Saturday, October 19, 2013

Maddi Jabina Diinaa Qabsoo Bilisummaaf Taasifamu Keessatti Wal-duukaa Hiriiruu Dhabuu Keenya Malee Baay’ina Qawwee fi Tika Qabuutii Miti!

Baareentuu Gadaa irraa                                                                           19/10/2013

Yeroo baay’ee namoonni tokko tokko beekaniis haa ta’u wallaalan jabina diina Oromoo kaleessaa haga har’aa gabroomfatee jiruu olkaasanii dubbatu. Baay’ina waraana isaanii fi jabinaa tikaa isaanii garmalee dhaadheessanii lafa nagahatti shoroorkaawu.  Bara Minilkis, bara H/sillaasees, bara Dargii fi wayyaanee harr’as karuma walfakkaatun waraanaa fi tika jabaadhan kan of ijaaran ta’utu dubbatama. Keessattuu “Wayyaaneen murna meshaa waraanaa hanga funyaanitti hidhattee dha?!,  Murna humna waraanaa eenyuu sochoosuu hin dandeenya ijaarte dha,!?   Murna tika waan halkan habjootanilleen beekuu danda’u qabduu dha!?, kanaafuu maaltu danda’ee sochoosa!?”jedhaniit hololu.  Holooltoonni kun Jaleewwan wayyaanee yoo tahan; namootni “ nu sabboonoo dha” ofiin jedhan tokko tokkos keessatti argamu!. Yeroo baay’ee “Yoo biyyi akka Ameerikaafaa nama gargaarte malee  wayyaanee dhiibanii kuffisuun hin danda’amu” jedhu. Ofii sodaatanii isa hafees sodaachisuuf, ofii abdii kutatanii isa hafes abdii kutachiisuuf ennaa dhamahan muldhatu! Hanga harr’aa garuu Oromoon holoola kanaan abdii kutatee gaaf tokkoofilleen bittoota Habashaa kaleessaas ta’e wayyaanee harr’aatif “amiin” jedhee bulee hin beeku.
Wayyaaneen humna uummattoota biyyattii keessattuu humna uummata Oromoo caaltun hin qabdu. Qabaachuus hin dandeechu. Waraanas ta’ee tikni wayyaaneen qabdu abbootii irree Itiyoophiyaa bulchaa turanii irree cunqurfamtootaatin kufanirraayis ta’e abbootii irree biyoota biraa kanneen danbalii diddaa uummataatin kufanii fi kufaa jiranirraa adda ta’ee miti. Jabinni waraanaa, baa’inni tikaa, lakkoofsi qawwee wayyaanee kan guddaa fakkaatee muldhatu hanga uummanni gabrummaa jala jiru kan akka Oromoo  bilisummaa isaa gonfachuuf “hooooo!!!!!!” jedhee bahee irra hin garagalletti.
Mootummaan  Wayyaanee/IHDG amma odeeffamaa jiruufis, amma Odeeffatus hin gahu. Keessi ona, keessi duwwaa dha, dhaaba wal nyaatinsi guddaan keessatti deemaa jiruu dha. Keessattuu yeroo ammaa kana mootummaa wal shakkii fi wal sodaadhan guutamee dha. Kanaaf raggaa guddaan wayyaaneen saboota biraarraa amantii dhabuu ishiitiin mootummaa harr’a Impaayera Itiyoophiyaa bulchaa jiru keessatti haangoo murteessaa fi olaanaa dha jette sassaabbatee qabachuu ishiiti. Kun sodaarraa madda. Waraana duraan ture ariitee kan dhalattoonni Tigraayi qofti olaantummaa keessatti qaban bifa haaraan ijaaruuf karoorfattee itti deemaa jiraachuunis ragaa lammataati.  Haangoo waraanaa, tikaa, diingdee fi dantaa alaa  walumaa galatti haangoo biyyattii dhibbantaa 95ni ol dhalattoota Tigraayin akka qabamu godhuun sodaa malee jabinarraa hin maddu! Murna sodaan guutamtee fi jeequmsa keessa jirtu ta’uu kan mirkaneessu ragaan biraa ammoo wal hidhaa, wal hari’aa fi iddoorraa wal jijjiiraa jiraachuu isaaniti. Miseensotni wayyaanee/IHADG garii ammoo kan kumootaan lakkaawwaman miseensummaa paartii gadhiisuuf iyyachuun ragaa wal-jeeqaa jiraachuu isaanii mirkaneessu kan biraati. Mallattoon akkasii ammoo gama kamiinuu mootummaan wayyaanee/IHDG diigamaa jiraachuu malee jabaachaa jiraachuu hin ibsu. Hololtoonni fi jala deemtoonni wayyaanee waan fedhanis jedhan dhugaan jiru motummaan wayyaanee/IHDG muka keessa isaa Urtoon/Riirimni/ fixxee baddaan yeroof calaqqiisuu dha.
Wayyaaneen osoo murna jabaa fi ofitti amantaa qabdu taatee saboota biyyattii dhibbantaa 95ni ol ta’an waan hundarraawuu uggurtee  mootummaa saba tokko qofaan hoogganamu hin ijaartu. Osoo jabina qabaattee bakka deemteetti gaaddidduu ishii shakkaa fi bir’ataa, dhiittaa mirgaa raawwataa hin deemtu. Murna “Harr’a- Bor…… kufinnaa laata?” jettee sodaattu waan taateef saboota biyyattii keessattuu saba Oromoo ukkaamsaa jirti. Murna akkasiitif jabina keennuun ammoo of tuffachuudha, amma gahan of wallaaludha, dukkana kaleessaa keessa jiraachuu dha.
“Wayyaaneen Erga keessi ishee bututaa fi kan hirkattummaan jiraattu ta’ee waggoota 22f akkamittiin Oromoo fi saboota cunqurfamoo biroo dhiitaa jiraatte?” kan jedhu gaaffiin ka’uu danda’a. Gaafii gaafatamuu qabuu;! gaafii hundi keenya of gaafachuu qabnuudhas, Gaafii kanaaf deebii gabaabaa lafa kaa’un ni danda’ama. Innis irree tokkoon gabroonfattoota kaleessaas ta’ee wayyaanee harr’aa irratti ka’uu dhabuu keenya! kan jedhuu dha. Tokkoon tokkoon keenya murna kana kuffisuu keessatti waan gumaachuu dandeenyu gumaachuu dhabuu keenya kan jedhuu dha.
Oromoon baha Afrikaatti uummata guddaa tahuun irra deddeebi’amee firaanis halagaanis dubbatameera. Gaafiin garuu amma guddina keenyaa bilisummaa keenyaaf qabsaawaa jiraayii ? kan jedhuu dha. Waan dandeenyuun qabsoo bilisummaa Oromoof godhamu keessatti hangam hirmaanne? kan jedhuu dha.  Diinni maal godhaa jira ? nuti hoo warri bilisummaa Oromootif qabsoofna jennu kufaatii diinaarratti hojjechaa jirrammoo waan diina fayyadu hojjechaa jirra? kan jedhuu dha.  Sana booda jabina diinaatii fi jabina lammii madaaluun ni danda’ama.
Dhugaa yoo dubbanne  biyya keessatti dhalataa Oromoo tahee isa qawwee diinni Oromoo ittiin ajjeesu sababa adda addaatin baatu fi isa lammii basaasuurraa kaasee hanga namoota biyya alaatti faallaa  qabsoo bilisummaa Oromoo hojjataniitti yoo kaafnee ilaalle  kan diinni nurratti dalagurra kan ofii ofirrati dalagnuu fi dalagnetu caala. Ennaa inni tokko bilisummaa Oromootif lubbuu isaa dabalatee waan hundaan of kennee funduratti deemu inni biraa ennaa faallaa qabsoo bilisummaa Oromoo deemu muldhata. Humna, qabeenyaa fi beekumsa isaa kan bilisummaa Oromootif ooluu danda’u gita isaarratti ittiin holooluuf oolcha. Walitti dhufanii mari’atanii bilisummaa Oromootiif karaa qabsoon calqabame finiinu itti dand’u akeekurra gufuu wal jala kaa’uutu filatama. Kun ammoo karaa fedheenuu hojii diinaatii gadii miti. Oromoon har’as, kaleessas kana hin barbaadu. Deemsii akkasii akka murni wayyaanee bicuun caalaatti Oromoorratti roorriftu, akka humnaa fi dandeettii ishiitin ala maqaa argattu taasiseera. Humriin sirna murna tanaa dheerachuunis asirraa burqa. Maddi holoola jabina ishiitiis kanuma malee meeshaa waraanaa fi tikkaa adduunyaa biraarra adda ta’ee fi hin jirre qabaattetii miti. Qaawwa kana cuufanii bilisummaa ofii gonfachuun ammoo kan nama “Ani Bilisummaa Oromootifan qabsawwa!” jedhu maraati.
Kan jedhamaa jiruus ta’ee kan uummanni Oromoo barbaadu ilmaan isaa diinarratti qiyyaafattee akka Yeyyiis diina bitaa mirgaan weerartee akka irraa kufiftuu dha. Akka bilisa isa baaftu dha. Kan ummanni Oromoo jedhu, kan ta’uu qabus eennaa inni tokko fuunduratti deemu inni kuun faallaa qabsoo bilisummaa Oromoo duubatti deemuu haa dhaabudha! Wal faalleessuun, wal diiguu fi walirratti holooluun dhaabbachuu qabaa dha! Xiqqaa guddaan keenya diinarratti qiyyaafachuu qabnaa dha! Tokko taanee daandii bilsummaatti nama geessuu haa gabaabsiinuu dha. Kan ta’uu qabus kanuma!
Yoos umriin diinaa gabaabbata,Yoos Oromoon dheebuu bilisummaasaa baha.  Yoos Jabinni wayyaanee sobaan tuulame, meeshaan waraanaa fi tikni garmalee dhaadheeffamuuf akka fixeensa ganamaa baqee bada.

