Ethiopia: Reign of terror in Maikelawi detention centre

Reposted | Aug 1, 2013

Maikelawi is a police detention facility in the centre of the Ethiopian capital. It is mentioned time and again in any conversation about human rights abuses.

For the Ethiopians’ it is the ‘African Guantanamo Bay’.

Arbitrary detention and torture
According to opposition members it is mostly political opponents who are taken to the police’s Central Investigation Centre in Maikelawi.

When our case was being heard in court, prosecutors produced witnesses from amongst the prisoners. They were paid. The government had no other witnesses.

‘Daniel’

We met ‘Daniel’ who was previously a captain in the Ethiopian army and recently detained at Maikelawi. He told us:

‘The interrogation was always at night. They started by beating; they would tie your hands and feet with iron and hang you upside down. They immerse you in water, they would use electric shocks and they stuffed your mouth with cloth so no-one could hear you scream.

‘Each person [detained] suffered horrific injuries as a result of the torture. Some had lost the use of their hands, some had lost their nails. There was a man who was hanged by his hand for over 19 hours.’

‘Daniel’s claims, along with others’, are consistent with reports that have been published by credible human rights organisations.

In 2010 Human Rights Watch stated:

[prisoners] described similar, consistently horrific experiences at Maikelawi. They included lengthy nights of physical mistreatment, including: being made to lie on the ground, handcuffed, blindfolded, and in some cases naked, while interrogators wearing military boots stood on their chests; being whipped with wire and beaten on the head and the insides of their feet; being gagged, hung upside down, and beaten with electrical cords; being threatened with injection of HIV-infected blood; and being subjected to ethnic slurs.

Systematic abuse at the highest level
Ethiopia acceded to the UN Convention against Torture  in 1994 and incorporated similar provisions in its constitution, yet testimonial obtained by the Bureau would suggest that it is in flagrant violation of these laws.

The Ethiopian Human Rights Commission (EHRC) has been tasked with ensuring human rights abuses in detention centres are reported to the Ethiopian government. The organisation has been assigned US$6m by international donors under the UN’s development programme for good governance.

To date the EHRC has not reported any human rights abuses in Maikelawi.

Human rights organisations are adamant that rather than being carried out by rogue individuals, the abuse is systematic, permeating every level of the security and even the judicial forces.

The Bureau has been unable to independently identify each of the testimonies.

Amerar Bayabel said that after 14 consecutive days of torture: ‘I was asked to be a witness against others. When I refused to do so, they accused me of a crime.’

‘We appeal to the international community, especially diplomats, please challenge the Ethiopia government on what is happening- it is not a normal prison.  But they say that would be interfering with the government- it is apologetic, they are not pressing hard to get access to what is going on.‘
Merera Gudina, opposition leader

Second Sergeant Yibeltal Birhanu recounted that in May 2009: ‘I was as usual taken blindfolded and handcuffed, to the interrogation room. They told me they wanted me to be a witness. I asked who they wanted me to be a witness against.

‘They told me they wanted me to tell the court that [the defendents] had promised to give me money if I killed government officials. I told the interrogator I did not know these people and would never be a witness against them. Then they started beating me.’

>ayyaantuu

Unmasking Pseudo “Multinational-ism” in the Era of Social Media

By Tolera Fikru Gemta

The current contending critical discourses regarding Oromo-Ethiopia relation  on most Social Medias has retrieved my memory during my journalistic engagements in the golden era of free press. It was a time when scholars from different ethnic background particularly Oromo and Amhara were extensively engaged in the discourse based on contending interpretation of Ethiopian history, using the different private free presses. Chief among the Printing Medias that were hosting such critical debates include Urjii/Siefe Nebalbal newspapers and Tobia magazine. Throughout the long established historical discourse Amhara elites were pretending to present themselves as vanguard of Ethiopian unity while in reality they were promoting sectarian interest of their own ethnic  group at the expense of others identity, culture, language and religion.

As matter of fact the prolonged discourse established among these contending elites/scholars had significantly shaped the future of their respective line in very different ways. In the case of Oromo, it served as a chief instrument for the revival of Oromo nation/identity in various aspects (historically, ideologically, psychologically) and to the extent of furthering the emergence of Qubee Generation. The generation in the words of Frantz Fanon “that came to scene with unbelievable capacity to change the trend”. Consequently, not only Oromo, but also other nations which had been subjected to national domination have been vibrantly used the controlled opportunity they got through Ethnic Federalism Political framework to restore back their lost identity to some extent.

