Monday, December 29, 2014

Features Ethiopia: Booming business, underpaid workers

Low wages have attracted foreign players to the poor African country, but labourers are hoping for better salaries.


Within a few years foreign companies have helped build up Ethiopia's nascent industry [Simona Foltyn/Al Jazeera]
Addis Ababa, Ethiopia - Lunch break is over at the Huajian shoe factory and workers assemble in perfectly aligned two-row formations, march, salute, and return back to their work stations.

"Our factory is a bit like a military organisation. The labour here is not highly educated so we have to use a very simple way to communicate and organise them," said Nara Zhou, Huajian's spokeswoman, as she walks through the aisles of the large factory hall.
Nara Zhou [Simona Foltyn/Al Jazeera]

Red banners with writing in Chinese, Amharic and English hang from the ceiling, bearing lofty slogans such as "China-Africa friendly and harmonious enterprise, to win honour for the country", and "High level of democracy".

They are excerpts of speeches given by the company's president, Zhang Hua Rong, a former military officer who established Huajian's operation in Ethiopia in 2012, Zhou explained.
 
Within a few years, foreign companies such as Huajian have helped build up Ethiopia's nascent footwear industry from scratch.

Today, the company employs about 3,000 workers in Ethiopia and generates $20m worth of exports by producing shoes for international brands such as Guess, Naturalizer and Toms destined for US and European markets.
 
With a growing number of brands such as H&M starting to source from Ethiopia and existing companies ramping up production capacity, the three percent of Ethiopia's exports that came from textiles and leather in 2013 may well double in the next couple of years, according to government estimates. 
 
Cheaper than Asia

Rising production costs in Asia are the key drivers prompting manufacturers such as Huajian to look for alternative production sites. Ethiopia seems to be ticking many of the boxes for investors: abundant cheap labour, no tariffs, and a stable political environment.

Entry-level salaries in Ethiopia range from $35 to $40 per month, significantly below average Chinese manufacturing wages of $629 per month, a figure reported to have tripled between 2000 and 2010.

In Bangladesh, textile workers are required to earn at least $68 per month, which represents an increase in minimum wages following the deadly collapse of a factory building in April, and criticism of working conditions there.
 
Ethiopia, however, has no minimum wage except for public servants.
Aklilu Woldemariam [Simona Foltyn/Al Jazeera]

"We do have a labour law in this country, which is in line with international standards, but the government will not actually intervene in setting the minimum wage," Aklilu Woldemariam, director of investment promotion at Ethiopia's Investment Agency, told Al Jazeera.
 
The absence of a minimum wage means that market dynamics determine the salaries of factory workers. With urban unemployment at about 18 percent, workers must often accept whatever wage is offered, or have no income at all.
 
"I am happy I have a job but if I had an option, I wouldn't work for this amount of money and under these conditions," said Meseret Asrat, a 24-year-old employee at Ayka Textiles in the capital Addis Ababa.

Asrat earns $41 per month after the factory's recent wage increase.
 
Struggle for workers' rights
 
Despite demands for higher wages and better health and safety standards, Ayka is considered a success story when it comes to workers' rights in Ethiopia.

The country's biggest garment exporter and an employer of 8,000 workers, Ayka is also one of few textile and leather factories to have established a functional trade union. "In the beginning it was difficult to establish the union. The management didn't want the workers to unite and speak with a common voice," said Mesfin Teshome, who leads Ayka's trade union.
 
Following pressure from Ayka's German client Tchibo and a change in the company's management, the union won a 25-percent wage increase in a collective bargaining agreement negotiated last year. But winning further salary increases remains a challenge, Teshome said, partly because the company's profits are not made public.
 
Although Ethiopia's constitution guarantees workers the right to associate, most factories, including Huajian, do not have trade unions.

"If the business owners refuse, there is not much we can do," Angesom Gebre Yohannes from the Industrial Federation of Ethiopian Textile, Leather and Garment Worker Trade Unions, told Al Jazeera. "The law is there, but the struggle to implement it is left up to us and the workers."
 
The union currently employs four full-time staff and lacks the resources and political weight to lobby big businesses, let alone take them to court over alleged violations of wages and working conditions. Often, pressure by foreign clients and consumers is the only way to ensure better conditions for workers.

"Big foreign buyers, like in the case of Tchibo, can have a big contribution towards workers' rights," Yohannes said.
 
Invest now, worry later?
 
Between 2010 and 2014, Ethiopia's economy grew at an impressive 10.4 percent annual rate, driven mainly by large public expenditures under the umbrella of an ambitious Growth and Transformation Plan (GTP). The plan seeks to transform Ethiopia into a middle-income country by 2025.
 