Jailed Ethiopian journalists challenge use of terror laws to silence dissent

MLDI and Freedom Now have submitted a petition to the African Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights asking it to declare the systematic imprisonment of independent journalists in the country a gross violation of human rights, and to refer it to the African Court for a binding ruling.
Two Ethiopian journalists imprisoned under Ethiopia’s anti-terror laws have appealed to the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights arguing that their conviction and imprisonment for alleged terrorist activity violates their right to freedom of expression and to a fair trial.  Veteran journalist and blogger Eskinder Nega and freelance journalist Reeyot Alemu were convicted of terrorist activity for articles criticising the Ethiopian government and accused of using their right to free speech as a cover for terrorist activity.

Mr Nega and Ms Alemu are just two of many journalists imprisoned for voicing opposition since the Anti-Terrorism Proclamation was introduced in 2009.  In 2011, more journalists went into exile from Ethiopia than from any other country.  Those imprisoned face conditions of detention which fail to meet basic human rights standards, including the denial of the right to receive visitors. The UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, the African Commission, and a number of UN special rapporteurshave all criticised the use of the overly broad and vague provisions of the Anti –Terrorism Proclamation such as “encouraging terrorism” to imprison journalists, opposition party members and other dissenting voices. 

Both Mr Nega and Ms Alemu are award winning journalists and shared the Human Rights Watch Hellman-Hammett Award in 2012, awarded to journalists targeted for political persecution.  Mr Nega has been working as a journalist since 1993.  Prior to his most recent arrest in September 2011, he had been arrested on 7 previous occasions.  He was sentenced to 18 years imprisonment in July 2012 for various offences under the Anti-Terrorism Proclamation.  The UN Working Group on Arbitrary Detentionrecently found that Mr Nega’s ongoing detention violated international law.  His articles call for peaceful opposition to the government and expressly denounce the use of violence. 