To the contrary elites who were subscribed to imperial nostalgia remained stick on promoting the bygone unrealistic “Oneness” of the country and peoples/ nations and nationalities; Oneness in all in all aspect of political, cultural, language dimensions. Here I have to mention a relatively progressive thinking of certain group of persons from this camp who attempted to transform the autocratic and pseudo political intentions.  Such persons include a journalist and political activist Eskender Nega. I personally appreciate his position regarding ethnic based political institutionalization and mobilization in Federal political framework. He used to put a motto, which I still remember, on the private newspapers he had been publishing. The motto read as follows, “Ye Amhara Ezeb TarikYeseral” meaning “Amhara people shall make history”.  His argument was logically a response to the actionsa nd omissions of successors Professor Asrat Woldeye’s party called All Amhara People’sOrganization (AAPO). The major worry of  Eskender’s and those who support his views  during this time was that, Amhara as second major ethnic group after Oromo would finally left without formidable opposition party due to its elite’s unrealistic approach to Ethiopian political system. This was the time when Hailu Shawel decided to change All Amhara People’s Organization to All Ethiopian Peoples’ Organization(AEPO) without making any slight change in both organizational arrangement and political base of the party. Consequently, Eskender’s and his followers’ effort faced tough challenge from those who preferred to play bogus political missions undercover of Unity, multinational party, liberalism and so on. Finally it has been clearly observed that in Ethiopian opposition political movement such pseudo multinational claims posed critical challenge which makes it fragile and unstable.

The Trend in the Social Media Era

I thought that the era of promoting sectarian ethnic interest using pseudo multinational frameworks was long ended. This was my understanding even four years ago when I was editor-in-chief my last newspaper, Raji. Asked by the then “Addis Neger” newspaper editor Tamirat Nagera, about the role of the Oromo focused newspapers in the past and present, I argued that for the past two decades most of the private free presses (including those targeting on Oromo issues) were focusing on debate on the formation of Ethiopian Empire and its consequences. That trend has created enough awareness among the targeted public in various ways. Thus, the current agendas of such presses indeed should focus on the solutions to most contending perspectives on the Ethiopian politics than wasting energy on debating past histories (most of which was found to be irreconcilable).

However, unfortunately, with emergence of the powerful Social Medias including Face book, twitter and blogs, the aforementioned contending issues reappeared as it had been observed in the past. This reality is what Mexican poet and writer, Octavio Paz, described as “the past reappears because it is a hidden present”. Most strikingly, we are observing Face bookers and bloggers subscribing to Ethiopianst thesis who consider all atrocities committed on Oromo and South nations as a holy action sought for the building of the empire. In this era of social media, we are still observing many who are aspiring for Menelik Ethiopia type of oppression that never tolerate the self-expression and emancipation of  Oromo as Oromo, Sidama as Sidama, Walayita as Walayita, Tigre as Tigre, Somali as Somali and so on.  After more than decades of extensive politicaldiscourse on the formation of Ethiopian Empire and immense awareness the peoples on the reality, it is heartbreaking to come across with such pseudo nationalists who get mad because of Jawar, an Oromo activist present himself as “I am OromoFirst”. It is equally distressing to know the continuation of the autocratic legacy among our friends living in the most democratic state of USA but pursue physical attack on a person who democratically opposes their ideas, such as committed on journalist and author Abdi Fite.

In the present day Ethiopia understanding the critical level of awareness among the peoples who were previously exposed to national domination, I do not imagine any person from these ethnic groups would give response other than what Jawar actually did, given that similar question is posed to him/her.  The existing reality tells that a Sidama guy would respond saying “I am Sidama First”, as there is no way that he/she can be another identity than being what he/she practical living with. Thus both the campaign against Jawar and deliberate miss representation of Oromo peoples struggle, is simply an extension of the effectively failed pseudo-nationalism under the bygone imperial ambitions of “one language, one culture, one religion, one nation” etc.

Most importantly, the approach of those aspiring for Menelik type of political system remain without undergoing any change in this social media era. Chief among such is, masking their faces with fake Ethiopian nationalism to claim that they are thinking beyond their own ethnic line. The whole story is, however, resembles to the change in the name of All Amhara People’s Organization to All Ethiopian People’s Organization to claim pseudo multinational representation.

