. Al Mariam presented the monarch as a "true African" and a great leader who put Ethiopia on the path of modernity. The good professor brushed off charges that Menelik committed heinous crimes, amounting to genocide, during his ambitious greater Ethiopia project as mere "allegations."
Compared to his two predecessors, Tewodros, a tug, and Yohannes IV, a religious fanatic, Menelik's reign over Northern Ethiopia stood for stability,  moderation and have had a modernizing effect overall. While both Tewodros and Yohannes lost their lives, fighting Britain's Napier and Sudan's Dervish respectively, whom their miscalculations invited, Menelik's well-equipped army gave Italians a thorough lashing at the battle of Adwa in 1896- while still leaving them unmolested beyond the Mereb River.
The latter was a shrewd move on Menelik's part, not to risk squandering the Adawa victory. But the decision was what sawed the seeds for the 30-year long Ethio-Eritrean war that ended in their separation in 1993 and the much lamented loss of access to the Red Sea. One may also legitimately ask: How does Menelik’s decisions compare with Alula Aba Nega’s eviction of the Italian and Egyptian invading armies?
To be fair, Menelik's was no era when differences were sorted out peacefully at the negotiation table. But is this enough to condone brutal subjugation?
To realize his ambition for total dominance over his erstwhile Northern rivals, Menelik had to amass a huge wealth, which meant waging war on his wealthier neighbors, the Oromo and the South. Al Mariam's efforts to whitewash the brutality of Menelik’s campaign of conquest, not just expansion, are as irrational as it gets.
Hitler, too, built roads, laid magnificent infrastructure, ended social strife, and calmed down the rampant inflation of the 1930s that denied Germans the security of life following the disasters of the WWI and its messy aftermath. 
However, what rises as Hitler's legacy is not the modernization of German industry, which he destroyed through his unbridled aggression, but rather his crimes as the architect of the holocaust. To celebrate this evil is a crime in Germany. However, some Ethiopians, including highly educated ones, have no shame glorifying psychopaths and mass killers, whose crimes against humanity are horrendous even if not rising to the holocaust. 
As Menelik spared Ethiopia, Stalin saved the former Soviet Union from Nazi occupation. At the same time, in addition to millions that perished in his endless political purges, he drove and dislocated millions out of their homelands.

However, Stalin's biggest accomplishment – protecting USSR's territorial integrity – was not enough to make him a hero for all times. 
Al Mariam and his likes have every right to celebrate Menelik's centennial. However, it is foolish and insensitive to rub it on the noses of descendants of Menelik's victims.
In Russia, Stalin still has apologists, who are laughed at by the majority. Menelik's acolytes should not be shocked when they are laughed at for their willful ignorance of and callous refusal to acknowledge the magnitude of the crimes committed.
Menelik poked gaping holes in the European claim to superiority. His victory over Italy is instrumental in resurrecting the pride of the Black race all over the world. However, this need to be tallied against his institutionalization of the inferiority of the nations subjugated. He was going around telling the subject people's that their religion was pagan, their stock was of an inferior race, their way of life was backward, their kind not fit enough to own and farm their own land, and so on and forth. 
While we're on the subject, how does his denial of being Black – a sickness of the soul that afflicted many Ethiopians to date – square with his image as the quintessential Black hero?  Should this be brushed aside as a minor lapse or a defining character of his? As a society that gave a blind eye to such self-denials, should we dismiss such topics as irrelevant or face all our demons, small and big?
State formation
No state is made other than by blood and iron. Ethiopia could not be an exception. But to deny the multitudes of bloodshed in the process of state formation, especially one as expansive as Ethiopia, does not do service to the country's continuity as a common state of victors and the vanquished.
Menelik's army, where the emperor himself was at the lead, committed unspeakable atrocities, especially in areas where fierce resistance was mounted. Talk to the Kaficho, who were almost wiped, about Menelik's benevolence. Tout Menelik's greatness to the to an average Walayita, who were reduced to rabble from being a great kingdom. Talk to an average Oromo in general and the Arsi Oromo in particular, men and women, who were subjected to inhumane mutilation, about Menelik's magnanimity at and after the war.
The least is long and gruesome, suffice to say, you will be met by universally deafening silence, underneath of which lie the pain and pent anger from a historical trauma of untold proportions. Without appearing totally anti-modernist, how would the good professor contend with the benefits of Menelik's "modernization" on the average person from the vanquished nations?
Without being dismissed as cynical, would one be justified in claiming that the benefits of the telephone lines were providing the opportunity to be spied on by the state? That the downside of the roads and railway were to bring soldiers, their supplies, and reinforcements to quell discontent by the natives and afford the state the means to plunder native resources without compensation? The disadvantages of the airstrips were to provide platforms from which the natives would be strafed should they stir for revolt against inhuman treatment at the hands of the authorities?
Rather than bothering to acknowledge even these niceties, Al Mariam lumps all his opponents into one camp and scolds them for re-writing history. Professor, is history not always written and rewritten? Does it take pulling a license from a self-appointed authority to engage in historical inquiry? By the way, professor, was Ethiopian history not penned by court historians at the pay of the monarchs whose lives and exploits they chronicled in the name of Ethiopian history?
It is Ethiopian history so written that the likes of Al Mariam want us to worship without questioning. For so long Ethiopia's worship of history and idolization of false prophets of the past had risen to an almost legendary level. And no wonder why we are debating the legacy of a bygone era. However, today we are no longer in a state where we take half-truths as truth, one-sided readings of history as the whole truth, and self-interested interpretation as if the very word of the almighty.
Al Mariam had been trying to make it appear as if he was preaching for a more enlightened vision of Ethiopia. The reality is that he shamelessly joins his right-wing cousins in making a case for a pride in such one-sided history and divisive historical figures for the ostensible goal of helping "us" united as people of one common country. Notwithstanding the fact that Ethiopia's diverse people do not need a common history to be united, pride in murderers, past or present, is a recipe for polarization not unity. People are united by ideals rather than idols. And ideals are about the future rather than the past. I am not calling here for the wholesale discarding of the past but rather its subjection to a critical light from multiple angles.
Al Mariam is not the only one who got it wrong on Menelik. Many are going astray in the hope of not giving solace to today's tyrants, who should have known better but persist in their tyranny, and out of the illusion that they are working for the country's unity, which they falsely believe was built on the greatness of its leaders rather than the goodness of the people.
By and large, elites from Amhara, Oromo, Tigrean, or Southern nations alike have another sickness. To compensate our deep dissatisfaction with the present, we habitually hearken back to a lost paradise, the good old days. Through the foggy lens of our collective amnesia, the past always looks pristine. Those who relive the shadowy past wallow in nightmares. While not whitewashing the crimes of the past or not wholly dwelling upon them, we have to cast false pretenses and face our present situation head-on to shape a better and common future.
Suspended on the air between the tall towers and opposite poles of the long past and an unrealized future, we could not resolve our current impasse. As much as this calls for strong political will, it also requires intellectual courage to see the contorted and many faces of truth, especially about the murky annals of the past.
Al Mariam is racing in the opposite direction by lumping together all who are opposed to Menelik's centennial as EPRDF's "lackey-proxies, stooges and puppets."
Al Mariam's revisionist historiography is condescending and full of exaggerated claims. Using racy language doesn't make one a better historian. By the way, what's with all the parenthesis, prof?
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*The writer can be reached at buri.wadesso@gmail.com .