Ms Alemu writes on topics such as government policy and spending, the lack of an independent media in Ethiopia and the mistreatment of minorities.  Her arrest in June 2011 occurred several days after she published an article criticising practices of Ethiopia’s ruling party.  She was initially sentenced to 14 years imprisonment for offences under the Anti-Terrorism Proclamation, reduced to 5 years on appeal.  Both journalists were reported to have spent time in solitary confinement.  Mr Nega was also alleged to have been beaten and Ms Alemu was deprived of medical care following surgery 15 months ago. 

The appeal to the African Commission was filed on behalf of Mr Nega and Ms Alemu by MLDI’s senior legal counsel, Nani Jansen, Patrick Griffith of Freedom Now, and barrister Korieh Duodu. 

The appeal argues that the conviction and imprisonment of the journalists for terrorist activity was solely because of their criticism of the government and violates both their right to freedom of expression and their right to a fair trial.  It also argues that the failure to provide medical care to Ms Alemu violates her right to health.  The treatment of Mr Nega and Ms Alemu highlights the serious violations of human rights that are occurring in Ethiopia under the premise of restricting terrorist activity.  In light of the widespread use of the Anti-Terrorism Proclamation to prosecute journalists and other dissenting voices, the journalists have asked the African Commission to refer their cases to the African Court on Human and Peoples’ Rights as part of a series of massive or serious violations of human rights. 

“We hope that the African Commission will recognise the serious nature of the violations of the rights of both these, and other, journalists in Ethiopia and refer the matter to the African Court.  Critical comment on political matters should never be considered as supporting or encouraging terrorist activity” said MLDI’s senior legal counsel, Nani Jansen. 

Patrick Griffith of Freedom Now commented that “The continued detention of Mr Nega and Ms Alemu is a clear violation of their fundamental right to freedom of expression and has been widely condemned by the international community—they must be immediately released and allowed to return to their important work.”
The African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights next meets in ordinary session is from 22nd October to 5th November in Banjul, the Republic of the Gambia. 


Ethiopia deny attack on Nigeria team bus

Nosa Igiebor


The Ethiopian Football Federation (EFF) has denied that there was an attack on the Nigerian team in Addis Ababa after their World Cup play-off first-leg tie.
The Nigeria Football Federation (NFF) said the team bus was attacked by Ethiopian fans and that midfielder Nosa Igiebor was injured.
The Super Eagles, who won the match 2-1, have reported the incident to Fifa.
But the Ethiopian FA says an investigation led to no proof of the incident taking place.
"There was no attack," EFF president Juinedin Basha told BBC Sport.
"There was no one injured - either players or individuals from the Nigerian team on Sunday. This is what we found out from our investigation.
"We have checked everything. We've got nothing that shows a player or any other individual was injured by fans.
"The Ethiopian people are known to be respectful to any African from every corner. This is our culture, this is our history and the Nigerians are our African brothers," he said.
Basha, however, acknowledged that there were some angry fans, following a late penalty, which was converted by Nigeria's Emmanuel Emenike.
"Of course the stadium was full of angry fans, who were disappointed by the referee's decision, especially after he ruled out the first goal."
The Walya Antelopes thought they had opened the scoring after 24 minutes through Saladin Said, only for Godfrey Oboabona to clear off the line.
The NFF said in a press statement that fans attacked the team bus with stones after the match, and that the rear window of the bus was shattered.
"Igiebor was the unlucky one as the stone slashed his right palm leading to profuse bleeding that was immediately attended to by team doctor, Ibrahim Gyaran," Ben Alaiya, the Super Eagles press officer, said.
The Ethiopian FA was fined last January after travelling Ethiopian fans at the Africa Cup of Nations in South Africa threw bottles at Zambian players.
The East Africans travel to Calabar on 16 November for the return leg of the play-off, with the winners progressing to the World Cup finals in Brazil.