Conclusion

The emergence  of the powerful social Medias would have play facilitative role for democratic way of interactions between various political perspectives which contributes for lasting solutions for the multifaceted fundamental problems. Unfortunately, we are engaging in regressive discourse mainly because of the people who still failed to accept historical truth and further intending to impose own autocratic political aspirations. However, we have wittiness that playing with such pseudo-identity in an attempt to impose sectarian ethnic interests is no more benefit any group.  It rather aggravates grievances and hence adversely impacts the future relations of the peoples.

* Tolera Fikru Gemta  was  D/Editor-in-Chief of the former Seife Nebelbal weekly independent newspaper. He is also a founder and Editor- in-Chief of the formers The Voice and Raji independent weekly newspapers. He authored the well known  Afaan Oromo novels Imimmaan Haadhaa (2007, 2010) and Qeerransa Bokkaan Dhaane (2012). He is currently working for nongovernmental organization in communication sector.

>gulelepost

Is The oromo person Sovereing under Empire?

Politics of Citizenship / Nationality in Ethiopia Empire, How did the Imperial law treat the Oromo person? Had the Oromo person treated like a citizen? What is citizen/ nationality meant?

In response to the current Mohamed Jahar and his colleagues broadcast on Aljazeera about the socio-political conditions of the Oromo people, the question of are you Ethiopian national can be entertained in terms of the politics of citizenship/Nationality. How did the Imperial law treat the Oromo person? who is citizen or national of the Ethiopia under Imperial law in particular and that of others successive Abyssinian ruling regimes in general, what did the Abyssinians add or attack on Mohamed J. teaches us?
Politically, this has many interpretations and implications. It shows how there is a big ideological difference between the oromian Kush origin people and the Abyssinian Semitic people. Our differences are not only in terms of our culture, language, history and origin but also we have completely a different political outlooks and attitudes which reflect a deep-rooted politics of hatred, racism, and discrimination against one another.

The negative ads on cyber against Mohamed Jahar shows how they are naive politically, it shows how they left behind and how they belittle themselves, this has nothing to do with the Oromo person legal status, it can’t halt the movement of birth rights, it can’t change or solve the socio-political problems in the empire, it can’t change the course of the political and legal system in the empire, rather it will aggravate the political hatred among rivalry forces in the empire. I think it is a better idea to look into how the successive Imperial legal system rule on the status of the Oromo person whether the Oromo person is a national or non-national of the Empire. First, I would like to define the word citizenship /Nationality to get a clear picture of the concepts in literature of politics; second, I will go over the legal system that governs the politics of citizenship in the empire.

The term Citizen/Nationality is interchangeable used in a literature of the politics; it’s about a personal social, cultural and political duties and obligations of the person. Not only about the obligations of a person but also it is about the right of the persons. This legal and political obligation of the person is governed by the law of the land, the law rules about who is a citizen and who is non citizen. The status of the person ruled by the law of the land, by the constitution of the country and no person is above the law of the land. Depends on the law of the land the person can acquire a nationality either by birth or naturalization. In plain language, this is an ordinary definition of the term citizen or nationality in world of the politics. However, contrary to this, under the most conservative states of the world such as like African and Middle East countries, governments do not count much on the status of persons and their political roles, Only a person who born on that soil entitled as citizen/national of that country which entirely different from the western world political cultures.

It means that the law of the land that rules about the status of a person different from state to state depends on the legal, political, social system and condition, the situation about the status of the Oromo person in the Empire was simple and clear, the first law of 1931 and the revised constitution of 1955 did not produce the Oromo person as a citizen/national of the Ethiopia, the law did not treat Oromo as a person, the law did not recognize the diversity and identity of the Oromo person, the Imperial law treated the Oromo as alien. And also, the Imperial law was nothing but it was about the law of Monarchy, and the law was ignorant about the legal status of the Oromo persons, did not protect the rights of the persons, it was about how to keep and protect the power of the Emperor and his servant or loyalist interest. As wrote and taught us the Oromo person was alien and migrated to the Ethiopia Empire, the political geography that was framed and mapped without the will and consents of the majority indigenous Oromo person and other non Semitic ethnic groups . Oromo person was subject and slave, had no any political, social, cultural and economic rights under the imperial law, any act that threaten the security of the Emperor was an act of crime and a serious offence. The emperor was above law and an elect of God not an elect of the people, the Emperor had an absolute power and exercise unlimited power, it was about the law of the Emperor an individual person not the law of the citizens.

