Wednesday, December 31, 2014

Ethiopia denies reports about Yemen migrants' drowning

Ethiopia denies reports about Yemen migrants' drowning
file photo

Foreign Ministry spokesperson denies reports of drowning, saying reports are baseless propaganda.


World Bulletin / News Desk
 
Ethiopian authorities have denied media reports about the drowning of around 70 Ethiopian migrants off Yemen's coast.
"Media reports that 70 people died, mostly Ethiopians, while being ferried to Yemen is baseless," Foreign Ministry spokesperson Dina Mufti told The Anadolu Agency on Wednesday.
Media reports earlier said that around 70 Ethiopian migrants had drowned off southwest Yemen's coast earlier this month.
Mufti said that the Ethiopian embassy in Yemen mustered support from the Yemeni 17th Brigade and "conducted extensive search on a perimeter of 250– 300-km at coastal areas such as Bab-el Mendab, Dubab and Muha"
"[It] proved that no boat capsized or sunk and no life lost," he said.
The spokesman said that "The falsified reports may be part of the usual propaganda targeted at Ethiopia's development and democratization."
Yemen is viewed by many migrants as a gateway to the Middle East or Europe.
The UN refugee agency said in October that more than 200 people had died at sea in 2014 while attempting to reach Yemen.


=>worldbulletin

BIDDEENA NAMA QUUBSU, EELEE IRRATTI BEEKU !!!!