=>bbc

Letter to Madame Fatou Bensouda of ICC

From Macha Tulama Cooperative and Development Association USA

18 October 2013
Madame Fatou Bensouda,
Chief Prosecutor, Office of the Prosecutor of
the International Criminal Court (ICC/OTP)
The Hague, Netherlands
Dear Madame Bensouda,
It is deeply concerning to learn that Ethiopia, Kenya and Sudan have drafted plans to undermine the International Criminal Court (ICC) at the October 11- 12, 2013 African Union meeting in Addis Ababa Ethiopia. The plans were to oppose ICC efforts to bring dictators and heads of state in Africa to justice, particularly those who committed atrocities. Attempts by some AU members include delays into the investigation of President Uhuru Kenyatta and William Ruto, who were alleged to have a role in the 2007 Kenyan election violence. Macha Tulama USA is concerned that these efforts are designed to hide crimes committed on the continent, including joint efforts between Governments such as Ethiopia, Kenya, Sudan, Djibouti and Somalia.
In the case of Ethiopia, it is well documented that the Northern Ethnic groups, Tigrayan and Amhara, have committed egregious human rights violations and genocide of people groups in South and Central regions. Many human rights advocacy groups have documented these human rights violations including against people from the Omo valley, regions of Oromia, Ogaden, Sidama, Anuak, and Afar.
ETHIOPIA
HISTORICAL REFERENCE
Oromo who make up more than 40% of Ethiopia’s population have been marginalized by occupying ethnic groups, Amhara (Abyssinians), since Oromo lost independence. Soon after Abyssinians annexed Oromia, the Abyssinians committed Genocide against Oromo and other Southern nations. In the case of Oromo, estimated figures of dead were close to 5 million, with many deaths at Aanoolee and Calaanqo, Oromia.
A February 26, 1895 New York Times article references atrocities by Abyssinian Emperor Menelik II in the late 1880s. The article, “Menelek’s Terrible Expedition,” cites the Tribuna and reports that King Menelik massacred 70,000 Oromo and captured 15,000 at one location.
HUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATIONS
Human Rights League of the Horn of Africa, Oromo Support Group, Human Rights Watch, US State Department, Government of Australia, Genocide Watch and Amnesty International are among governments and NGOs that documented human rights abuses by the Government of Ethiopia (GOE).  These violations of human rights include instances where GOE:
  • used paramilitary groups to carry out extrajudicial torture, detention and killings against particularly Oromo people. The resulting consequence is a large exodus of Oromo refugees. In 2012, more than 75,000 refugees crossed over to Yemen from Somaliland by way of human traffickers. It is believed that more than 50% are Oromo.
  • forced farmers off indigenous land for sale to large commercial farmers from Middle East, Asia and Europe (land grab). This has been occurring in large scale on Gambella and Oromo regions.
  • forced relocation of indigenous pastoralists from ethnic people of Omo valley for the Gibe III hydroelectric dam. The forced relocation includes killings members of their communities.
  • targeted killings of Oromo refugees in neighboring countries such as Somaliland, Djibouti, Puntland, and Kenya.
  • Forced refoulement of Oromo refugees in neighboring countries including those who have UNHCR Mandates and who are to be protected by Article 3 of the Convention against Torture. Article 3 states that:
No state party shall expel, return (“refouler”) or extradite a person to another state where there are substantial grounds to believe that they would be in danger of being subjected to torture.
One recent case of Oromo refugee being refouled, then tortured and killed in an Ethiopian prison is that of Mr Tesfahun Chemeda. The killing of Mr Tesfahun Chemeda was documented by the following:
OROMO PERSPECTIVE
One Oromo perspective on Human rights abuses was recently aired by Al Jazeera in a panel discussion on Oromo Seek Justice in Ethiopia. The discussants explained that Oromo are targeted by GOE through discrimination and violence for being ethnic Oromo. Some believe the targeting is out of fear of relinquishing power through elections to a people they occupy, reminiscent of the former Apartheid system of South Africa.
Many of the GOE policies were geared around ensuring restricted access of Oromo to available protections and development instituted by UN and other international organizations. Ethiopia’s 2009 Charities and Societies Proclamation Act is one example where laws were enacted to implement Ethiopian targeted policies against many, particularly Oromo. Amnesty International report, ‘Stifling human rights work: the impact of Ethiopia’s civil society legislation’, provides analysis of the 2009 Act. Amnesty’s report stated:
“The law has had a devastating impact on human rights organizations, and has significantly restrained human rights defenders from conducting their legitimate and vital role in civil society. The country’s leading human rights organizations have lost almost all of their income because of the funding restrictions. Further, these organizations have been subjected to enforced changes of mandate, programme activities or the name of their organization.”
Human Rights Watch recently conducted research into Ethiopian prisons and published ”They want a confession.” The report confirms the Oromo perspective, particularly as it relates to GOE targeting Oromo:
“Ethiopian police and other security forces are regularly implicated in arbitrary arrest and detention and the violation of basic due process rights. Those particularly vulnerable to such abuse include activist students; protesters; journalists; members of the political opposition, particularly ethnic Oromo parties; alleged supporters of insurgent groups, such as the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) and the Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF); and anyone suspected in broadly defined “terrorist” activities.”
OROMO REFUGEES
Oromo refugees experience the external policies of GOE through human rights abuses outside of Ethiopia in places such as Djibouti, Somaliland, Puntland, Kenya, Sudan and Yemen. The GOE has established military and security cooperation with many of those countries. An end result is violations of international laws and agreements, particularly on human rights. Many of the violations include:
  • establishing refoulement of Oromo as a common practice
  • executions of Oromo civilians in other countries
  • blocking international assistance in third countries of Oromo Refugees (men, women and children) particularly on health needs
It is this established cooperation that requires urgent action by the International community, as it lays the ground work for continuation and worsening of human rights violations.
RECOMMNEDATIONS:
It is known that Ethiopia refuses to sign the Rome Statute. It is deeply concerning to know that in addition to rejecting International norms on protection of civilians, the GOE is actively engaged in pressuring other African Countries to disassociate with ICC objectives in order to legitimize Ethiopian inhumane acts.
  • We urge ICC to continue and not be deterred by agents who seek to block protection of humanity, particularly those who believe it is their right to persecute oppressed people.  Doing so will strengthen efforts of the International Community in protecting innocent civilians throughout the world.  In Uganda, it is reported that many are concerned with election related violence. If the will of some AU members is allowed, those who incite violence will continue to act without impunity.
  • We urge ICC to work closely with Human Rights groups, Oromo advocacy groups and organizations to investigate Ethiopia even though they are not signatures to the Rome Statute
Sincerely,
Mardaasa Addisu
Secretary of Macha Tulama Cooperative and Development Association
http://www.machatulama-usa.org/