Second, the constitution of the Dreg regime was also not about the right of citizens it was about the territorial integrity and socialist ideology. Any act against socialist principles and ideology, was a crime, it was a crime against state and state security, there was no legal trial for the Oromo person, no due process of law for the Oromo person, the law of the land did not give a damn recognition or protection to the identity of the Oromo persons, the legal status of the Oromo person was endanger, the dignity and integrity of the Oromo person was not protected, the identity of the Oromo person was not respected. Legally, Oromo person had no justice trial; politically, Oromo person had no political rights, culturally, there was no respect and protection for the welfare of the Oromo person cultural and religious rights, and economically the Oromo person was marginalized. Under any condition any person who identify himself /herself as an Oromo, speak the Afaan Oromo or associating as an Oromo was crime and a crime against state security, a crime against one country, one language, and one ideology .

This was the biggest legal and political philosophy of the period. The socialist ideology had gone and the semi imperial legal system was framed in a slights different fashion and tone, in the process the two main changes was the shift of the political power within the Semitic family from Amhara to Tigrean, and the form of the state from the unitary state system to the Federal state system. However, in real senses the system misses many basic principles of the federal elements. The motive behind such a legal and political frame was to deceit an international community or the citizen in language of a Democracy which in practice does not respect the legal and political status of the Oromo person or its citizen rights. The notion of federalism was there as the state institution. Ideas, principles and the philosophies were there, but in practice the evil socio-political problems has not changed. Nothing could separate the current regimes from its older legal system in terms of protecting the Oromo person security, dignity and integrity. The philosophy of divide and rule, the politics of racism, and crime against humanity is the order of the day, there is no an independent political party, there is no rule of law, there is no freedom of expression, freedom of free press, and freedom of association in the empire .

The dispute is under what ground or legal reason the Oromo person can treat himself/ herself as the national of Ethiopia, Either way, the act against the Oromo person is crime and it is a crime against humanity, it is a crime both under international Human Rights Law as well as the law of Nations. As John Markaks (1975/6), note on his book “the Anatomy of the Ethiopian polite”, the imperial law did not treat the Oromo person as a national of the Ethiopia and the Oromo person was an alien and subject. Neither law of the empire treated the Oromo person in respect and dignity. As we see and experienced this has been an indisputable legal and political issue in the empire. I think the Oromo persons can have the right to decide about the legal status of his/her person and it is a naive to conclude on the legal statutes of the person without free will of the person. The roles of the law should not be there to force or rule on the legal status of the person rather it is to govern a justice and fairness on the soil without a bias or prejudice against the status of a person. The Oromo person was /is not sovereign and need to be a sovereign!

Alako_bora@yahoo.com/morkata_r@hotmail.com

bilisummaa

‘OROMO FIRST’ Community Engagement World Tour: Obbo Jawar Mohammed with Prof. Mohammed Hassen, Prof. Gemetchu Megerssa, Prof. Ezekiel Gebissa, Dr. Ali Birra, Obbo Jafar Ali and Other Community Leaders

‘OROMO FIRST’ Community Engagement World Tour: Obbo Jawar Mohammed with Prof. Mohammed Hassen, Prof. Gemetchu Megerssa, Prof. Ezekiel Gebissa, Dr. Ali Birra, Obbo Jafar Ali, and other intellectuals, prominent elders, spiritual leaders and journalists.

City/Date:
- Minneapolis: August 10, 2013
- San Diego: August 17, 2013
- Seattle: August 18, 2013
- Atlanta: August 31, 2013

More Cities/Countries To Come Soon:
- Washington DC; Dallas; Toronto; Calgary; London; Norway; Munich; South Africa

>gadaa

The politics of Identity: Crime against Identity (Genocide, cultural genocide, and Ecological genocide) in the Empire against the Oromo Person!

