Nimoonaa Tilahuun wareegame

(Oromedia, 6 Waxabajjii 2014) Mana hidhaa mootummaa Itoophiyaa keessatti waggoota dheeraaf dararamaa kan ture, sabboonaa Oromoo, Nimoonaa Tilahuun guyyaa har’aa addunyaa kana irraa boqote.

Nimoonaa Xilahuun

Sababa gaaffii mirgaa fi bilisummaa Oromoo deeggareef humnoota tikaa wayyaaneetiin Waxibajjii 26, 2008 hidhattoota mootummaa konkolaataa gabatee isaa 3-F ta’een qabamee kan hidhame Nimoonaa Xilahuun, manneen qorannoo fi hidhaa Itoophiyaa kan akka Maa’ikalaawwii fi Qaallittii keessatti hiraarfamaa akka ture ni beekama.

“Namni mul’ataa jabaa qabu kun hojii barsiisummaa jalqabee otuu baatii tokko hin gahiin Poolisii Federaalaatiin ukkaamfame,” kan jedhan hiriyooti isaa yeroo sanatti ijaan argan, “Konkolaataa kana keessaa namootni uffata sivilii uffatan utaalanii bu’uudhaan balleessaa tokko malee barsiisaa Nimoonaa ukkamsanii fuudhanii sokkan,” jedhan.

Hiraarfama waggoottaan dheeraatiin dhukkubsatee wal’aansa gahaa dhabee kan ture sabboonaan Oromoo kun, yeroo sana irraa kaasee haga dhiyeenya kanaatti tajaajila gahaa dhabuu irraa kan ka’e hedduu hubamuu isaa ibsan.

“Woggootii ja’aan darbaniif Manneetii hidhaa Mayikelaawwii, Qaallittii, Qiliinxoo, akkasumas Ziwaayitti gidiraa ilmoon namaa arguu hinqabne baayee arge,” kan jedhan raga-baatoti kunneen sababa kana irraa kan ka’es dhukkuba irra bu’uu isaa mirkaneessan.

Yeroo hedduu erga hubamee booda akka yaalamuuf gara hospitaala Xiqur Anbassaa geessamus, qaamni isaa hubame deebi’ee dandamachuu waan dadhabeef du’a irraa hafuu hin dandeenya.

Nimoonaa Xilahuun sabboonaa, kutataa fi qaroo dhimma sabaa irratti ejjannoo jabaa qabu ta’uu hiriyooti isaa ragaa bahu.

Hiriyooti isaa akka ibsanitti, Nimoonaan akkuma maqaa isaa, yeroo  mana barumsaa ture irraa kaasee haga gaafa hidhameetti, otuu garbummaa fi garboonfataaf hin jilbeeffatiin nama kutannoon qabsaa’aa  tureedha.

Mana hidha akeessattis doorsissaa fi reebicha diinaaf otuu hin jilbeeffatne, ejjannoo isaatiin waan dhaabbateef murtiin guddaa itti darbee ture.

Seenaa isaa irraa akka hubatamutti, Nimoonaa Xilaahun bara 2007 Yunversiitii Finfinneetii eebbifamee godina Shawaa Kaabaa  mana barumsaa Shanootti barsiisaa ta’ee ramadame. Waxabajjii 26, bara 2008 immoo humnoota tikaatiin ukkaamfamee woggootii ja’aan darbaniif Manneetii hidhaa Mayikelaawwii, Qaallittii, Qiliinxoo, akkasumas Ziwaay keessatti gidiraa ilmoon namaa arguu hinqabne baayee argaa ture.

Dhukkuba isaa kanaafis yeroo dheeraa fuundura woldhaansa haakimaa argachuun irra ture hinargatiin hafe. Bulchiinsi mana hidhaa lubbuu dargaggoo kanaa baraaruuf gargaarsi woldhaansaa hakimaa olaanaan akka isa barbaachisu otuu beekanii yeroo dheeraadhaaf wal’aansa ugguran.

Dhuma irratti guyyaa muraasa fuudura waardiyyoota poolisii federaalaa afuriin marfamee eegamaa hospitaala Xiqur Anbessaa akka seenu godhan. Haata’uutii, qaamni isa adhukkubaan hubame dandamachuu wana dadhabeef hospitaala “yaalamaa” ture keessatti waxabajjii 6, bara 20014 ganama addunyaa kana irraa darbe.