As part of the GTP, selected industries such as textiles and leather with high-growth potential have been prioritised for foreign investment.
It's not a question of if but when the government will approach investors to discuss more corporate social responsibility.
- Dereje Feyissa Dori, International Law and Policy Institute

"This is the formative stage of the manufacturing sector," said Dereje Feyissa Dori, senior adviser and research professor at the International Law and Policy Institute office in Addis Ababa. "Investors are charting into new territories, so there must be something to entice them."
 
For that reason, the government is sceptical about introducing a minimum wage, which might scare away investors said Dori. Union representatives say monthly wages should be 2,000 birr ($100), twice as high as today's entry-level wages.
 
Low salaries are often attributed to relatively low productivity and cost of living. But for Ethiopia - a country where 29.6 percent of the population still lives below the poverty line - a shift will be needed if it is to become a middle-income country by 2025, as envisioned by the GTP.

"It's not a question of if but when the government will approach investors to discuss more corporate social responsibility," said Dori.
 
Trade unions and some business owners say ensuring reasonable wages and working conditions would make the industry more sustainable and avoid disruptions further down the line.

"If the government takes the necessary measures in the beginning, the industry will not be disturbed later on like we see it in the experiences of Far East Asia," Ercan Tukoglu, the general manager of Ayka Textiles, told Al Jazeera.


Mission Journal: Ethiopian journalists must choose between being locked up or locked out

Journalists who fled to Nairobi over security fears perform a traditional Ethiopian coffee ceremony in one of the cramped apartments they share. (CPJ/Nicole Schilit)
Journalists who fled to Nairobi over security fears perform a traditional Ethiopian coffee ceremony in one of the cramped apartments they share. (CPJ/Nicole Schilit) 
 
 
A sharp increase in the number of Ethiopian journalists fleeing into exile has been recorded by the Committee to Protect Journalists in the past 12 months. More than 30--twice the number of exiles CPJ documented in 2012 and 2013 combined--were forced to leave after the government began a campaign of arrests. In October, Nicole Schilit of CPJ's Journalist Assistance program and Martial Tourneur of partner group Reporters Without Borders traveled to Nairobi in Kenya to meet some of those forced to flee.
The group of reporters, photographers, and editors we met had all been forced to make a tough decision that has affected them and their families--a life in exile or prison. All of the journalists spoke to CPJ on condition of anonymity, out of concern for their safety. During meetings to discuss their cases, one of them told us: "I hope one day I can bring my family. Maybe in the future. I want to secure myself first. Now is not secure."

Since July, a large number of Ethiopian journalists have left behind their families, homes, and a steady income to seek safety. The reason for this sharp increase is a government crackdown on the independent media. In January, the state-controlled Ethiopian Press Agency and Ethiopian News Agency carried out a study to "assess the role of [seven] magazines in the nation's peace, democracy and development." The results were illustrated in two charts that claimed the magazines were promoting terrorism and damaging the economy.
One of the exiled journalists CPJ met in Nairobi holds up a newspaper report on a study criticizing independent publications. (CPJ/Nicole Schilit)
One of the exiled journalists CPJ met in Nairobi holds up a newspaper report on a study criticizing independent publications. (CPJ/Nicole Schilit)
The study was followed by a series of arrests and charges of journalists from a range of publications, as well as those associated with the Zone 9 blogging collective. In July six bloggers and three journalists were charged with terrorism. On June 25, 20 journalists at the state-run Oromia Radio and Television Organization were dismissed without explanation. In August, the Ministry of Justice announced that six publications were being charged with publishing false information, inciting violence, and undermining public confidence in the government. Managers at three publications were sentenced in absentia to three-year jail terms for "inciting the public by spreading false information." And in October, Temesghen Desalegn of Feteh (Justice) magazine was sentenced to three years' imprisonment for defamation and incitement.
With the threat of imprisonment hanging over Ethiopia's press, many journalists decided to flee. Most left without much notice. Some knew Ethiopians who had moved to Nairobi months or even years earlier, and were able to contact them before leaving their homes. Others arrived without having any basic knowledge of the city, and had to find help with everything from registering as a refugee with the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) to finding a place to stay.
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CPJ's Journalist Assistance program has had a steady flow of requests from journalists in Ethiopia and other parts of East Africa since the program began in 2001, but we have never seen numbers like this. With so many journalists displaced, it was important that CPJ identified their most urgent needs and challenges before deciding how best to support them.

The exiled journalists that CPJ and its partner group met included journalists who worked for several independent publications, as well as freelancers and founding members of the Ethiopian Journalists Forum (EJF). Not all of the journalists were facing charges, but they said they had experienced harassment, intimidation, and threats of imprisonment over their reporting.

One of the journalists said he had been in Angola for a conference in April when he was advised by friends not to return to Ethiopia. While he was away, six Zone 9 bloggers had been arrested. The journalist was not part of the Zone 9 group, but he said friends convinced him to come to Nairobi instead of returning to Ethiopia's capital, Addis Ababa. Despite the warnings he was insistent on returning to Ethiopia. "I did not prepare to not return," he said. His wife begged him to stay in Nairobi and told him security officials had visited their home and threatened her. She joined him in Nairobi one month later.