In my views any Oromo person who watched the Dr. Gemachu discussion on the subject of identity and Genocide can say many things on this topic. The issue was very painful and touching .It has a big message for the empire supporters and advocates. I knew Dr. Gemachu personally and he was one of my mentors while I was in Finfinee University. His talk on the identity and genocide encouraged me to come up with this article and it’s up the read to go between the lines and make a judgement. I am not Anthropologist like him but on my personal and political experiences, I would like to take this opportunity to argue about the politics of identity and genocide in the context of current major online debate on among oromian on the political plight of the Oromo person in the empire. Based on this, First, I will talk about the politics of Identity; Second, I will focus on the crime against the Oromo person and identity or the politics of an identity.

Identity is not a believe system .It is about one personality, dignity and integrity. Without identity there is no sense of humour and self esteem. Identity is a natural gift that defined its society entire way of life. Identity is a Culture and it is everything that reflects the society world views. Language is a culture and identity. History is a culture and identity. Name is a culture and identity, it meant the Oromo person name like Wako, Nagawo, Ararso, Genamo, etc is an identity; it defines and expresses the identity. It is a symbol that differentiates one ethnic group from another. wedding is a culture, eating is a culture, dancing and singing is a culture, Welu is a culture, dressing is a culture, laugh is a culture, playing is a culture, Gaduu is a culture, Guffufuu is a culture, hair cut is a culture, nail cut is a culture, haamomotu is a culture, religion is a culture, faru is a culture that defines the politics of identity. It is a material value of a society that defines the Oromo person world views, and therefore, without developing, protecting and restoring the true identity of the Oromo person talking about state security, power and human security is hard and questionable in the empire.

However, contrary to this, under imperial regimes, there was no a legal protection or recognition to this great Oromo person identity in history. Emotional war, psychological war as well cultural war had been there for a century. Genocide, cultural genocide, ecological genocide and biological and chemical genocide had been an official state political policy to eliminate the Oromo person. The war against Oromo identity was engaged many ways. It was engaged the fabrication of the Oromo history, the repressing of the Oromo person language and religion right, it was also employed the marriage alliance, divided and rule political policy system had been witnessed in the empire against the Oromo person. Changing the Oromo city name into Amharic name, changing people name and Christianizing, giving economic status and social statues to obtain loyalty and trust was the typical Amharaation political program under the successive regimes to build one country, one language, one culture and one history at the cost of the Oromo person identity. The political philosophy of one country, one culture, one language and one religion has been there and still persisted. Politically, the Oromo person had been alienated, there was no political right, the right to elect, the right to support or associate, the right to oppose and the right to choice for the Oromo person. Oromo person was passive politically and indecisive in decision making on his/her own daily political life. only those who loyal to the ruling party meant who changed their name to Amhara or those who adopted orthodox Christian or married to Amhara women would be offered low paying job in the country . Job like a body guard, messenger, solider or local representative to deceit the public such as like abbaa lafa, Chiqa shufum, Balabat was a good and a decent job for the Oromo person in the empire .

Economically, Oromo were marginalized and the migrant from north to south made land eviction and confiscation, most fertile land in Oromia possessed by Semitic minority Amhara people ruling classes in the process the Oromo person got poorer and poorer whereas the settlers got richer and richer.
culturally, as professor Bulicha argued on his on line article and Dr. Gemechu recent talk on yutube ,there is no cultural right and religious rights under imperial regime that protect about the cultural and religious diversity in the empire in general and that of Oromo people in particular, legally this is a crime , a crime against humanity both under the law of nation as well as law of International Human Rights .

The Amharaziton policy had gone, the Tigirazation police has come in and still there. This is a parasite. A parasite needs to be treated and no need to wait till it duplicates, to eradicate all parasites carrier of the parasites those who serve the parasite needs to be challenged. The carriers are those opportunists that attempt to polarize oromian among tribal and religious basis to keep the status qua at the cost of the Oromia interest need to be challenged. There are viruses and carriers.

To make the Oromia the land of hopes and opportunities; to make the Oromia the land of peace, the land of no war, the land of no crime, and the land of an equal opportunity for every resident without prejudice certainly the time is now. To protect and defend the Oromia interest and security as well as the Oromo person rights the Oromo cultural or identity soft power is there our culture, value, norms or traditions stronger than hard power .It is a powerful tool in fighting against colonialism soft power. Thanks to internet, thanks to technology and thanks to science we are get connected without physical geographic limitation. The inward thinkers, wishful pro empire loyalist have no place in the heart of the Qubee generations .