REFERENCE ON ETHIOPIAN HUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATIONS
Abductions and Refoulement of Oromo Refugees from neighboring countries
Djibouti December 31, 2012 A Human Rights League of the Horn of Africa Press Release (HRLHA UA NO 2013) reports on abduction and refoulment of Oromo and Ogaden refugees including those with UNHCR Mandates. It was reported by several sources that the refugees are in Dire Dewa prison in Ethiopia.
*UNHCR Case # COM-13-0045 recently opened on this incident.
Somaliland November 23, 2012 Attached is the HRLHA report on Ms Riyana Abdurahman Yusuf, who was taken by Somaliland Security and refouled. It was last reported that she was held in a prison in Ethiopia Jigjiga Ogaden.
Somaliland August 31, 2012  Former UNHCR Somalia Head Bruno Geddo documented incident at Social Welfare Center in Hargeisa where Somaliland Police and locals attacked many Oromo refugees and asylum seekers. The incident was compounded by attempt to refoul a large group of Oromo refugees and mandate holders. According to Mr Bruno Geddo, and local contacts, UNHCR successfully returned 73 Oromo refugees after aggressive lobbying with Somaliland authorities. Many Asylum seekers were refouled, despite UNCHR attempt according to Bruno Geddo. Over 26 Oromo refugees remained in Somaliland prison for more than a month after the incident. After their release, a large group left for Puntland.
Somaliland December 22, 2011 Attached is a report published around the time Somaliland tried to hand the refugees and asylum seekers to Ethiopian officials. Ms Riyana Abdurahman Yusuf’s father were among those Somaliland tried to refoul. He is currently in Djibouti as a UNHCR mandate holder.
  Oromo Support Group Reports on Djibouti and Somaliland provide great details on torture of Oromo and Ogaden refugees by the Ethiopian Government as well as human rights violations in those respective countries.
Djibouti: destitution and fear for Refugees from Ethiopia
Persecuted in Ethiopia: Hunted in Hargeisa
A number of contacts within State Department Population Refugee and Migration Bureau have done a great deal of lobbying to free detained Oromo in places like Somaliland. However, I believe a stronger multiagency cooperation is required to develop policy that mitigates the inhumane practices by the Government of Ethiopia. These policy should include reduction and or elimination of military Aid, which is ligely used against Oromo and other nations within the Ethiopian empire. Many of the actions of the Government of Ethiopia demonstrate a genuine disregard for human life including against women, children and men of all ages.
Region Mixed Migration Secretariat and Danish Refugee Council
In October 2012, the RMMS produced a brochure on refugees in Yemen who fleed Ethiopia. In the booklet, desperate choices,  RMMS researchers identified that the majority of refugees are Oromo.
The following was taken from the document:
“The Oromo and Ogaden qualify for refugee status because of their political marginalization and persecution by the authorities, but the status of other Ethiopians who also experience marginalization as a result of their political views is unclear. The Ethiopian Government is becoming increasingly defensive towards any opposition and outlawing democratic activities such as freedom of speech,as well as closing down local human rights NGOs with more than 10 per cent external funding under the Charities and Societies Proclamation Law of 2009. “
The RMMS booklet reports on violent crimes against women including kidnapping and rape. Three Oromo who lived in Yemen since 2003, told RMMS researhcers that they had
“.. been tortured and detained by the regime.
Even in neighbouring countries immigrants are
kidnapped, tortured and killed (…) Women refugees
are raped in a house they are working by Yemenis.
They even raped in the street.”
One Oromo farmer from Jima reported leaving Ethiopia to pay off debt incurred when:
“Government officials had forced them to purchase fertilizer for their crops from a Government supplier. The high prices and subsequent poor harvests meant that they had become indebted..”
In other instances, it was reported that Human Traffickers coercise local farmers in Oromia (and elsewhere) to work on Qat farms in Yemen. Once in Yemen, the victims are forced to work long hours.
In the report, RMMS researchers identified that Tigray gangs operate in Sa’ada transporting weapons and drugs for Houthis. It is Tigray ethnic group who control Ethiopia today.
Human Rights Abuse by Government of Ethiopia and their subset Paramilitary groups
The Ethiopian Government has specifically targeted Oromo people. The Government uses direct acttacks on Oromo as well as paramilatary groups like the Liyuu Police, and those in Benishangual region (West Ethiopia). Typically, the regime presents the confrontations as inter ethnic fighting, however, the civilians know that we have had there existed peace between ethnic groups until insighted by the Government.
A March 12, 2013 Al Jazeera report on Ethiopia’s Anti Terror law included an interview of one of two Swedish Journalist, Martin Schibbye, captured by Ethiopion forces along with Liyuu police. During the interview, Martin revealed the brutal treatment by GOE forces, followed by forced confessions that he was a terrorist. Martin also described how they carried out mock execution of him prior to being transported to Addis Abeba for trial.
It is not only Oromo civilians that are attacked in Ethiopia. Somalia from Ogaden region, Anuak from Gambella, Benishangul and Sidama people all face very similar attacks on civilian population.
  • Attached is a report of recent killings by paramilitary groups under Ethiopian government in Ogaden region.
  • The following is the report posted on Somaliland press regarding Ethiopian paramilitary group Liyuu Police (along with Ethiopian federal troops) showing the capture of the two Swedish journalists
  • The Federal Defense Army and Rapid Action Troops ‘fetno-derash’ are also notorious for attacks on civilians. While the current Prime Minister Hailemariam Dessalegn was the President of Southern region in 2002, Sidama people were massacred by the Rapid Action Troops at the village of Loqe near Hawassa town. It was reported that his Vice President at the time, Melese Marimo, ordered the shooting of peaceful demonstrators.
Similar cases are reported in Oromo and Benishangul-Gumuz regions. Please see Benishangul Human Rights Press Release in 2009 illustrating that many locals from Oromo and Benishangual community suspect atrocities committed in the Benishangual region were orchestrated by Ethiopian Federal Security.
The following are two important texts from the press release.
“An example of such an action occurred on June 21, 2008 when credible sources from the ground reported that Ethiopian government security forces combined with the Ethiopian National Defense Forces to attack Benishangul villages, killing hundreds. Many others were displaced, disappeared or were arrested, many later being tortured to death.”
Regarding Oromo and Benishangul people:
“The Oromo and Benishangul people have lived together for centuries, but reports on both sides indicate evidence or suspicion that the Meles regime was behind both attacks; something that will require all of us to come together to prevent either side from being used or scapegoated. Government sympathizers from one ethnicity have been used, at times, to carry out the regime’s schemes against those of another ethnicity. Conversely, the innocent have been blamed for acts they did not commit.”