SEENAA  Y.G (2005) | Muddee 31, 2014
Bara 2014 Seenaa Qabsoo Ummata OROMOO keessatti bakka ol aanaa qaba jedheen amana. Bara 2014 kana keessa Mooraa Qabsoo Oromoo tasgabbeessuu keessatti hojii nama jajjabeessuutu hojjatame.Ummata Biyya keessaaf birmachuudhaan , hojiin boonsaan hojjatameera. Ilmaan Oromoo irra jireessi, maal gochuu qabna? ? jedhanii akka of gaafatanii fi furmaata isaaf, wal Tumsee Biyya keessaa fi alatti yeroo itti waliif dhaabbateedha. Fedhiin Ummata OROMOO maal akka ta’e ifatti ,Addunyaafis, diinaafis, firaafis, kan karaa irraa maqee Ummatichaaf humnaan murteessuu barbaadufis, hubannoo ga’a akka horatu taasiseera. Sochii Bara 2015f Barri 2014 bu’uradha. Waan bara kana keessa irra geenye gonkumaa duubatti akka hin deebifneef, hundumtuu of kennee hanga Bilisummaatti qooda dhuunfaa hanga Ummataatti irraa eegamu gumaachuuf akka socha’uu abdiin qaba. falli qabnus kanuma . 
Bara 2014 xumuraa jirru kana keessa, akka lammii tokkotti waliif dhaamun numa jirti.Gabrummaa keessatti hiraaraa, Baga bara haaraa geesseen kun anaaf…….warri Bilisummaan jiran bara haaraa waan haaraa waliin waliif dhaaman. Nuuti woo ? jedheen yaada. Saba gabrummaa keessa jiruuf bara haaraan hiikkaa qabaa laata ? Umurii haaraaf yoo ta’ee hayyee . Bara Qabsoo keenya itti finiinsinu yoo jenne ni ta’a. kana yeroo biraa itti deebina. Qabsoo keenya jabeessuuf murteeffannee yoo ta’ee waa sadii irratti waadaa ofii fi waliif seenuun tarkaanfi jalaqabaati. 1ffaa-, keessa keenyatti rakkoo uumuu danda’an hundaa irraa fagaachuu fi Qabsoo ofii tikisuu, kunis, waan kaleessa nu diife, gargar nu baasuu wal afoo ykn wal dura nu hdaabe,shira diinaa fi fira fakkaattootaa irraa of fi qabsoo tikifachuudha. 2ffaa- Wareegama waa maraa kafallee Bilisummaa Ummata keenyaa dhugoomsuuf hojjachuudha. Humnaa fi dandeettiin akkasumas Beekumsaan qabsoo kana tinnisuu, deeggaruu, kan danda’u qaamaan keessatti argamee, kan hin taaneef waan qabsoo kana jabaeessuuf gargaaruun wal Tumsuudha. 3ffaan- Ilaalchaan, Amantiin kkf adda baanuus, Dhimma Oromoo fi Oromiyaa irratti waliin dhaabbachuu fi falmachuuf yoo murteeffannee diina qofa irratti xiyyeeffannee milkoofna.
Har’a dhala Oromoo Gabrummaa hadheeffatee waregamuuf qophaa’ee jirutti waan dhaaman yoo jiraate, cichoomiinaan Qabsoofne malee hiraarrii har’aa keessaa ba’uu akka hin dandeenyedha.Qabsoo gama hundaa , kan wal irraa hin cinnee, abshaalummaa diinaan kan hin dhaabbannee Finiinsuuf hojjachuu akka qabuudha. Qabsoo nuuti gama barbaannuun gaggeessinuuf garuu keessa of tikifachuu, holola hamilee wal cabsuu irraa of qusachuu, wal tuffachuu fi wal abaaruu dhiisuu kkf hanqisuun murteessaa ta’uun wal nama hin gaafachiisu. Qaawwaa rakkoo keenya bal’isan irraa of eeguu, maal na dhibeen waa katabuu fi dubbachuu dhiisuu kkf irraa of qusannee, wal dhaggeeffannee tarkaanfannaan, sochii bara 2015, Gootummaa Oromoo dhugeessuu dandeenya. Anis Barruu kiyya Bara 2014 kan xumuraa fi seenasa bara 2015 kanaan, qabxiilee  keessa keenya jabeessuu danda’an kaa’uun barbaada.
  1. Midiyaalee qabnu ilaalchisee :- Teekinoolojii hammayyaa kanaan wal qabatee Ilmaan Oromoo dhimma Ummataa fi qabsoo Ummata isaanii irratti qooda mataa isaanii gumaachuuf akka dhuunfaattis, akka waloottis hojiin hojjataa jiran , qabsoo keenyaaf bu’ura ta’uu irra ga’aniiru jedheen fudhadha. Midiyaa jabaa fi humna qabu, waa hundaan Ummata kana bakka bu’u qabaannee odoo hin taanee, kan jiru mataan isaa bu’aan argamsiisaa jiru guddaadha. Kana caalaa akka guddachuu danda’an hin shakku. Bu’aa miidiyaalee kanaa hubachaa gaafa deemnuu fi Oromoonni bu’aa isaatti amanaa dhufan, walitti dhufanii waan Ummata Oromoon wal gitu akka gadi dhaaban mamii hin qabu. Midiyaalee hundaa ta’uu baatuus, muraasnii akkaataa yaadoota Namootaa itti keessummeessaa jiran qabsoo kanaaf bu’aa buusa jedhee hin yaadu. har’a kan qooqa keenya baratee qixxee keenya katabuu fi dubbisu hedduudha. Waan nuuti hojjannu fashalsuuf kan irra oolee bulu lakkoofsa hin qabu. Kanaaf Dimokiraasii tasumaa addunyaa keessa hin jirreen, Namooonni akka barbaadan Qabsicha, Hogganoota, Beektoota, kkf salphisan keessummeessuun gawwummaa natti fakkaata. Yaadi hin laatamiin jechaa hin jiru. yaada Ummataan ala eessayyuu hin ga’amu. Garuu,Kan deebi’ee mataa keenya salphisuf bakka laachuun sirri natti hin faakkaatu. Qabsoo keenya keessatti tasgabbiin akka jiraatu yoo barbaadamee, arrabsoo eessaanuu nu hin geenyef bakka laachuu haa dhiifnuu. Kun eessaanu nu hin ga’u. kan qabsoo ummatichaa jabeessu, jajjabeessaa , deemuun, kan ta’ee jedhee waa busheessuuf irriiba dhabu ammoo dantaa qabsoo kanaaf jennee dhaabunii qabna.waan keessa keenyatti dhumachuu qabu keessa keenyatti akka fixannuu fi itti baha isaa qofa Ummatatti himuun akka danda’amu odoo taasifamee.
  2. Qabsoo Tumsuu ilaalchisee :- Qabsoo Abbaa Biyyummaa Ummata tokko milkeessuuf, qabsoon Ummatichaa wal utubee akka tarkaanfatu taasisuun dirqama. Kanaaf Hawaasi Oromoo Biyyoota hambaa jiraatan, akka dhaabaatti , akka waldaatti, akka komoniititti, akka Afooshaatti, akka Hawaasaatti kkf gurmaa’anii kan jiraanii fi gurmaa’uuf yaadaa jiran, sochii isaanii isa kaan walii qindeeffachuu barbaachisaa ta’uu beeku qaban. Waldaaleen, Kominiitiin kkf Qabsoo Ummata tokko keessatti qooda ol aanaa gumaachan. Dhaabni siyaasaa tokko Ummata isaa bifa kanaan gurmeessee akka sochoosu beekamaadha. kanneen caasaa akkasii keessatti hin hammatamiin, qabsoo keessatti hiriirsuu fi qooda isaanii akka gumaachan taasisuun murteessaadha. Kanaaf waliin dubbachuun gaariidha.Qabsicha tumsuuf sochii isaanii dhaaboota siyaasaan qindeeffachuun barbaachisaadha. kanaaf Qabsoo Ummata Oromoo walii galaa mirkaneessuuf ykn milkeessuuf, qaamni Hawaasi Oromoo eessayyuu jiru, sagantaa kana keessatti hammatamee sochii Biyya keessaa fi alatti gaggeeffamu bifa qindaa’een akka tarkaanfatuuf qooda isaa gumaachuun barbaachisaadha.