They need to find their way. They need to stop lying and pretending on the justice question of the Oromo person .The time to narrate is over because the question of justice and rights are not a politics, the question of identity is not propaganda or ideology. It is the question of birth right that never ever changes with the changes of times. However, Contrary to this, the popular views within an Abyssinian who think as the Oromo person is weak and divided have no any basis political. It is a myth ideas and far from the realty. The differences within Oromo are a difference of the political opinion which is neither a threat to the unity nor the solidarity of the Oromo person. The cement is already there and no chemical reaction can disassociate, change, or alter it. Our culture is our cement. Our language is our bond and there is no unity that we can seek like Ethiopia Empire to create by force. Force can’t create a unity. A unity that created by force has no durability .It can’t last forever. Having a different view is not a division rather it is a sight of change, it is a sign of awareness, development and consciousness and nothing to do with the unity of Oromo people. Our goal, culture, identity, and common purpose we wish to have is the same and one; that is a creation of the Ideal, Independent Sovereign Oromia.

Alako_bor@yahoo.com

bilisummaa

40th year remembrance of the publications of HIRMAATA DUBBII AFAAN OROMOO, BARA BIRRAAN BARIHE

By Yahya Jamal | July 31, 2013

The first books in the history of Oromo literature

Published in the summer of 1973, HIRMAATA DUBBII AFAAN OROMOO is the first Afaan Oromoo book written in Latin alphabet by a consortium of Oromo scholars, particularly, Dr. Haile Fida and Jaal Baro Tumsa. Another book BARA BIRRAAN BARIHE is also a political drama that developed by Dr. Haile Fida and Obbo Abdullahi Yousuf. Before these products, no book was published in qubee Afaan Oromoo by Oromo nationals, albeit there might be unpublished manuscripts like that of Dr. Mohammed Rashad’s FURAA AFAAN OROMOO.

While remembering these historical publications, we should also shed light on the contemporary work of the legend Dr. Mohammed Rashad, which titled FURAA AFAAN OROMOO. Dr. Mohammed Rashad’s FURAA AFAAN OROMOO had never got the chance to be published outright due to the suppression made by Somalia’s Ziyad Barrie government. Despite all the hobbling challenges both in the naming of the book and setting the aimed contents, it was a plethora of research work which had entrenched the corner stone for the evolution of modern Qubeedevelopment.

Although the grammar in HIRMAATA DUBBII AFAAN OROMOO reflected only a few portions of the nation’s widely spoken rich language, it was, by far, a prototype research from which the equitable principles of Qubee literature have been emerged to the recent day development.

In the preface of this book, the authors expressed their concerns and foresaw the possible solutions about to come:

“Afaan Oromoo baláa dha. Afaan sooressaa dha. Garuu sabni Oromoo wal irraa fagaatee iddoo hedduutti hiramee bara baayée gatii (waan) dabarseef, kana irrattis caaffata (hogbarruu) otuu hin qabaatin waan hafeef, har’a Oromoon hundi yoo walii galuu danda’eyyuu, akki dubbii isaa sirriitti tokko miti…. Haráaf dafnee walii galuudhaaf yoo nu rakkiseyyuu, bor sooruma dhuma hin qabne ta’a…. Si’as (gaafas) hundi keenya rakkina malee walii galuu dandeenya.”

(parentheses added)

Of course, as these activist scholars predicted some 40 years ago, today, Oromos from all over Oromia have reached the anticipated era in which they can communicate well in their single language, both in conversation and written forms (literature).

The authors also admitted that the work of this book was a tiny start due to the then undercutting political reasons, as they stated as follows:

“Yeroodhaaf hirmaanni dubbii nuy dhiheessine kun, akka Wallagga dubbatutti caafame. Warri kana caafne afaanuma Oromoo Wallaggaa (akka itti Oromoon gama Dhihaa dubatu) illee gaarii goonee beekna jechuu hin dandeenyu. Afaan Oromoo kaanii (akka itti Oromoon kaan dubbatu dhageenyee) homaa hin beeknu. Kanaafis macaafni kun kan silaa harka afur-shan bal’achuu danda’uu likkii malee (gar-malee) hir’uu kan ta’ee dha…. Hanqina jiru guutuuf nuy beekumsa, humna, yeroos hin arganne. Yoo nuu ta’e, gara fuulduraatti itti deebina.”