Nimoonaan akkuma sabboontota Oromoo, sababa garbummaa didee bilisummaa filateef hidhaatti darbame;  mana hidhaa dararamaa ture keessatti lubbuu isaa jijjiirraa hin qabne bilisummaa Oromoof wareege.

Oromedian maatii isaatiif jajjabina; lubbuu isaaf immoo qabbana hawwa.

=>oromedia

Eutelsat Fingers Ethiopia as Jamming Incidents Triple

By Peter B. de Selding 

PARIS — Satellite fleet operator Eutelsat said intentional interference, which accounted for just 5 percent of the disruptions to its fleet in 2010, was responsible for 15 percent of the signal disruptions in 2013.

The tripling of intentional interference events, tied in part to the expansion of Eutelsat’s fleet serving Middle Eastern and African television audiences, is unlikely to drop in 2014 with the latest round of jamming by an unidentified source in Ethiopia.

Eutelsat said the jamming, which has affected Riyadh, Saudi Arabia-based Arabsat’s satellites as well as at least two Eutelsat spacecraft, has been geolocated in northeast Ethiopia.

The way the jamming is conducted has resulted to interference not only on the presumed target broadcaster, but to all broadcasters sharing the affected satellite transponders.

Jean-Francois Bureau, director of international affairs at Paris-based Eutelsat, said the company has relayed its jamming data to the French National Frequencies Agency (ANF), which will forward it both to the International Telecommunication Union (ITU) in Geneva and to the Ethiopian government as part of a protest.

Arabsat has similarly said it is taking its protest to the ITU, although industry officials admit the United Nations affiliate has no real power to impose penalties on governments, even those that are identified as conducting or sanctioning the interruption of satellite signals.

Alexandre Vallet, head of regulatory affairs and spectrum and orbit resources at the French ANF, said France will be working within the ITU this year to push forward an ITU proposal to use a global network of antennas to geolocate jamming sources more quickly.

Satellite operators, especially those that have joined the Space Data Association and are contributing to a data pool at that organization, already are able to use each other’s satellites to identify, with a precision to within 100 kilometers — and usually much less — a source of jamming.

Mark Rawlins, head of payload operations and engineering at Eutelsat, said June 4 that it took Eutelsat just a couple of hours, using two of its own satellite located near each other, to pinpoint the Ethiopian jamming source.

Rawlins said the jamming source is using a high-powered antenna to disrupt programming on the uplink to transponders on two Eutelsat satellites, located at 7 degrees west and 21 degrees east.

Rawlins declined to speculate on the reason for the jamming, saying jammer motivations, while usually political in nature, are not always easy to discern.

The Eutelsat spacecraft affected carry a channel owned by Oromia Media Network of Minneapolis, a network that has been jammed before. The network launched in March to provide independent, citizen-driven reporting on Ethiopia and Oromia, the country’s largest and most populous state.

“We believe this is part of the Ethiopian government’s  [policy of] silencing alternative voices,” the network said in a June 5 statement, citing previous examples of Ethiopian government officials’ defense of jamming techniques.

Arabsat does not carry Oromia broadcasts, but one industry official speculated that the jammers are aware that Arabsat may soon sign a contract that would put Oromia on an Arabsat satellite at 26 degrees east.

While Eutelsat and Arabsat both say they have localized, beyond a reasonable doubt, the national territory in which the jamming is occurring, their claims as interested parties do not carry the weight of a neutral oversight network.

That is why France and other nations are backing the ITU proposal to create a network of antennas recognized by the ITU has being objective.

“Our understanding is that the proposed contributors to the network have agreed to participate, and what we want to do now is close the loop with the ITU,” Vallet said here June 2 during the Global Space Applications Conference, organized by the International Astronautical Federation.

Lyudmyla Karpenko, of the Ukraine State Center of Radio Frequencies, said a Ukrainian antenna farm near Kiev is one of the proposed contributors to the ITU network and has agreed to take part.

Most satellite signal interference events are due to poorly aimed or maintained ground antennas that accidentally cause interference. The Space Data Association and other industry organizations, including the Global VSAT Forum and the Satellite Interference Reduction Group — backed by industry heavyweights including fleet operators Intelsat, SES, Inmarsat and Eutelsat — are promoting ways to stop accidental interference.