  3. Xalayaa ABOn, UNtti erguu ilaalchisee: Dhimma Ummata Oromoon wal qabateen, ABO Xalayaa UNf katabuu beeksiseera. Dhimma kana irratti yaadootni Intarneeta irratti dhihaatan hedduu. Kana keessatti , yaadi diinaa , yaadi warra  hojii dhabee, yaadi warra abdii kutatee, yaadi warra Bilisummaa siree irratti eeggatuu, yaadi warra qeequmaaf jiraatanii, yaadi deeggarsaas inuma jira. Kan caalaatti na dhibe garuu , diinni ifatti katabee dhimmicha busheessuu wayita barbaadu, warri qeequmaaf jarjaran guuza ykn daboo ba’uu isaaniiti. ABOn qaama kamiifu dhimma Ummata isaa irratti iyyachuuf mirga qaba. kun ammoo, kaayyoo isaa keessaa tokko. Boruu Biyya ta’uuf deemna ega ta’ee, Mataa Biyyootaaf Iyyachuun mudaa maalii qaba ? tarii dukkana keessa ykn abdii kutannaa keessa teenyee jirraaf yoo ta’ee malee, Alaabaa Oromoo Oromiyaa keessatti dhaabuutti aanee, Alaabaa keenya lammaffaa Mooraa Dhaabbata Mootummoota Gmatoomanii keessa dhaabuuf Ummati Oromoo itti dhumaa jiraa mitii ? beekumtii isaanii malee wanni ta’u jiraa ? humna qofaa ega jennee, Filitsxeemoota caalaa kan diina hiraarse jiraa ? Warri Sudaan kibbaa humnaan fudhatanii ? gama Biraan, yoo kaasuun barbaachisees, wayyaanee kan nu irratti goobsaa jiruu fi maallaqa liqeessaafii jiru, dhaabbilee misoomaa fi Baankilee dhaabbaticha jalatti bulaa jiranii miti ? maarree isaaniin kana beeksiisuun Ummata miidhaa jiraachuu isaanii itti himuu mitii ? Qawween falamannee Oromiyaa dhuunfannaan waan jajjabeeffamuu qabuudha. Qawwee kana garuu inni kaan baatee wareegamee, Bilisummaa akka manatti nu fiduuf odoo hin taanee, nuuti keessatti kan hirmaannu faarsuu qabna. Waan ofii hojjannus ni tuffanna. Waan addunyaan jala bultus ni tuffanna. Kun eessaan nu ga’a ??? wayyaaneen ABO Gooleessaa jettee Galmee addunyaa irratti galmeesisuuf eenyutti iyyachaa jirti. Humni Goolessummaa addunyaa irraa falmaa jiru eenyu jalatti gaggeeffamaa jira ? Biyyoonni wayyaanee gargaaraa jiranii fi Ummata keenya fixaa akka jiraatu taasisaa jiran, kanneen akka chaayinaa, Ameerikaa, Raashiyaa, Ingilizii, Faransaa kkf gaaffii Ummati Oromoo qabu akka ukkaamsaniif sochi isaan taasisan irra jireessa dhaabbatuma kana jalatti mitii ? waa hedduu kaasuun danda’ama. Filitsixeemoonni Bilisummaan isaanii akka harkifatu kan taasisees, har’a ammoo ariifachiisaa kan jirus, dhaabbatuma kanadha. Kan keenya irra wayita ga’u tuffatamun tarii ilaalcha diinaa ta’uu danda’a. kanaaf waan jajjabeeffamu qabu jajjabeessuun wallaalaa nama hin jachisiisu. Wallaalummaan waan ifatti beekamu haaluudha. Ija ashaboon dhiqatanii hololuudha.wayyaaneen har’a koree tokko Biyya alaatti ijaartee, waan intarneetaa hundaa akka hordofanii fi bifa amma argaa jirruun akka busheessan taasisaa jiraachuu hubadhaa. Kanaaf waa hundaa irratti ilaallachaa sirbaan dhaamsa kiyya.
  4. OMN ilaalchisee :- Ilmaan Oromoo OMN ijaarree Ummata keenyaaf bu’aa tokko argamsiifna jedhanii ka’uun yaaduma gaariidha. Kan deeggaramu qabudhas. Yeroo hedduu Ilmaan Oromoo qabsoo Ummata kanaaf gumaacha goonaa jedhanii wanni ijaaran , irra jireessa rakkooma keessa isaanii madduun deebi’anii dhaamu. Kun maaliif jedhee qoratee deebii quubsaa argatee hundee isaa tolfatu hin agarre. Hundumtu karaama tokko irra ka’anii deebi’anii taa’aan. Waan ijaarru tokko bu’ura qabaachuu qaba. maaliif akka ijaaramu, adeemsa akkamii akka qabaatu, galiin isaa maal akka ta’e, sagantaa yeroo gabaabaa fi dheeraa, gufuulee nu mudachuu danda’u jedhanii fi kkf dursee yeroo fudhatee irratti hojjachuu barbaachisa. OMN irratti rakkoo dhalatee jiruuf maddi isaa iftummaadha. Adeemsa hojjii , hojii yennaa eegallu haala akkasiin of beeksifna, yeroo kana keessatti kana gadhiifna, kana kan gaggeessuu fi sochii kana Ummatatti beeksisu koree akkasiidhaa, kkf jedhamee tartiiba dhabuutu , waan Ummataaf dhaabbate jedhame kan nama dhuunfaa fakkeesse.Ummati Oromoo qaamni kamu maqaa isaan yennaa gurmaa’uu fi of beeksiisu hanga dhumaatti deemee qorachuu akka hin dhiifne beeku barbaachisa. kanaaf gaaffiilee haala kanaan ka’uu danda’an gamanumaa of gaafatanii deebii qopheeffachuutu gaariidha. Sirbaa eegallee bo’aa gadi taa’uun maddi isaa fageessanii yaadu dhabuudha. Mana ijaarru hundaa , fedhii fi Ilaacha akkasumas, aadaa ummatichaa irratti bu’ureffannee yoo hin taanee rakkoo dhalchuun isaa hin hafu. Rakkoon dhalate jedhamee ka’ee jabaa ta’ee mul’ate garuu hin jiru. komeen Ummataa gaariis ta’uu badaa, waan gaarii fi badaa kana kan uume OMN mataa isaatii . waan hangana bal’ifamee irratti hololamu tokkollee keessa hin jiru. ofumaa dubbiin daangaa dabree, Oromoonni wal fixan akka jedhamee nutti kolfamu taasisee malee, bu’aan argamsiise hin jiru. silaa muuxannoo waggaa 100 oliin kana hiikkachuun salphaadha. Bakka lama dhaabbachuutu dubbii hammeesse. Nuuti Dimokiraatawaadhaas ni jenna, isa addunyaa ittiin wal nyaattunis ni tarkaafanna. Kanatu wal dhahe malee, dubbiin jiru Maanguddoo Oromoo tokkon ka hiikamtuudha.ammas OMN rakkoo isaa miidiyaama isaa irratti of salphisuu odoo hin taanee, wayyaanee salphisuu fi dhimma Oromoo irratti hojjachuu fi kanas cichoomiinaan itti fufutu komee Ummataa keessaa isa baasa. Miidiyaa Ummata kanaaf jedhamee banamee fi Ummati maalan irraa argaa ? jedhee guyyuu jala taa’aa ooluuf, rakkoo keessa ofiin wal unkuraa jiraachuu mul’isaa ooluun Dimokiraasii isa akkamii akka ta’ee naaf hin galu. Of tumachaa ooluu keessaa haa baanuun jedha.
Maddi yaadoota ani kaasee, sochii bara 2014 dha.bara 2014 ammoo Biddeen nama quubsuu, eelee irratti beekunin itti mammaake. Na qabuubsinaan. qabxiilee hafan BARA 2015 keessan qabadhee dhihaadha. Barri 2015 Bara OROMOON humna ta’ee itti ba’uu nuuf haa ta’u. bara 2014 keessa kanneen yaada ijaaraa naaf kennitan guddoo Galatoomaa.
HORAA BULAA !!!


