CALL FOR A PEACEFUL PROTEST AGAINST THE TYRANNY IN OROMIA

Human Rights are Universal and indivisible! 

Call for a Peaceful Protest against the Tyranny in Oromia

Over the past 21 years, the Tigrayan Peoples Liberation Front (TPLF)-led and dominated Ethiopian government, has imprisoned tens of thousands of political opposition and citizens, mainly Oromos. As a consequence to the government’s repressive policies, thousands of innocent citizens have been languishing in prisons and secret camps, and many have been and are being severely tortured, deformed and/or killed. Others have been abducted in broad day-light and made to disappear or murdered secretly.

Rampant arrests, unlawful killings, abductions, tortures and other human rights abuses by the Ethiopian government, consistent with the direct experiences of many of us, are documented and confirmed in the annual reports of well-respected human rights organizations such as Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, and the US State Department.

Despite these tangible facts of human rights abuses, the Ethiopian government continues receiving billions of dollars of aid money every year. Subsidizing over one third of its budget from foreign aid, Ethiopia has built one of the biggest and best-equipped armies in Africa, while millions of its citizens depend on food aid. In fact, the aid money is used to impose the Tigrayan ethnocentric dictatorship on Oromos and other peoples in an involentary multinational society.

It is frustrating to  witness the  West’s reluctance to use their influence  to effect real change, and even worse to believe the fairy tale of  a human-rights-abusing government, that  claim to be moving on the road to democracy.

While thousands of Oromos and others are languishing in prisons under bogus terrorism charges, the current Prime Minister of Ethiopia, Mr. Hailemariam Dessalegn, brazenly argued in public that there arewere no political prisoners in Ethiopia.

Such blatant misinformation has been the norm within the entire leadership of the TPLF- regime, intended to deceive international donors and allies. Again referring to his inauguration speech, the new prime minister also promised to continue implementing the policies of the late autocratic Prime Minister Meles Zenawi; this, is a clear indication that the new prime minister is under the control of the Tigrayan elite and that he cannot make any reform and democratic changes in the empire-state of Ethiopia.

Observing the painful agony and sufferings of the ordinary people, the political prisoners in particular, and the worsening situation at home, We members of the Oromo Communities and the Union of Oromo Students in Germany, call for a Peaceful Demonstration on 30.08.2013 in Frankfurt am Main, to Protest against the Tyranny of the TPLF-Ethiopian government and earnestly appeal to the German government and its  allies to use their good offices with the Ethiopian government and facilitate the following :

1.  immediate Stop of Financial support to the Dictatorship in Ethiopia
2. immediate stop to Ethnic-Cleansing now underway in Eastern-Oromia’s Anniyya region
3. Unconditional and immediate release of all political prisoners
4.  practical action to promote real democratic changes in the country
5. immediate stop  to Land-grabbing and their restitution to the indigenous owners
6. Immediate implementation of the right of the Oromo and other nations for Self-determination.
7. Respect freedom of Religion and journalism
8. Justice for those criminally murdered in Arsi – Kofele and all Parts of Oromia

Union of Oromo Students in Germany

HOB

HOMN

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Ethiopia’s Muslim Activists Pave a Path for Nonviolent Political Activism

A year after Ethiopian Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn came to power following the death of longtime leader Meles Zenawi in August 2012, the ruling Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) remains firmly in control. It has continued to govern through a collective leadership that includes three deputy prime ministers from the Amhara, Tigray and Oromo wings of the coalition; Hailemariam hails from the Southern People’s Party. Party discipline and coherence has held, although the lead-up to elections in 2015 may reveal destabilizing fissures. But while older opposition parties and armed movements have been marginalized, a social movement of Ethiopian Muslims is an important new development.

Rapid economic growth has been key to Ethiopia’s stability. The economy grew by more than 10 percent annually over the past decade, and while growth has slowed down it remains higher than the African average. Recent data, however, suggest that earnings from coffee and gold, Ethiopia’s two largest sources of export revenues, have declined. The World Bank also raised concerns that Ethiopia’s boom has relied too heavily upon public investment and that sustained growth will require a significant increase in private investment.

The political opposition to the EPRDF—currently divided into camps based on whether they subscribe to ethno-national or pan-Ethiopian goals and whether they operate in exile or have remained in the country—has struggled to find channels to influence Ethiopian politics. After competitive elections in 2005 and the subsequent crisis that led to the arrest of much of the opposition leadership and the collapse of the main opposition coalitions, the regime effectively criminalized dissent. Restrictions on independent media and civil society limit the ability of Ethiopians to mobilize outside of the structures of the ruling party. The EPRDF’s dominance was evident in local elections this year, in which it and its affiliated parties won all but one seat nationwide.