Oromo youth in the Netherlands reaches out to the host community

Oromo youth in the Netherlands reaches out to the host community

Oromo youth has organized a meeting which was held on 10.12.2013 in Amsterdam, the Netherlands. The aim of the meeting was to bring attention to Oromo’s generations old plight in Ethiopia. The organizers hoped to reach out both to the Oromo community and to the host community in the Netherlands. The meeting which was organized under the banner of ‘Oromo’s plight in Ethiopia’ discussed on various issues ranging from current political situation in Ethiopia, human rights abuses perpetrated against Oromo and Oromo’s long and difficult journey towards freedom.
At this meeting various speakers gave spectacular speeches which focused on historical accounts of Oromo people and its long journey to freedom. Particularly the speech given by Mr. Mulugeta Mossisa highlighted the political contour of Oromo struggle for freedom. He discussed past and the present situations of Oromo people emphasizing on the contribution many Oromo national figures have made to fight injustice and abhorrent subjugation. He also touched on specifically what young generation has to contribute in order to make the dream of fallen Oromo heroes and heroines come true.
The meeting was aimed to increase the level of awareness particularly among the host community about political realities in Ethiopia and widespread human right abuses in the country. As part of the meeting, there was cultural event in which artists such as Mahdi Sheka, Hangatu Balcha, Tulu Amante Jaleta (also one of the organizers) and others entertained the guests and participants of the meeting.
Mr. Bayisa Ayana and Mr. Abdella Kedir Mohammed, both are members of the organizing committees, believe that such a meeting plays crucial role in order to reinvigorate Oromo struggle for freedom by bringing Oromo together and providing them a platform where they can discuss issues and ideas of great relevance for Oromo community in the Netherlands and human rights abuses Oromo in Oromia has to face on regular basis. Other participants, Cala Alfa Moti, Nasir Hussein, Umar Biftu and Gadaa Hunde, hope that the meeting would create enormous opportunity for the host community, especially for those who participated in the meeting, get first-hand accounts of Oromo’s suffering and why Oromos are becoming refugees in increasing numbers from those who faced irreprehensible repression, torture, trauma and all kinds of despicable abuses under the current regime.
The event was organized by Oromo youth in the Netherlands and received substantial financial and logistical support from church leaders and individuals. The meeting would have not been successful had it not been due to relentless support of Deacon Jasper. Such a meeting was the first of its kind in the Netherlands. The organizers of the meeting, encouraged by what has been achieved, have plans to organize meetings of similar kind to engage Oromo and to reach out to the host community even in a much bigger and broader fashion. Reaching out to the host community and making Oromo cause for freedom and justice, Mr. Abadella K Mohammed and Faiz Ali are convinced, is best approach to win many friends for our struggle and another approach through which Oromo can mount international pressure on the regime in Ethiopia.
Oromo is the largest ethnic group in Ethiopia and the most persecuted ethnic group: deprived of any meaningful political role in the country and faced despicable economic marginalization which left millions in abject poverty.