Ethiopia 2014 Trafficking in Persons Report

OFFICE TO MONITOR AND COMBAT TRAFFICKING IN PERSONS



Ethiopia is a source and, to a lesser extent, destination and transit country for men, women, and children who are subjected to forced labor and sex trafficking. Girls from Ethiopia’s rural areas are exploited in domestic servitude and, less frequently, prostitution within the country, while boys are subjected to forced labor in traditional weaving, herding, guarding, and street vending. The central market in Addis Ababa is home to the largest collection of brothels in Africa, with girls as young as 8-years-old in prostitution in these establishments. Ethiopian girls are forced into domestic servitude and prostitution outside of Ethiopia, primarily in Djibouti, South Sudan, and in the Middle East. Ethiopian boys are subjected to forced labor in Djibouti as shop assistants, errand boys, domestic workers, thieves, and street beggars. Young people from Ethiopia’s vast rural areas are aggressively recruited with promises of a better life and are likely targeted because of the demand for cheap domestic labor in the Middle East.

Many young Ethiopians transit through Djibouti, Egypt, Somalia, Sudan, or Yemen as they emigrate seeking work in the Middle East; some become stranded and exploited in these transit countries, and are subjected to detention, extortion, and severe abuses—some of which include forced labor and sex trafficking—while en route to their final destinations. Young women are subjected to domestic servitude throughout the Middle East, as well as in Sudan and South Sudan. Many Ethiopian women working in domestic service in the Middle East face severe abuses, including physical and sexual assault, denial of salary, sleep deprivation, withholding of passports, confinement, and even murder. Ethiopian women are sometimes exploited in the sex trade after migrating for labor purposes—particularly in brothels, mining camps, and near oil fields in Sudan and South Sudan—or after fleeing abusive employers in the Middle East. Low-skilled Ethiopian men and boys migrate to Saudi Arabia, the Gulf States, and other African nations, where some are subjected to forced labor. In October 2013, the Ethiopian government banned overseas labor recruitment. Preceding the ban, Ministry of Labor and Social Affairs (MOLSA) officials reported that up to 1,500 Ethiopians departed daily as part of the legal migration process. Officials estimated this likely represented only 30 to 40 percent of those migrating for work; the remaining 60 to 70 percent were smuggled with the facilitation of illegal brokers. Brokers serve as the primary recruiters in rural areas. Over 400 employment agencies were licensed to recruit Ethiopians for work abroad; however, government officials acknowledged many to be involved in both legal and illegal recruitment, leading to the government’s ban on labor export. Following the ban, irregular labor migration through Sudan is believed to have increased. Eritreans residing in Ethiopia-based refugee camps, some of whom voluntarily migrate out of the camps, and others who are lured or abducted from the camps, face situations of human trafficking in Sudan and Egypt’s Sinai Peninsula.

Since November 2013, the Saudi Arabian government has deported over 163,000 Ethiopians, including over 94,000 men working mostly in the construction sector and over 8,000 children working in cattle herding and domestic service; international organizations and Ethiopian officials believe thousands were likely trafficking victims. Many migrants reported not having repaid debts to those who smuggled them to Saudi Arabia, rendering some of them at risk for re-trafficking.