As a result, opposition political parties that challenged the regime in 2005 now play virtually no role in national politics. The Semayawi, or Blue, party organized a notable demonstration in June and has some following among the youth, but its potential to challenge the regime is limited. Berhanu Nega, a politician who had considerable influence in 2005, is now operating in exile without a significant presence in the country. Repression and the use of anti-terrorism laws, as well as weak structures and leadership, limit the opposition’s ability to operate within Ethiopia.

Meanwhile, several groups, notably the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) and the Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF), remain engaged in protracted armed struggles, but Addis Ababa has effectively managed these military challenges. Oromo nationalism remains potent, but the OLF leadership is divided and discredited. Promising talks between the ONLF and Addis Ababa collapsed in October 2012, but there are officials on both sides that see advantages from a negotiated settlement. The government would like to end the war in order to concentrate on development of the region’s natural gas and other resources. Some Ogadenis recognize that they are unlikely to win the military contest and wish to end the ferocious counterinsurgency campaign in the region. But reaching a durable agreement, a recent International Crisis Group report accurately notes, will require “unprecedented concessions from both sides.”

Finally, the ongoing demonstrations by Ethiopian Muslims, who make up approximately 40 percent of the country, provide an important model of politics outside of the ruling party that relies upon neither armed struggle nor the strategies of electoral competition on a hopelessly lopsided playing field. The demonstrations began 18 months ago to protest government interference in Islamic affairs and the regime’s links to the Ethiopian Islamic Affairs Supreme Council. The movement has been extraordinarily disciplined and nonviolent and has succeeded in part by focusing on a specific set of issues. Demonstrations have been held after Friday prayers in Addis Ababa but also notably in other towns across Ethiopia.

Muslim activists emphasize that they are operating within the framework of the Ethiopian constitution and that they are not seeking to overthrow the regime. The Ethiopian government, in contrast, has consistently claimed that the protests were organized by extremists bankrolled from overseas and seeking to establish an Islamist state. More recently Addis Ababa has identified neighboring Eritrea as the source of this alleged external support. The movement’s leadership was arrested July 2012 and charged with terrorism in October.

Earlier this month there were clashes between Ethiopian security forces and Muslims reportedly following the arrests of three local imams in Kofele, a town in the Oromo region. A heavy police presence and arrests in Addis Ababa following the Eid al-Fitr ceremonies celebrating the end of Ramadan on Aug. 8 further raised the temperature and tensions. Government spokesman Shimeles Kemal alleged that the arrests were of “Salafist elements who tried to create disturbances.”

Despite the government’s arrests and condemnations, the Ethiopian Muslim demonstrators have shown that sustained, nonviolent political activism is possible in Ethiopia. What is not clear, however, is the movement’s future. Many leaders in the older ethno-nationalist movements, including those with large Muslim constituencies, such as the Oromo and Somali, view the multiethnic nature of the movement with trepidation. Others, including leaders in the Semayawi party, view it as a vehicle to advance pan-Ethiopian political ideas. Some Muslim activists propose a strategy of sustained low-level protest that avoids confrontation and recognize that a quick victory is impossible. To move more assertively would spark a military crackdown, and the movement’s leadership is likely to lose control if there is violence. The key dynamics to watch in the lead-up to elections in 2015 are therefore competition within the ruling party and the potential for the Ethiopian Muslim movement to create new space for political activism.

Terrence Lyons is associate professor of Conflict Analysis and Resolution and co-director of the Center for Global Studies, George Mason University.

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Ethiopia: African Media Leaders Must Boycott Ethiopia

By Fasil Girma Aragaw

Ethiopian journalists have come to expect the worst from our government

August 22, 2013 (Indepth Africa) — One of the world’s most hostile governments to an independent press, it has jailed friends and colleagues, forced them to leave the country and unjustly branded them as terrorists or enemies of the state for doing their jobs. But until now we have at least been able to count on the moral support of fellow journalists, media organizations and others opposed to injustice.

That has been changed by the deeply disappointing decision of the African Media Initiative (AMI) to hold its annual convention, the African Media Leaders’ Forum, in Addis Ababa this year. Far from helping to improve Ethiopia’s media environment, as suggested by the AMI’s chief executive, Amadou Mahtar Ba, this move will instead embolden the government in its ongoing war against the press.

According to the Committee to Protect Journalists, at least 49 Ethiopian journalists have been forced into exile since 2007. Nine of our colleagues languish in prison, making the country the second worst jailer of journalists in Africa after Eritrea.

Just last year, the government forced the closure of Feteh (“Justice”), the prominent independent newspaper in Addis Ababa, because of its critical editorial line. Its publisher, Mastewal Berhanu, who was forced to leave the country after receiving threats from security agents, is one of those who have said that the AMI’s decision is a blow to jailed and exiled Ethiopian journalists.