All of the journalists told us they needed financial support for basic living expenses. Despite being crammed into homes that feel temporary, and where up to three people share a room, the journalists struggle to afford rent and food. They have lost their incomes and, with the desire to keep a low profile and no means to start a publication, they do not know when they will be able to work again.
Conditions for those fleeing into exile are hard. Up to four journalists share a bedroom but they still struggle to pay for food and rent. (CPJ/Nicole Schilit)
Conditions for those fleeing into exile are hard. Up to four journalists share a bedroom but they still struggle to pay for food and rent. (CPJ/Nicole Schilit)
In one apartment, four journalists from a single outlet were living together. They described how in Addis Ababa they had been financially secure. "Most of us have no economic problems back home. I had my own TV show and the payment from our employment was good... but that charge. We know the meaning of that charge," one of the journalists said, referring to accusations that they had spread false information intended to undermine public trust in the government.

One of the journalists said he wanted to bring his wife and two-year-old son to Nairobi, but couldn't afford their travel, or to support them. "There is no money. And I am the breadwinner," he said.

Nairobi has offered little solace for these journalists. We met the majority of those we spoke to in the barely furnished homes they were living in, which are spread out across the city. Several of the journalists said they still did not feel safe, and were scared of being taken back to Ethiopia. The fear that authorities have the ability to reach over borders is common among those who have fled into exile.

Exile and security fears have taken a psychological toll on these journalists. They repeatedly told us their daily movements were limited because they worry what could happen while they are outside. "In the morning, I find myself without any plan to do. We feel lost here," one said during meetings to assess their needs. Another added: "It is very boring. I feel desperate."
One of the apartment buildings where some of the journalists are living. Many say the fear that drove them to flee still lingers. (CPJ/Nicole Schilit)
One of the apartment buildings where some of the journalists are living. Many say the fear that drove them to flee still lingers. (CPJ/Nicole Schilit)
One of the journalists told us: "It's a kind of traumatizing experience. At night, what if someone comes and is banging on the door looking for us? Whenever someone is shouting we think it is a security officer who [has] come to look for us. So it is very difficult at night. It is very scary."

Respected journalists who had successful careers in Ethiopia are now refugees in a foreign country. Despite being in exile because of their reporting, they all expressed a commitment to continue working in journalism once their financial and security needs had been fixed.

Since speaking to the exiled journalists and assessing their needs, CPJ has been working with partner organizations to coordinate assistance for them. In addition to providing small grants to help cover basic living expenses, CPJ has continued to advocate on behalf of the journalists with the UNHCR. Exiled journalists have to register as a refugee with the organization, or other authorities, to begin the often lengthy process of applying for refugee status or waiting for resettlement to a third country.

The Journalist Assistance program is funded entirely through charitable donations. More details on how you can help, and how donations are used by the Gene Roberts Fund for Emergency Assistance are available here.
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=>cpj
 
 

By Tesfa-Alem Tekle

December 28, 2014 (ADDIS ABABA) – An Ethiopian opposition leader on Sunday dismissed reports alleging he has been fired from his job at the government-run Addis Ababa University.
Local media outlets reported that the leader of the opposition Oromo Federalist Congress, Merara Gudina, who chairs also the coalition of opposition parties MEDREK was fired from his academic professorial position.
The reports indicated that Gudina, an associate professor of political science at Addis Ababa University, was fired for his political views and due to the growing popularity he gained among university students in the build-up of the upcoming general elections.
“I haven’t received any letter of dismissal from the University,” Gudina told Sudan Tribune.
However, he claimed that the University has withheld his seven month salary for unknown reason.
“The university didn’t pay my salary since June while other employees were paid,” said Gudina adding “I don’t know why but I am in debate with the concerned bodies to release my salary”
The former MP is known of his democracy-related critics against the ruling party. Referring to the previously-fired opponents, opposition circles say Gudina is most likely to be fired soon.
Recently two opposition members who have been working at Ethiopian Airlines and Commercial Bank of Ethiopia were reportedly fired from their jobs.
Opposition members said their dismissal was politically motivated but government authorities said it was taken on disciplinary administrative measures.
International right groups are accusing the horn of Africa’s nation of tightening crackdown on independent media and opposition members ahead of the polls slated for May 2015.
In October, Amnesty International accused the Ethiopian government of illegally detaining over 5,000 members of the Oromo ethnic group, over the past four years to squash political dissent.
According to Amnesty, the detainees are accused of supporting the Oromo Liberation Front, a movement labelled by government as terrorist entity.
Ethiopia has repeatedly denied allegations of illegal detention and harassment, describing it as fabricated accusations aiming to tarnish image of the country.
The country’s electoral board this week said the country is prepared to conduct a democratic, free and fair election.