The Government of Ethiopia does not fully comply with the minimum standards for the elimination of trafficking; however, it is making significant efforts to do so. The Federal High Court convicted 106 traffickers and worked with international partners to shelter and provide emergency care to trafficking victims. In 2013, following an influx of trafficking victims returning to Ethiopia, the government recognized problems with its oversight of Ethiopian-based employment agencies, which were failing to protect workers sent overseas. In response, the government temporarily banned labor recruitment and began to revise the relevant employment proclamation to ensure improved oversight of these agencies and better protection of its citizens while working abroad. The government facilitated the return of thousands of Ethiopians, including many likely trafficking victims, deported from Saudi Arabia and elsewhere during the reporting period, and coordinated with NGOs and international organizations to provide services to the returning migrants. The government relied on NGOs to provide direct assistance to both internal and transnational trafficking victims and did not provide financial or in-kind support to such organizations. The government did not deploy labor attachés or improve the availability of protective services offered by its overseas diplomatic missions. The absence of government-organized trainings in 2013 was a concern. The government also did not effectively address child prostitution and other forms of internal trafficking through law enforcement, protection, or prevention efforts. It did not report on the number of victims it identified in 2013.

Recommendations for Ethiopia:

Complete amendments to the employment exchange proclamation to ensure penalization of illegal recruitment and improved oversight of overseas recruitment agencies; strengthen criminal code penalties for sex trafficking and amend criminal code Articles 597 and 635 to include a clear definition of human trafficking that includes the trafficking of male victims and enhanced penalties that are commensurate with other serious crimes; enhance judicial understanding of trafficking and improve the investigative capacity of police throughout the country to allow for more prosecutions of internal child trafficking offenses; increase the use of Articles 596, 597, and 635 to prosecute cases of labor and sex trafficking; improve screening procedures in the distribution of national identification cards and passports to ensure children are not fraudulently acquiring these; allocate appropriate funding for the deployment of labor attachés to overseas diplomatic missions; institute regular trafficking awareness training for diplomats posted abroad, as well as labor officials who validate employment contracts or regulate employment agencies, to ensure the protection of Ethiopians seeking work or employed overseas; incorporate information on human trafficking and labor rights in Middle Eastern and other countries into pre-departure training provided to migrant workers; engage Middle Eastern governments on improving protections for Ethiopian workers; partner with local NGOs to increase the level of services available to trafficking victims returning from overseas, including allocating funding to enable the continuous operation of either a government or NGO-run shelter; improve the productivity of the national anti-trafficking taskforce; and launch a national anti-trafficking awareness campaign at the local and regional levels.

Prosecution

The Government of Ethiopia maintained its anti-trafficking law enforcement efforts during the reporting period, but its efforts continued to focus wholly on transnational trafficking, with little evidence that the government investigated or prosecuted sex trafficking or internal labor trafficking cases. Ethiopia prohibits sex and labor trafficking through criminal code Articles 596 (Enslavement), 597 (Trafficking in Women and Children), 635 (Traffic in Women and Minors), and 636 (Aggravation to the Crime). Article 635, which prohibits sex trafficking, prescribes punishments not exceeding five years’ imprisonment, penalties which are sufficiently stringent, though not commensurate with penalties prescribed for other serious crimes, such as rape. Articles 596 and 597 outlaw slavery and labor trafficking and prescribe punishments of five to 20 years’ imprisonment, penalties which are sufficiently stringent. Articles 597 and 635, however, lack a clear definition of human trafficking, do not include coverage for crimes committed against adult male victims, and have rarely been used to prosecute trafficking offenses. Instead, Articles 598 (Unlawful Sending of Ethiopians to Work Abroad) and 571 (Endangering the Life of Another) are regularly used to prosecute cases of transnational labor trafficking. The absence of a clear legal definition of human trafficking in law impeded the Ethiopian Federal Police’s (EFP) and Ministry of Justice’s ability to investigate and prosecute trafficking cases effectively. Officials began drafting amendments to the Employment Exchange Services Proclamation No. 632/2009, which governs the work of approximately 400 licensed labor recruitment agencies; planned amendments will prohibit illegal recruitment and improve oversight of recruitment agencies.

During the reporting period, the EFP’s Human Trafficking and Narcotics Section, located within the Organized Crime Investigation Unit, investigated 135 suspected trafficking cases—compared to 133 cases in the previous reporting period. The federal government reported prosecuting 137 cases involving an unknown number of defendants relating to transnational labor trafficking under Article 598; of these cases, the Federal High Court convicted 106 labor traffickers—compared to 100 labor traffickers convicted in the previous reporting period. Officials indicated that these prosecutions included cases against private employment agencies and brokers, but did not provide details on these cases or the average length of applied sentences. Between June and July 2013, courts in the Southern Nations, Nationalities, and Peoples Region (SNNPR) reportedly heard 267 cases involving illegal smugglers and brokers. In addition, in Gamo Gofa, a zone within SNNPR, the zonal court convicted six traffickers in 2013—the first convictions in that area’s history. The EFP investigated allegations of complicity in trafficking-related crimes involving staff at several foreign diplomatic missions in Addis Ababa; the EFP arrested several staff at these missions.