The methods include systematic training of ground operations and the adoption of “Carrier ID” by satellite antenna manufacturers enabling quick identification of antennas that are causing interference.

But Carrier ID will not resolve the problem of intentional jamming, which in Eutelsat’s case has reached about 15 percent of total annual interference events. Bureau said part of the reason for the increase is that Eutelsat’s fleet has increased from 28 satellites to 34 in the past three years, meaning the company is now a larger target in interference-prone zones.

“What is clear is that over the past three years there has been a significant increase in deliberate jamming,” Bureau told the conference.

Vallet said that given the lack of enforcement muscle at ITU, the best way to combat jamming for now is “naming and shaming” the perpetrators and using diplomatic pressure to get them to stop.

Rawlins said the SDA grouping of satellite operators — to date, Asian operators have not been persuaded to join the group — is working on automating their geolocalization so that they interconnect automatically. The new system should be operational by early 2015.

=>spacenews

OromoProtests in Perspective

By Ayantu Tibeso

Image via Twin Cities Daily Planet

June 6, 2014 (warscapes) – Since April 25th, thousands of high school and university students across Ethiopia’s largest region, Oromia, have turned out in peaceful protest against a government land grab that stands to displace millions of indigenous peoples from their ancestral lands. Even though the country’s constitution theoretically allows for peaceful demonstrations, the student protesters, along with local populations in many cities and towns, have faced a ruthless crackdown from Ethiopian Special Forces, known as the Agazi Commandos. These forces have used excessive violence by indiscriminately shooting into crowds in an attempt to quash the protests. Children as young as eleven years old have been killed, according to statement issued by Amnesty International on May 13, and reports of fatal injuries, torture, imprisonment, disappearances and killings have been coming out of Ethiopia since then.

The Ethiopian government has evicted millions of indigenous peoples from their homelands at gunpoint under the pretext of “development” since it took power. In and around the capital of the country, Addis Ababa, over 200,000 of these residents have been removed from their lands without proper compensation since 2005. The newly-announced Integrated Development Master Plan for Addis Ababa (known simply as the “Master Plan”) seeks to legalize past land grab activities and to consolidate larger areas of territory displacing native peoples from their land. The Master Plan will expand the territory of Addis Ababa city administration to about 25 times its current size and is expected to forcefully remove another four to five million Oromo peasants from their lands within the coming years.

The current Ethiopian government came to power in 1991. It is a government dominated mainly by elites from a single ethnic group, the Tigray, which constitute approximately six percent of the peoples within Ethiopian boundaries. The Oromo, who are targeted by this Master Plan, make up between 40-50 percent of the population.  The Ethiopian Agazi special Commando force is almost entirely Tigrayan. The government relies on this ethnic army to stamp out the Oromo protests.

The current crisis cannot be understood apart from the ethnic dynamics at play in the policy of the Master Plan and in its response.  In the Ethiopian political, social and economic system, ethnicity and language are the two most important factors which influence policy preferences and choices of different sectors or communities in Ethiopia.  It is also along these two dimensions that the Ethiopian state has been structured since the current regime came to power. In recognition of these factors, a formal system of Ethnic Federalism has been instituted and written into law as the centerpiece of the Constitution of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia. Oromia, where most Oromos reside, is legally recognized as one of the nine members of the Ethiopian Federation.

In practice, however, all the key government positions and institutions are controlled by elites—directly and indirectly—that come from the Tigrayan ethnic group. Key positions in security sectors, including the military, are exclusively under the control of Tigrayan rulers. It is this group of elites that have aggressively pursued policies that have drawn on the military might to remove Oromo peasants involuntarily from their homeland over the last decade or more. The new Master Plan for Addis Ababa should be seen in this context, as the protestors well understand.  The Master Plan is one more chapter in implementing a disastrous policy that has already displaced thousands of the native peasants, and now officially aims to displace millions more. This is the policy against which Oromo students have gone out to protest. In keeping with their former legacy of sheer brutality, the Tigrayan ethnic armed force, the Agazi, responded to peaceful gatherings with a rain of bullets.