We have held the AMI in high esteem because of its stated commitment to”promote the development of pluralistic media”. But we believe its justification for holding the forum in Ethiopia is self-serving and insensitive to Ethiopia’s independent media community, and we cannot understand why Mr. Ba calls the decision “courageous”.

The AMI’s suggestion that holding the forum in Addis Ababa will further a process of “constructive engagement” with media stakeholders, including the government, is either naïve or aimed at benefitting narrow interests that do not really serve the Ethiopian media community at large. Neither the publishers’ association nor the media council with which the AMI has interacted represent independent journalists, nor do they defend their rights.

Despite all the Ethiopian government’s actions to stifle press freedom, I used to believe that if the press could organize itself it could gain enough strength to overcome its multi-faceted challenges. To test my belief in practice, I tried in 2011 to organize a monthly informal journalists’ roundtable, bringing the highly-polarized media together to discuss investigative journalism, particularly on corruption issues.

This platform sought to help the media play its watchdog role and I hoped it would grow into an investigative or anti-corruption journalists’ association.

But over ten months of meetings, the arrest and intimidation of journalists, along with the closures of local rights groups, rendered members frustrated and hesitant about forming an independent association.

Even the monthly roundtable meeting could not be sustained as participants gradually dropped out. Stringent laws, arrogant bureaucracy, threats and other challenges sapped the media of its energy, leaving it too weak to build one strong local media association which could help protect itself.

Today, professional media associations are either under the concealed patronage of the government or too scared to speak out for unlawfully imprisoned journalists such as Eskinder Nega, Reeyot Alemu, Woubshet Taye and many others. The Ethiopian government has ensured that there is no strong and vibrant media association that can stand for freedom of speech and press freedom.

Mr. Ba’s suggestion that the government-sponsored media council “is known for its independence and commitment to building free and balanced media” confirms our fears that the AMI, its handful of local partners and the Ethiopian government are speaking with one and the same voice.

I appreciate the Pan-African approach of Mr. Ba. But Pan-Africanism begins with African solidarity, based on the understanding that injustice against one African is an injustice against all Africans. The Ethiopian government is willing to have the AMLF meet in Addis Ababa because it can use the event as a counter to international pressure for freedom of speech and press freedom.

In our struggle to realize the freedoms promised in our constitution, Ethiopian journalists have seldom heard African intellectuals, media leaders or the African Union call out our government on its grave abuses and support those struggling to be free. Apartheid and colonialism were not defeated with “constructive engagement” or apathy and silence.

Business interests that worked with the apartheid regime are marked with shame forever. The AMI should reconsider its plan to hold the meeting in Addis Ababa.

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OROMO WOMEN NATIONAL UNION FOR LIBERATION (OWN-UL)

Introduction

Due to the harsh and increasing oppression of the Ethiopian government; the social, political and economical problems has reached an unprecedented level in the country. As a prime target and ongoing victim of genocide, the Oromo people have to double its effort in stepping up its struggle. Taking in to account the aforementioned facts; we the Oromo Women from all corners of Oromiya, have decided to stand together and deliver our responsibility in addressing the pressing human right issues of our people under the name and logo indicated above.

1. Whereas, the government act of unjustified imprisonment under terrorism law, exiling and killing of citizens demanding human right issues are intolerable;
2. Whereas, it has become important to document and expose the successive Ethiopian government horrendous crime against Oromo women;
3. Whereas, societal problems of unemployment and cost of living are unbearable and increasingly severe by the day
4. Whereas, the Oromo are left with no other option but to step up its struggle to achieve the right to self determination for the Oromiya and other nations in the country,
5. Whereas, it is necessary to work in an organized manner to build on the ongoing  contribution of Women in the Oromo struggle for self determination and freedom and to learn from other nations who achieved their goal;
6. Whereas, it is crucial to air the voice of the Oromo and other oppressed nations suffering under the brutal EPRDF government, to the international communities through medias;
7. Whereas, it has become an urgent matter to put the facts straight and counter the false propaganda of the government about the Oromo which has recently been intensified to crush the struggle of our people,
8.  Whereas, it has become necessary to stand with “National Youth Movement for Freedom And Democracy, QEERROO” and to organize the share of women in this effort
9. Whereas, the ongoing environmental destruction, displacement, imprisonment, exiling, killing and genocide against the Oromo and other oppressed nations in the country has necessitated an organized counter offensive against the oppressor.

Accordingly, to play our role in the ongoing struggle, we hereby declare the establishment of our union. By enhancing the performance of this organization and partnering with other like minded groups, we vow to struggle for our cause and declare our readiness to pay any sacrifice it may take.

We will realize our struggle and our right!!!

Victory for the Oromo!!!

Oromo Women National Union for Liberation

July11, 2013

Oromo Women National Union for Liberation                        Email:hawine342@gmail.com

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