In 2013, the government did not initiate any sex trafficking prosecutions, including for child prostitution. It also did not demonstrate adequate efforts to investigate and prosecute internal trafficking crimes or support and empower regional authorities to effectively do so. Regional law enforcement entities throughout the country continued to exhibit an inability to distinguish human trafficking from human smuggling and lacked capacity to properly investigate and document cases, as well as to collect and organize relevant data. In addition, the government remained limited in its ability to conduct international investigations. The government did not provide or fund trafficking-specific trainings for law enforcement officials, though police and other officials received training from international organizations with governmental support during the year. Seventy-seven judges also received training on both child labor and human trafficking. The government did not report any investigations, prosecutions, or convictions of public officials allegedly complicit in human trafficking or trafficking-related offenses. For example, reports suggest local kabele or district level officials accepted bribes to change the ages on district-issued identification cards, enabling children to receive passports without parental consent; passport issuance authorities did not question the validity of such identification documents or the ages of applicants.

Protection

The government did not provide adequate assistance to trafficking victims—both those exploited internally or after migrating overseas—relying almost exclusively on international organizations and NGOs to provide services to victims without providing funding to these organizations. However, following the Saudi Arabian government’s closure of its border and massive deportation of migrant workers, officials worked quickly and collaboratively with international organizations and NGOs to repatriate and accommodate over 163,000 Ethiopian returnees from Saudi Arabia and several hundred from Yemen. The government did not report the number of victims it identified and assisted during the year. It remained without standard procedures for front-line responders to guide their identification of trafficking victims and their referral to care. During the reporting period, following the return of Ethiopians exploited overseas, the Bole International Airport Authority and immigration officials in Addis Ababa referred an unknown number of female victims to eleven local NGOs that provided care specific to trafficking victims. Typically such referrals were made only at the behest of self-identified victims of trafficking. One organization assisted 70 trafficking victims during the year—often from Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Qatar, Yemen, and Lebanon—providing shelter, food, clothing, medical and psychological treatment without government support. The government’s reliance on NGOs to provide direct assistance to most trafficking victims, while not providing financial or in-kind support to such NGOs, resulted in unpredictable availability of adequate care; many facilities lacked sustainability as they depended on project-based funding for continued operation. Despite its reliance on NGOs to provide victims care, the government at times created challenges for these organizations as a result of its 2009 Charities and Societies Proclamation. This proclamation prohibits organizations that receive more than 10 percent of their funding from foreign sources from engaging in activities that promote—among other things—human rights, the rights of children and persons with disabilities, and justice. These restrictions had a negative impact on the ability of some NGOs to adequately provide a full range of protective services, including assistance to victims in filing cases against their traffickers with authorities and conducting family tracing.

The government operated child protection units in the 10 sub-cities of Addis Ababa and six major cities, including Dire Dawa, Adama, Sodo, Arba Minch, Debre Zeit, and Jimma; staff at the units were trained in assisting the needs of vulnerable children, including potential trafficking victims. Healthcare and other social services were generally provided to victims of trafficking by government-operated hospitals in the same manner as they were provided to other victims of abuse. The government continued to jointly operate an emergency response center in the Afar Region jointly with the IOM, at which police and local health professionals provided medical and nutritional care, temporary shelter, transport to home areas, and counseling to migrants in distress, including trafficking victims. While officials reportedly encouraged victims to assist in the investigation and prosecution of their traffickers, there were no protective mechanisms in place to support their active role in these processes. For example, Ethiopian law does not prevent the deportation of foreign victims to countries where they might face hardship or retribution. There were no reports of trafficking victims being detained, jailed, or prosecuted in 2013. The limited nature of consular services provided to Ethiopian workers abroad continued to be a weakness in government efforts. Although Employment Exchange Services Proclamation No. 632/2009 requires licensed employment agencies to place funds in escrow to provide assistance in the event a worker’s contract is broken, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA) has never used these deposits to pay for victims’ transportation back to Ethiopia. Nonetheless, in one case, a young woman in domestic servitude was pushed off the fifth story of a building by her employer in Beirut; once the victim was out of the hospital, the Ethiopian Embassy assisted in her repatriation, and upon her arrival, officials referred her to an NGO for assistance.

While officials worked to facilitate the return of stranded migrants and detainees, many of whom are believed to be trafficking victims, its focus was solely emergency assistance, with minimal direct provision of or support for longer-term protective services necessary for adequate care of trafficking victims. In April 2013, through a bilateral agreement with Yemeni officials, the Ethiopian government facilitated the return of 618 Ethiopian migrants stranded in Yemen after having failed to cross the Saudi Arabian border or been deported from Saudi Arabia. The government did not coordinate humanitarian assistance for these returnees upon their arrival in Addis Ababa. IOM coordinated subsequent returns, providing shelter at the IOM transit center in Addis Ababa, where returnees received medical care and psycho-social support while UNICEF conducted family tracing. The government did not provide financial or in-kind support to these IOM-led operations.