Chaltu as Helen: an everyday story of Oromos traumatic identity change

Chaltu midhaksaby Tigist Geme
(OPride) – Author and novelist Tesfaye Gebreab released his eighth book “Ye Sidetengaw Mastawesha”  an immigrant's memoir ­– online, as a free PDF, after an alleged fallout with his publisher,Netsanet Publishing Agency (NPA).
The dramatic decision to distribute the book for free – at an estimated loss of $30,000 – came, according to Tesfaye's people, after NPA leaked a doctored copy of the book following the author's refusal to omit two controversial chapters, one of which is about Oromo.
Tesfaye is not new to controversy, especially one involving the divergent Oromo and Ethiopian narratives. His well-received book, YeBurqa Zimita – the silence of Burqa – is the first major work of contemporary Amharic fiction with main Oromo characters based on a true story.
Tesfaye, who is of an Eritrean descent, grew up in Bishoftu in Oromia, central Ethiopia. He identifies himself as "Ijjoollee Bushooftu" meaning a proud Bishoftu native. His third major novel "Ye Bishoftu Qorxoch" and two subsequent memoirs, although less controversial, dealt with the plight of Oromo people under successive Ethiopian regimes.
Suffice to say, over the years, Tesfaye had distinguished himself as a controversial, introspective, and critical novelist by going against the tide of mainstream Ethiopianist narrative. For this, he’s been accused of many things, like being a paid Eritrean spy.
In the latest disputed book, one of the chapters that the publishers allegedly sought to censor was “Chaltu as Helen”, which is based on a novelized story of Chaltu Midhaksa, a young Oromo girl from Ada'aa Barga district, also in central Oromia.
Born to a farming family in Koftu, a small village south of Addis Ababa near Akaki, Chaltu led an exuberant childhood. Raised by her grandmother's sister Gode, a traditional storyteller who lived over 100 years, the impressionable Chaltu mastered the history and tradition of Tulama Oromos at a very young age.
Chaltu’s captivating and fairytale like story, as retold by Tesfaye, begins when she was awarded a horse named Gurraacha as a prize for winning a Tulama history contest. Though she maybe the first and only female contestant, Chaltu won the competition by resoundingly answering eleven of the twelve questions she was asked.
Guraacha, her pride and constant companion, became Chaltu's best friend and she took a good care of him. Gurraacha was a strong horse; his jumps were high, and Chaltu understood his pace and style.
A masterful rider and an envy to even her male contemporaries, Chaltu soon distinguished herself as bold, confident, outspoken, assertive, and courageous. For this, she quickly became a household name among the Oromo from Wajitu to Walmara, Sera to Dawara, Bacho to Cuqala, and Dire to Gimbichu, according to Tesfaye.
Chaltu traces her lineage to the Galan, one of the six clans of Tulama Oromo tribe. At the height of her fame, admirers – young and old – addressed her out of respect as “Caaltuu Warra Galaan!" – Chaltu of the Galan, and "Caaltuu Haadha Gurraacha!" – Chaltu the mother of Gurraacha.
Chaltu's disarming beauty, elegance, charisma, and intelligence coupled with her witty personality added to her popularity. Chaltu's tattoos from her chin to her chest, easily noticeable from her light skin, made her look like of a “Red Indian descent” (Tesfaye's words). 
As per Tesfaye's account, there wasn’t a parent among the well-to-do Oromos of the area who did not wish Chaltu betrothed to their son. At 14, Chaltu escaped a bride-kidnapping attempt by outracing her abductors.
Chaltu's grandfather Banti Daamo, a well-known warrior and respected elder, had a big family. Growing up in Koftu, Chaltu enjoyed being surrounded by a large network of extended family, although she was the only child for her parents.
Recognizing Chaltu's potential, her relatives suggested that she goes to school, which was not available in the area at the time. However, fearing that she would be abducted, Chaltu's father arranged her marriage to a man of Ada’aa family from Dire when she turned 15.
Locals likened Chaltu's mannerism to her grandfather Banti Daamo, earning her yet another nickname as "Caaltuu warra Bantii Daamo" – Chaltu of Banti Daamo. She embraced the namesake because many saw her as an heir to Banti Daamo's legacy, a role usually preserved for the oldest male in the family. Well-wishers blessed her: prosper like your grandparents. She embraced and proudly boasted about continuing her grandfather's heritage calling herself Chaltu Banti Daamo.
Others began to call her Akkoo [sic] Xinnoo, drawing a comparison between Chaltu and a legendary Karrayu Oromo woman leader after whom Ankobar was named.
Chaltu's eccentric life took on a different trajectory soon after her marriage. She could not be a good wife as the local tradition and custom demanded; she could not get along with an alcoholic husband who came home drunk and abused her.  
When Chaltu threatened to dissolve the marriage, as per Oromo culture, elders intervened and advised her to tolerate and reconcile with her husband. Rebellious and nonconformist by nature, Chaltu, who's known for challenging old biases and practices, protested "an alcoholic cannot be a husband for Banti Daamo’s daughter!”
Soon she left her husband and moved to Addis Ababa, Ethiopia's capital, to attend formal education and start a new chapter in life.
Trouble ensues.
In Addis Ababa, her aunt Mulumebet's family welcomed Chaltu. Like Chaltu, Mulumebet grew up in Koftu but later moved to Addis Ababa, and changed her given name from Gadise in order to ‘fit’ into the city life.
Subsequently, Mulumebet sat down with Chaltu to provide guidance and advice on urban [Amhara] ways.
“Learning the Amharic language is mandatory for your future life," Mulumebet told Chaltu. "If you want to go to school, first you have to speak the language; in order to learn Amharic, you must stop speaking Afaan Oromo immediately; besides, your name Chaltu Midhaksa doesn’t match your beauty and elegance."
"I wish they did not mess you up with these tattoos," Mulumebet continued, "but there is nothing I could do about that...however, we have to give you a new name."
Just like that, on her second day in Addis, Caaltuu warra Galaan became Helen Getachew.
Chaltu understood little of the dramatic twists in her life. She wished the conversation with her aunt were a dream. First, her name Chaltu means the better one, her tattoos beauty marks.
She quietly wondered, “what is wrong with my name and my tattoos? How can I be better off with a new name that I don’t even know what it means?"
Of course she had no answers for these perennial questions. Most of all, her new last name Getachew discomforted her. But she was given no option.
The indomitable Chaltu had a lot to learn.
A new name, new language, new family, and a whole new way of life, the way of civilized Amhara people. Chaltu mastered Amharic in a matter of weeks. Learning math was no problem either, because Chaltu grew up solving math problems through oral Oromo folktale and children's games like Takkeen Takkitumaa.
Chaltu's quick mastery amazed Dr. Getachew, Mulumebet's husband. This also made her aunt proud and she decided to enroll Chaltu in an evening school. The school matched Chaltu, who's never set foot in school, for fourth grade. In a year, she skipped a grade and was placed in sixth grade. That year Chaltu passed the national exit exam, given to all sixth graders in the country, with distinction.
But her achievements in school were clouded by a life filled with disappointments, questions, and loss of identity. Much of her troubles came from Mulumebet packaged as life advice.
“Helen darling, all our neighbors love and admire you a lot," Mulumebet told Chaltu one Sunday morning as they made their way into the local Orthodox Church. "There is not a single person on this block who is not mesmerized by your beauty...you have a bright future ahead of you as long as you work on your Amharic and get rid of your Oromo accent...once you do that, we will find you a rich and educated husband."