The brutal crackdown on the Oromo people is not new. The Ethiopian state itself has been predicated upon the expropriation of Oromo lands and held together through violent assimilationist policies, the destruction of the identity of conquered and resistant people, and economic and political exploitation of groups who are not represented in government. With each changing regime state power has been retained in the hands of minority rulers and the Oromos, who are the largest group living on the richest land, have remained the main targets of Ethiopian state repression, terrorism and discrimination. Over the last two decades alone multiple human rights organizations have released reports documenting the extent of extrajudicial killings, mass imprisonment, and torture on a massive scale, mutilations and disappearances. For instance, as of May 2012, the Oromia Support Group reported 4,407 extra-judicial killings and 992 disappearances of civilians perceived to support the political and even social groups opposing the current regime. Most of these have been Oromo people.

It is within this context that the current violent response to Oromo protests should be understood and appreciated. Like it has always been, kidnappings and/or extrajudicial killings, arbitrary arrests and disappearances continue in different parts of Oromia Regional State. Those being imprisoned face an imminent danger of death, torture or disappearance.  Yet despite the fact that the situation is quickly deteriorating, it is going largely unreported in the international media. The Ethiopian government is notorious for keeping very tight control over all local and international media in the country. Information is not easily attainable. Independent journalism and human rights monitoring are securitized and criminalized. Major restrictions remain on exchange of information, as the government is known to block almost all websites it regards as forums capable of providing information about the atrocities committed by its security agents. These include all independent websites that are situated both in and outside of Ethiopian territories. Given these circumstances, it has not been possible to determine the exact number of victims of the recent retaliation against Oromo protesters.  But thanks to social media and mobile technology, a view of the scale of the crisis is emerging.

Some human rights organizations have managed to get limited information and offer an insight regarding what is taking place as the protests continue. For instance, according to the above-mentioned statement released by Amnesty International, hundreds of those arrested during the protests have been held at different detention centers, including at unauthorized places such as police and military training camps. Detention in these places is almost always arbitrary, with prisoners spending months and years without being formally charged or taken to a courtroom. As the Amnesty International report notes, “military camps in Oromia have regularly been used to detain thousands of actual or perceived government opponents.” These detainees are not allowed access to lawyers or relatives, usually throughout the duration of their detention. In many instances, relatives do not know where their loved ones have been taken upon arrest. Human rights organizations, including Amnesty International have received reports of torture on a massive scale at these unofficial holding places.

In addition to Amnesty International, other human rights organizations have also released statements of concern that recent detainees face imminent risk of torture and abuse, if not death. Human Rights Watch reported that security forces beat and shot at peaceful Oromo protesters in many towns in Oromia Regional State, among others, Ambo, Nekemte, Gimbi and Jimma. The Human Rights League of Horn of Africa has also issued a report citing torture and disappearances in places where student protesters are being held in Naqamte, East Wollega zone. In one instance alone, fifty detainees were taken away by security forces in Naqamte.  Their whereabouts remain unknown.

The crisis in Ethiopia is a major international story of mass protest, wholesale dispossession of millions of peasants, and state-sponsored violence.  Yet it has gone almost completely ignored in the international media. To be sure, the story has attracted fleeting attention from English-language outlets like the BBC and the Guardian, while Al-Jazeera has curated what little information trickles out of the country from social media users on the ground.  But sustained analysis of the causes and context of the government’s plan, the protests in response and the violent government crackdown have been hard to come by.

There are a number of reasons the story hasn’t grabbed attention around the world—the situation’s complexity, the tight control of information by Ethiopian authorities, and western journalists’ unfamiliarity with Ethiopia’s tense ethnic politics, to name just a few. But the bigger issue has to do with Western media bias. Over the years, a considerable amount of attention has rightly been given to bloggers and journalists whose individual rights have been violated by the Ethiopian government. This is not surprising. It is easy to sympathize with those trying to practice their freedom of expression or tell a difficult story in the face of authoritarianism. The repression of media in a given country is an easier account to give, and it is a simpler story to process. The miseries and violence of the other repression—that against the voiceless masses—cannot afford to be get lost in the shuffle, as the situation in Oromia makes clear.   As long as this bias remains salient, the deaths of hundreds, possibly thousands, will continue to go unreported and unrecognized, and the cause for which so many have sacrificed will remain hidden.

Ayantu Tibeso is a researcher and communications consultant based in North America. She can be reached at atibeso@gmail.com or on twitter @diasporiclife.