Beginning in November 2013, the Saudi Arabian government began massive deportation of foreign workers, who lacked proper visas or employment papers. The Ethiopian government led the repatriation and closely collaborated with IOM as part of an emergency response to the deportation of 163,000 Ethiopians from Saudi Arabia—many of whom were likely trafficking victims. Ethiopian diplomats worked to identify Ethiopian detainees stuck in 64 Saudi detention camps and various ministries met twice a week in an effort to return the migrants as rapidly as possible because of inhumane conditions within Saudi deportation camps. With a peak of 7,000 returning each day, the government partnered with IOM to provide food, emergency shelter, and medical care, and facilitate the deportees’ return to their home areas. Those requiring overnight stays in Addis Ababa were accommodated in IOM’s transit center and three transit facilities set up by the government; two of these were on government training campuses and one was rented at the government’s expense. The Disaster Risk Management and Food Security Section of the Ministry of Agriculture set up incident command centers at transit centers where representatives from all ministries addressed issues among returnees. The Ministry of Health and the Ministry of Women, Children, and Youth Affairs provided blankets, food, and the approximate equivalent of $12,000 to a local NGO that assisted 87 severely traumatized trafficking victims identified among this population—believed to be only a mere fraction of the total number of victims needing comprehensive counseling and reintegration support among these deportees. Regional governments established committees to provide returnees basic assistance and planned to support their reintegration via the establishment of cooperatives and small businesses. For example, in Addis Ababa, 3,000 returnees received psychological support and 1,743 graduated from technical skills training. While the government contributed the equivalent of approximately $2.5 million towards repatriation costs, it requested reimbursement from IOM via donors for the equivalent of approximately $27,000 worth of food.

Prevention

The government made moderate efforts to prevent human trafficking. It coordinated both regional and national awareness raising campaigns. In 2013, nationally-owned media companies aired a drama series which portrayed the dangers of being trafficked. The Women’s Development Army, a government run program, raised awareness of the dangers of sending children to urban areas alone and of the potential for abuse when illegal brokers facilitate migration. Working-level officials from federal ministries and agencies met weekly as part of the technical working group on trafficking, led by MOLSA. The inter-ministerial taskforce on trafficking met quarterly and was extensively involved in responding to the deportation of Ethiopians from Saudi Arabia.

Officials acknowledged that licensed employment agencies were involved in facilitating both legal and illegal labor migration and, as a result, enacted a temporary ban on the legal emigration of low-skilled laborers in October 2013. The ban is set to remain in place until draft amendments to the employment exchange proclamation are enacted to allow for greater oversight of private employment agencies, to mandate the placement of labor attachés in Ethiopian embassies, and to establish an independent agency to identify and train migrant workers. The government monitored the activities of labor recruitment agencies and closed an unknown number of agencies that were identified as having sent workers into dangerous conditions. Officials acknowledged that the ban may encourage illegal migration; as a result, the EFP mobilized additional resources to monitor Ethiopia’s borders. In February 2014, the EFP intercepted 101 Ethiopians led by an illegal broker at the border with Sudan. In early November 2013, the government sent a delegation of officials to Saudi Arabia to visit various camps where Ethiopians were being held. Due to the poor conditions in the camps and numerous reports of abuse, the Ethiopian government acted to remove all of their citizens swiftly. During the year, a planned government-funded, six-week, pre-departure training for migrant workers was suspended due to lack of funding. Labor migration agreements negotiated in the previous reporting period with Jordan, Kuwait, and Qatar remained in place; the government negotiated new agreements in 2013 with the Governments of Djibouti, Sudan, the UAE, and Kenya. However, these agreements did not explicitly contain provisions to protect workers—such as by outlining mandatory rest periods, including grounds for filing grievances, and prohibiting recruitment fees.

In 2013, the government established the Office of Vital Records to implement a June 2012 law requiring registration of all births nationwide; however, the lack of a uniform national identification card continued to impede implementation of the law and allowed for the continued issuance of district-level identification cards that were subject to fraud. MOLSA’s inspection unit decreased in size during the reporting period from 380 to 291 inspectors as a result of high turnover rates and limited resources. In 2013, the government’s list of Activities Prohibited for Young Workers became law. MOLSA inspectors were not trained to use punitive measures upon identifying labor violations, and expressed concern that such efforts would deter foreign investment. The government provided Ethiopian troops with anti-trafficking training prior to their deployment abroad on international peacekeeping missions, though such training was conducted by a foreign donor.

=>US state.gov

Monday, December 29, 2014

Features Ethiopia: Booming business, underpaid workers

Low wages have attracted foreign players to the poor African country, but labourers are hoping for better salaries.


Within a few years foreign companies have helped build up Ethiopia's nascent industry [Simona Foltyn/Al Jazeera]
Addis Ababa, Ethiopia - Lunch break is over at the Huajian shoe factory and workers assemble in perfectly aligned two-row formations, march, salute, and return back to their work stations.

"Our factory is a bit like a military organisation. The labour here is not highly educated so we have to use a very simple way to communicate and organise them," said Nara Zhou, Huajian's spokeswoman, as she walks through the aisles of the large factory hall.
Nara Zhou [Simona Foltyn/Al Jazeera]

Red banners with writing in Chinese, Amharic and English hang from the ceiling, bearing lofty slogans such as "China-Africa friendly and harmonious enterprise, to win honour for the country", and "High level of democracy".

They are excerpts of speeches given by the company's president, Zhang Hua Rong, a former military officer who established Huajian's operation in Ethiopia in 2012, Zhou explained.
 
Within a few years, foreign companies such as Huajian have helped build up Ethiopia's nascent footwear industry from scratch.

Today, the company employs about 3,000 workers in Ethiopia and generates $20m worth of exports by producing shoes for international brands such as Guess, Naturalizer and Toms destined for US and European markets.
 
With a growing number of brands such as H&M starting to source from Ethiopia and existing companies ramping up production capacity, the three percent of Ethiopia's exports that came from textiles and leather in 2013 may well double in the next couple of years, according to government estimates. 
 