(parenthesis added)

Cognizant of this fact, they had a strong message to all educated Oromos:

“Oromoon barumsa qaban, macaafa kanaan Oromoota biraa barsiisuu haa yaalani. Gaarii yookiis gadhee ta’uu isaa hojiidhaan haa agarsiisani. Macaafa kana matuma isaa akka ‘Macaafa Qulqulluutt’ ilaaluu isaan hin barbaachisu. Waan isa keessa jiru qajeelchuudhaafis, hunda isaa geeddaruudhaafis, otuu hin sodaatin, yaaluu isaan barbaachisa. Macaafni kun jalqaba malee dhuma akka hin taane yaadachuu barbaachisa.”

Here is another significant message from the authors:

“Warri barumsa qaban sadi-afur ta’anii wal qabatanii Biyya Oromoo (Oromiyaa) hunda keessa naanna’anii haa hubatani, nama haa gaggaafatani, otuu hin nuffin haa qoratani. Aadaa fi hooda Oromoo, barsiisa dhaloota darbanii walitti haa qabani. Waan argatan hunda haa caafani (haa barreessani). Akkasitti afaan keenya tokko gochuu, bal’isuu, qulleessuu (qulqulleessuu) dandeenya. Akkasitti nuy warri ija bananne saba Oromoo yaada haaraadhaa fi jireenya haaraa barsiisuu dandeenya.”

Ganna, 1973

“Akkasitti nuy warri ija bananne saba Oromoo yaada haaraadhaa fi jireenya haaraa barsiisuu dandeenya.” What a classic say! The term ‘yaada haaraadhaa fi jireenya haaraa’ also stipulates the process of Oromo nation building, what we are witnessing today.

Before concluding this short reminder piece, I would like to call on those who might have the copies of Dr. Mohammed Rashad’s FURAA AFAAN OROMOO and other contemporary works in their hands to bring them to the public sight. Thanks to the OLF and Oromo struggle, the 40 years old dream now has come true!

God bless Oromia!

Glory to our martyrs!

Yahya Jamal

Your comments are welcome on: gulummaa75@gmail.com

>ayyaantuu

The Fictitious Professor Feqadu Lemessa (Tolessa Gurmessa)

By Tolessa Gurmessa

If you are an Oromo, you probably heard about the fictitious professor who started writing Oromo’s history over the internet. If you are an Oromo scholar, you probably were pulling your notebooks out to see if you have his name on your peers’ list. Or you might have called friends back home to find out if a person by this name existed.

We couldn’t match the infamous internet professor to a real life person–breathing, talking or perhaps writing history. The only close match we found was the Academic Vice President of Dire Dawa University, Dr. Fekadu Lemessa. Pay attention here. The internet historian’s name is spelled “Feqadu,” and he is a former Adama University professor and writer. You would think you would know someone like professor Feqadu Lemessa. Right? He writes about stuff (I have no idea what it is about but it could be history.) If you were once Adama University student, you should remember him well, because he taught you–probably shared his writing skills and tips with you too. Never mind, there were no students when professor Feqadu Lemessa was teaching at Adama University. Nobody remembers him. The staff of Adama University doesn’t remember him either.

Adama University

Do you want to punch me yet? Okay okay, calm down! I will get to the point. The former professor from Adama University does not exist. But you are in luck. I tried to dig some information up for you. Since we could not meet a person who has met professor Feqadu Lemessa, we were left with speculation. I am going to mention a name not as a confirmed but as a suspect who might have been posing as the fictitious professor.

As most of you, writers probably know, it is not an easy feat to publish articles on authority websites. I am not saying salem-news dot com is an authority website, but they probably want to be recognized as such. This website’s editors probably did not do their readers a justice. They did not confirm the identity of the author who claimed to be a historian–refuting other historians’ perspective. The author biography states that he is a former professor at Adama University. Nothing was mentioned about his current whereabouts. They did not do an internet search to see if a person by this name existed. My conclusion, salem-news dot com is not a credible website.

Then how did this fictitious professor get on that site? Think. Does he work for the “news” site? Ahhh…why didn’t I think of that? No worries. Now you are thinking about it. Let’s go to the said website and try to spot a suspect. Do you think you will find an Ethiopian staff on there? Yes. Yes, you do. His name is Kiflu Hussain. Darn! You are in luck again. I would guess you can take the investigation from here.