=>ayyaantuu

The Demise of the politics of “Selaamaawwii Tigil” in Oromiyaa

By Bulbulaa Tufaa

Countries like Abyssinia, alias Ethiopia which has no root of any sense of democratic heritage, have been known for breeding despotic authoritarian institutions. The institutions, due to their inherent nature, cannot propagate the emergence of the very concept of the rule of  people apart from the propagation of the rule of divine rulers. The recent massacre which has taken place under the absolute divine order of the Tigrian Ethiopian regime against peaceful Oromo student demonstration at Ambo, Gudar, Naqamtee, Haromyaa, DireDaawaa, Jimmaa, Baale Roobee, Mattuu etc. has been conducted pursuant to the divine rule of the ruler’s order. The massacre has been taking place according to the unadulterated form of early Atsewuyaan supreme primitive model of killing, mutilation and elimination, fitted to and influenced by early pristine situation of Negede Agaazian world of mutilation. The notorious Wayyaanee Ethiopian regime’s rapid deployment killing force known asAgaazii Xoor seems to have been derived from the Negede Agaazii, the ancestors of Atse Kalebawuyaan.

Taking into account the reality on the ground, such like, lack of socially charted institutions that can regulate Abyssinian societal behavioural tendencies in general, if at all the concept of “Peace” is believed to be born in this extremely ritualised non-conciliatory societies, it may take another ‘three thousand years’. The doctrine has been deeply rooted in incessant elimination of the peoples they call “aramanegalla”, meaning, according to their unique world perception, “infidels or savages”, who are surrounding the “civilised” tewahido island of Ethiopia.

As a colonised ethno-national, Oromo’s expectation of getting peace on their ancestral araddaa, specifically, as far as their children are being mutilated by the savage Agaazii Xoor, the question for “Selaamaawwii Tigil”, the rule of law, human dignity and veneration for ecosystem are dead. In the Abyssinian culture of power struggle, violence is ritualised as a pride of getting economic dominancy and a seizure of political power. If they come to power through far-fair casting ballots, the use of bullet as a last seal against the fair ballot would follow suit. The recent life bullets poured on Oromo peaceful demonstrators, against the written constitution of the regime, are a self-confirmation of the nature of Ethiopian rulers’ inherent cruelty, proliferated by the entrenched political thought of the society at large, not merely the unique political philosophy of the elites in power.

Theoretically, a dove may argue in favour of Abyssinians behavioural institutions, which could be democratised and with which a democratically arranged peaceful political polity could be restructured. But, the Abyssinians, as they are proud of it, have been living with their inflexible autocratic-authoritarian institution since 3000 years. This institution has shown no internal dynamism ever since. It continues to harbour Abyssinian secretiveness, aggressiveness and the culture of incessant violence in coming to power. They are neither ready to develop even an elementary form of a rule of law nor are they ready to accept other peoples’ democratically legislated laws.

As we had witnessed in the past decades, authoritarian-monarchism and dictatorial-socialism had been configured as alternative solutions for bringing peace to the needy peoples in the Empire. Both systems were dismantled by the use of firearms against each other by Abyssinian bullet mongers. Then, in 1991, federalism came as a conciliatory political solution. This time, since all the fake federal and regional structures are tightly controlled by elites from the old archaic institutions of Tigray, federalism as a solution is also melting down. In this fake federal system, Abyssinian tradition of bowing to the will of the divine rulers’ order and the implementation of the order continue to follow the earliest form of Abyssinian master-slave relationship. It is totally anti-conciliatory to the Gadaa Oromo egalitarian rule of law, human dignity, and reverence to natural habitat. In short, Abyssinian “carnivorous” institutions have been devouring Oromiyaa’s “herbivorous” institutions, particularly since Tayitu Buxul and Minilik Haile-Melekot came with the obnoxious “Addis Ababa” and destroyed the pastureland of Gullallee and dried up Burqaa Finfinnee.

How can proponents of “selaamaawwii Tigil” fix a middle ground with societies like the Oromo, Sidama, Hadiya etc., who are not historically part of the wretched social thought of the Abyssinians?  Could not it be like a very futile attempt of bringing two opposing magnetic poles to zero gravity?  Please, bear with the following social perception of the Abyssinians and ask yourself, how the Ethiopian Empire could be democratised when the rule of the Empire is guided by such type of rigid social thoughts like:

Sishoom yaal bellaa, sishaar yiqocewaal. One who does not loot when he is in power shall regret when comes out of it. This is exactly what the Tigrian Ethiopian regime is doing in Oromiyaa today.