Chaltu knew Mulumebet had her best interest at heart. And as a result never questioned her counsel. But her unsolicited advises centered mostly on erasing Chaltu's fond childhood memories and making her lose touch with Oromummaa – and essentially become an Amhara.
Chaltu spent most of her free time babysitting Mulumebet's children, aged 6 and 8. She took care of them and the kids loved her. One day, while the parents were away, lost in her own thoughts, Chaltu repeatedly sang her favorite Atetee – Oromo women's song of fertility – in front of the kids.
That night, to Chaltu's wild surprise, the boys performed the song for their parents at the dinner table. Stunned by the revelation, Mulumebet went ballistic and shouted, “Are you teaching my children witchcraft?"
Mulumebet continued, "Don’t you ever dare do such a thing in this house again. I told you to forget everything you do not need. Helen, let me tell you for the last time, everything you knew from Koftu is now erased…forget it all! No Irreechaa, no Waaree, no Okolee, no Ibsaa, No Atetee, and no Wadaajaa."
Amused by his wife's dramatic reaction, Getachew inquired, “what does the song mean, Helen?" Chaltu told him she could not explain it in Amharic. He added, “If it is indeed about witchcraft, we do not need a devil in this house...Helen, praise Jesus and his mother, Mary, from now on."
"Wait," Getachew continued, "did you ever go to church when you were in Koftu? What do they teach you there?”
Chaltu acknowledged that she’s been to a church but never understood the sermons, conducted in Amharic, a language foreign to her until now. "Getachew couldn’t believe his ears," writes Tesfaye. But Getachew maintained his cool and assured Chaltu that her mistake would be forgiven.
Chaltu knew Atetee was not a witchcraft but a women's spiritual song of fertility and safety. All Oromo women had their own Atetee.
Now in her third year since moving to Addis, Chaltu spoke fluent Amharic. But at school, in the market, and around the neighborhood, children bullied her daily. It was as if they were all given the same course on how to disgrace, intimidate, and humiliate her.
“You would have been beautiful if your name was not Chaltu," strangers and classmates, even those who knew her only as Helen, would tell her. Others would say to Chaltu, as if in compliment, "if you were not Geja (an Amharic for uncivilized), you would actually win a beauty pageant...they messed you up with these tattoos, damn Gallas!"
Her adopted name and mastery of Amharic did not save Chaltu from discrimination, blatant racism, hate speech, and ethnic slurs. As if the loss of self was not enough, seventh grade was painfully challenging for Chaltu. One day when the students returned from recess to their assigned classes, to her classmate's collective amusement, there was a drawing of a girl with long tattooed neck on the blackboard with a caption: Helen Nikise Gala – Helen, the tattooed Gala. Gala is a disparaging term akin to a Nigger used in reference to Oromos. As Chaltu sobbed quietly, their English teacher Tsige walked in and the students' laughter came to a sudden halt. Tsige asked the classroom monitor to identity the insulting graffiti's artist. No one answered. He turned to Chaltu and asked, “Helen, tell me who drew this picture?"
She replied, “I don't know teacher, but Samson always called me Nikise Gala."
Tsige was furious. Samson initially denied but eventually admitted fearing corporal punishment. Tsige gave Samson a lesson of a lifetime: “Helen speaks two language: her native Afaan Oromo and your language Amharic, and of course she is learning the third one. She is one of the top three students in the class. You speak one language and you ranked 41 out of 53 students. I have to speak to your parents tomorrow."
Athletic and well-mannered, Chaltu was one of the best students in the entire school. But she could not fathom why people gossiped about her and hurled insults at her.
Banned from speaking Afaan Oromo, Chaltu could not fully express feelings like sorrow, regrets, fear and happiness in Amharic. To the extent that Mulumebet wished Chaltu would stop thinking in Oromo, in one instance, she asked Chaltu to go into her bedroom to lament the death of a relative by singing honorific praise as per Oromo custom. Chaltu’s break came one afternoon when the sport teacher began speaking to her in Afaan Oromo, for the first time in three years. She sobbed from a deep sense of loss as she uttered the words: “I am from Koftu, the daughter of Banti Daamo." Saying those words alone, which were once a source of her pride, filled Chaltu with joy, even if for that moment.
Chaltu anxiously looked forward to her summer vacation and a much-needed visit to Koftu. But before she left, Mulumebet warned Chaltu not to speak Afaan Oromo during her stay in Koftu. Mulumebet told Chaltu, “Tell them that you forgot how to speak Afaan Oromo. If they talk to you in Oromo, respond only in Amharic. Also, tell them that you are no longer Chaltu. Your name is Helen.”
Getachew disagreed with his wife. But Chaltu knew she has to oblige. On her way to Koftu, Chaltu thought about her once golden life; the time she won Gurracha in what was only a boys' competition, and how the entire village of Koftu sang her praises.
Her short stay in Koftu was dismal. Gurraacha was sold for 700 birr and she did not get to see him again. Chaltu's parents were dismayed that her name was changed and that she no longer spoke their language.
A disgruntled and traumatized Chaltu returns to Addis Ababa and enrolls in 9th grade. She then marries a government official and move away from her aunt's protective shield. The marriage ends shortly thereafter when Chaltu's husband got caught up in a political crosshair following Derg's downfall in 1991. Chaltu was in financial crisis. She refused an advice from acquintances to work as a prostitute.
At 24, the once vibrant Chaltu looked frail and exhausted. The regime change brought some welcome news. Chaltu was fascinated and surprised to watch TV programs in Afaan Oromo or hear concepts like “Oromo people's liberation, the right to speak one's own language, and that Amharas were feudalists.”
Chaltu did not fully grasp the systematic violence for which was very much a victim. She detested how she lost her values and ways. She despised Helen and what it was meant to represent. But it was also too late to get back to being Chaltu. She felt empty. She was neither Helen nor Chaltu.
She eventually left Addis for Koftu and asked her parents for forgiveness. She lived a few months hiding in her parent's home. She avoided going to the market and public squares.
In a rare sign of recovery from her trauma, Chaltu briefly dated a college student who was in Koftu for a winter vacation. When he left, Chaltu lapsed back into her self-imposed loneliness and state of depression. She barely ate and refused interacting with or talking to anyone except her mother.
One afternoon, the once celebrated Chaltu warra Galaan took a nap after a coffee break and never woke up. She was 25.
The bottom line: Fictionalized or not, Chaltu’s is a truly Oromo story. Chaltu is a single character in Tesfaye’s book but lest we forget, in imperial Ethiopia, generations of Chaltu’s had to change their names and identity in order to fit in and be “genuine Ethiopians.” Until recently, one has to wear an Amhara mask in order to be beautiful, or gain access to educational and employment opportunities.
Likewise, in the Ethiopia of today’s “freedom of expression advocates” – who allegedly sought to censor Tesfaye – it appears that a story, even a work of fiction, is fit to print only when it conforms to the much-romanticized Ethiopianist storyline.
So much has changed since Chaltu’s tragic death a little over a decade ago, yet, clearly, much remains the same in Ethiopia. Honor and glory to Oromo martyrs, whose selfless sacrifices had allowed for me to transcribe this story, the Oromo today – a whole generation of Caaltuus – are ready to own, reclaim, and tell their stories.
Try, as they might, the ever-vibrant Qubee generation will never be silenced, again.
--*The writer, Tigist Geme, is a DC-based citizen journalist and an Oromo rights activist. Editor's note: the above cover photo by William Palank is not in any way related to Chaltu or Geme's story. It is used here only as a place holder.