On July 20, 2013, Kiflu Hussain wrote about Jawarism (I’m an Oromo first) on ECAD Forum, where ‘ethiopianism’ is preached. He shared his take on an article written by Awoll Allo. He cited from Merera Gudina’s book to refute some of the assertions made by Mr. Allo. He also complained about one-sided stories. I guess he didn’t realize he was giving the other side of the stories. Or, maybe he did not think he was that credible. Do you see anything wrong here? I don’t. Just like any other Ethiopianist, Mr. Hussain has a right to share his opinion.

Fast forward to July 28, 2013. Viola! An article titled “History 101: Fiction and Facts on Oromos of Ethiopia,” appears on salem-news dot com at 19:21 hours. This article complains heavily about the story told on Al Jazeera being one-sided story. One hour later (My Twitter time stamp shows 11:31 PM EST), Kiflu Hussain posted a link to the article on his Twitter feed.

This does not say Mr. Kiflu Hussain himself wrote the article. But he might have had a role in publishing the distorted article, from a fake professor. Did he write to the editors about the article being from a credible author? Did salem-news dot com allow a pseudonym? We will see. But Mr. Kiflu Hussain has got some explaining to do. Don’t forget he also agreed with the fictitious professor on Press TV article.

>bilisummaa

What is the Value of an Education?

By Jilcha Hamid

I think it’s a question that receives a wide range of opinions, many of which may have valid points. The way you answer the question will obviously depend on your own life and experiences but the first question is obviously what is an education? In the context of this discussion I’ll define it simply as completing your schooling ie. a post-secondary institution. Some of the opinions I’ve come across range from “an education is worth everything in life” to “it isn’t worth anything”. But what’s more important than the the conclusions is the reasoning behind it, which are too diverse and numerous to get into every detail so I’m just gonna highlight some points and focus in on my own community (Oromo and other African youth).

Being born and raised in this country I found that alot of youth, found it hard to stay motivated in school (and I include myself in this group). In most case these youth grew interested with other “more glamorous things” such as the sports and entertainment industry or other things that they couldn’t really relate to what they were doing in school. I’m just gonna make a general statement and say that the culture most black and african youth identified with and the personalities that they looked up to, didn’t really value education. Aside from that their lack of interest in school became reinforced by other points such as unemployment among graduates, and the high cost of education. The point about unemployment making education obsolete is also something echoed by Oromo youth back home. They figure that from an economic standpoint, why waste so much time and money investing on an education and end up unemployed, when you can just work hard and make money now. Alot of them follow fast-money schemes, some of which are illegal. In the west they see drug dealers counting money and driving the latest luxury vehicles, and back home they see the same with the big time khat merchants and diaspora visitors.

So we end up with youth who would rather be a self made “merchant”, or in the case of back home youth, follow the diaspora trail. They don’t see the value in completing their schooling. You even have some who adopt more extreme views who say that school is pointless because a person can be a self made enterpeneur and genius without completing their schooling ie. Steve Jobs, Bill Gates, Albert Einstein etc. I think it suffices to say that this is an example of taking the exception and making it the rule. While it’s true that knowledge isn’t exclusively tied to post-secondary education, most people who drop out of school aren’t doing it to set up the next Microsoft or Apple. They just aren’t able or motivated to be in school, and the reasons for that are endless.

But one observation I’ve made in my community is the gap that exists between the parents who immigrated to this country on one hand, and their children. Parents preach education, and narrate their own life experiences, and lack of opportunities where they were raised. But for the most part this doesn’t register with their kids. Their kids can hear them, but they can’t really relate to their experiences so they don’t respond. It’s one thing to hear about the poverty and lack of opportunities in an oppressive 3rd world country, it’s quite another to see it and live it. So parents should probably take that into account when they’re preaching to their 16 year old whose idol in life is a Rapper, or a basketball player. My own opinion on the matter, is that in our situation, education is important. We’re not from the privileged class in society who can afford to screw up only to be held up by family ties. We’re from a people who were deprived of the opportunity to learn and excel. A people whose lands are extracted of it’s wealth and resources to build skyscrapers in the west. So we owe it to ourselves, our families, and our people, to do something to change that. An education isn’t going to make you who you are. You already are who you are based on your identity, your values, your motivations, your goals. But depending on how you use it, or apply it, it can enhance your abilities to do what it is you want to do.

>gulelepost