Ye abbaatih beet sizerref, aabreh ziref: When your father’s house is looted (robbed) take part in it, let you not be an onlooker. This is what some renegade Oromo elites are doing in collaboration with the looting regime.

Inne kemotiku behuwaala serdoo aaybiqel aallech ahiyya: May the grass never grow after my death, says a donkey.

Bilaa baaleny innde abbaatee beqommexegn: If I were lucky to eat in peace, He (God) would make me suffer from leprosy.

Sewun maamen qabroonew.  Trust a man only after you bury him.

Nugus aykesses, semaay aayittaares.  As the sky cannot be ploughed, a king should not be indicted.

Abyssinian elite politicians, academicians, priests, peasants etc. are the aggregated product of the whole system of such kind social thought. They are not a detached figure who were born and grew up in a separate social incubator.

The Perilous Situation of Nagaa Oromoo

Under the devilship of Tigrian Ethiopian regime, war of massacre has been declared on the Oromos. Particularly, the recent massacre in Oromiyaa has severely damaged all venues of Nagaa Oromoo’seffortto forge any form of peaceful struggle, or peaceful dialogue as Ethiopians. The TPLF led Tigrian Ethiopian regime`s heinous massacre and its brutality have gone beyond extreme limits. What should Oromos do as a last option to get-heeled the endangered peace on their ancestral araddaa? Should they, from every walk of life, need to prepare themselves for the worst scenario to come ahead of them or not?.  In our life time, we have seen the exhaustion of all venues of peaceful struggle and peaceful dialogue to solve the root cause of conflicts in the Ethiopian Empire. In order to get back their God-given natural right and the invaded ancestral homeland, self-sacrifice is found to be the only heroic price to be paid by every Oromo residing at home and abroad, as Oromo youths are paying right now.

Note that, all Ethiopian successive regimes emanated from those traditionally autocratic societies of the north, have never been the regimes for/of peace, even among themselves, leave alone to give peace to other peoples. To protect their interests in conquered regions of Oromiyaa, Gambella, Beneshangul, Sidamaa, Ogadenia etc., the only sustainable mechanism they need to use is the advancement of the doctrine of violence, deception, trickery, and mischief as codified in their book of guide, the Kibire Negest,that legitimises slavery and war as holy institutions.

Those Oromo groups, who have been  preaching  “democratisation”, rule of law, respect of human dignity, Ethiopia’s inviolable unity, peaceful struggle are kindly asked, before everything, to appeal to Abyssinian entrenched political and religious institutions to show an internal dynamism. Without having seen twilight of change in their deeply entrenched political thought, the demand for the birth of “democracy” as a healing wand was practically impossible in past and will not be possible in the future. It has been tried several times but consecutively aborted by successive murderous regimes of Ethiopia. Today, the politics of opposition parties’ “Selaamaawwii Tigil” is incarcerated, killed and mutilated by the incumbent Tigrian Ethiopian regime. It has bitterly damaged “Nagaa Oromoo”.Though the damage seems to have gone beyond recovery; it can be recovered to a full scale when full impetus is given by Oromos of all corners in unison.  A very good sign is appearing.

                                                                 Conclusion

Any nation, a tribe, a clan or a family does not willingly compromise on ceding its right of survival. They will unwillingly go to war to protect themselves against the serious harm targeting their right of survival on their homeland. The Tigrian Ethiopian regime of today has repeatedly shown how it is not a regime of peace, nor the regime of compromise. It is willingly forcing the Oromos to unwillingly go to war with its savage Agaazii Xoor.

The Ethiopian regime, currently led by Tigrian elites, has outrageously denied peaceful life, “Selaamaawwii nuuroo” and peaceful dialogue, “Selaamaawii wuyiyyiit” against the peoples in the Ethiopian Empire at large and the Oromo people in particular. By deploying its murderous Agaazii Xoor elsewhere, it is killing and butchering the people. It is terrorising them, inciting against each other, and denying them to live in peace with each other.

Hence, on one hand, Oromos’ struggle against the regime’s Agaazii Xoor, should focus on the rediscovery and recovery of the conquered path of “Nagaa Oromoo” in particular among themselves. On the other side, just as of now, Oromos should concentrate on how their concerted unity of action can speed up the demise of Abyssinian evil rulers’ coronation on their fathers’ araddaa, a sacred ancestor’s farmhouse, inherited by successive Oromo generations.

=>ayyaantuu