Cheaper than Asia

Rising production costs in Asia are the key drivers prompting manufacturers such as Huajian to look for alternative production sites. Ethiopia seems to be ticking many of the boxes for investors: abundant cheap labour, no tariffs, and a stable political environment.

Entry-level salaries in Ethiopia range from $35 to $40 per month, significantly below average Chinese manufacturing wages of $629 per month, a figure reported to have tripled between 2000 and 2010.

In Bangladesh, textile workers are required to earn at least $68 per month, which represents an increase in minimum wages following the deadly collapse of a factory building in April, and criticism of working conditions there.
 
Ethiopia, however, has no minimum wage except for public servants.
Aklilu Woldemariam [Simona Foltyn/Al Jazeera]

"We do have a labour law in this country, which is in line with international standards, but the government will not actually intervene in setting the minimum wage," Aklilu Woldemariam, director of investment promotion at Ethiopia's Investment Agency, told Al Jazeera.
 
The absence of a minimum wage means that market dynamics determine the salaries of factory workers. With urban unemployment at about 18 percent, workers must often accept whatever wage is offered, or have no income at all.
 
"I am happy I have a job but if I had an option, I wouldn't work for this amount of money and under these conditions," said Meseret Asrat, a 24-year-old employee at Ayka Textiles in the capital Addis Ababa.

Asrat earns $41 per month after the factory's recent wage increase.
 
Struggle for workers' rights
 
Despite demands for higher wages and better health and safety standards, Ayka is considered a success story when it comes to workers' rights in Ethiopia.

The country's biggest garment exporter and an employer of 8,000 workers, Ayka is also one of few textile and leather factories to have established a functional trade union. "In the beginning it was difficult to establish the union. The management didn't want the workers to unite and speak with a common voice," said Mesfin Teshome, who leads Ayka's trade union.
 
Following pressure from Ayka's German client Tchibo and a change in the company's management, the union won a 25-percent wage increase in a collective bargaining agreement negotiated last year. But winning further salary increases remains a challenge, Teshome said, partly because the company's profits are not made public.
 
Although Ethiopia's constitution guarantees workers the right to associate, most factories, including Huajian, do not have trade unions.

"If the business owners refuse, there is not much we can do," Angesom Gebre Yohannes from the Industrial Federation of Ethiopian Textile, Leather and Garment Worker Trade Unions, told Al Jazeera. "The law is there, but the struggle to implement it is left up to us and the workers."
 
The union currently employs four full-time staff and lacks the resources and political weight to lobby big businesses, let alone take them to court over alleged violations of wages and working conditions. Often, pressure by foreign clients and consumers is the only way to ensure better conditions for workers.

"Big foreign buyers, like in the case of Tchibo, can have a big contribution towards workers' rights," Yohannes said.
 
Invest now, worry later?
 
Between 2010 and 2014, Ethiopia's economy grew at an impressive 10.4 percent annual rate, driven mainly by large public expenditures under the umbrella of an ambitious Growth and Transformation Plan (GTP). The plan seeks to transform Ethiopia into a middle-income country by 2025.
 
As part of the GTP, selected industries such as textiles and leather with high-growth potential have been prioritised for foreign investment.
It's not a question of if but when the government will approach investors to discuss more corporate social responsibility.
- Dereje Feyissa Dori, International Law and Policy Institute

"This is the formative stage of the manufacturing sector," said Dereje Feyissa Dori, senior adviser and research professor at the International Law and Policy Institute office in Addis Ababa. "Investors are charting into new territories, so there must be something to entice them."
 
For that reason, the government is sceptical about introducing a minimum wage, which might scare away investors said Dori. Union representatives say monthly wages should be 2,000 birr ($100), twice as high as today's entry-level wages.
 
Low salaries are often attributed to relatively low productivity and cost of living. But for Ethiopia - a country where 29.6 percent of the population still lives below the poverty line - a shift will be needed if it is to become a middle-income country by 2025, as envisioned by the GTP.

"It's not a question of if but when the government will approach investors to discuss more corporate social responsibility," said Dori.
 
Trade unions and some business owners say ensuring reasonable wages and working conditions would make the industry more sustainable and avoid disruptions further down the line.

"If the government takes the necessary measures in the beginning, the industry will not be disturbed later on like we see it in the experiences of Far East Asia," Ercan Tukoglu, the general manager of Ayka Textiles, told Al Jazeera.


Mission Journal: Ethiopian journalists must choose between being locked up or locked out

Journalists who fled to Nairobi over security fears perform a traditional Ethiopian coffee ceremony in one of the cramped apartments they share. (CPJ/Nicole Schilit)
Journalists who fled to Nairobi over security fears perform a traditional Ethiopian coffee ceremony in one of the cramped apartments they share. (CPJ/Nicole Schilit) 
 
 
A sharp increase in the number of Ethiopian journalists fleeing into exile has been recorded by the Committee to Protect Journalists in the past 12 months. More than 30--twice the number of exiles CPJ documented in 2012 and 2013 combined--were forced to leave after the government began a campaign of arrests. In October, Nicole Schilit of CPJ's Journalist Assistance program and Martial Tourneur of partner group Reporters Without Borders traveled to Nairobi in Kenya to meet some of those forced to flee.
The group of reporters, photographers, and editors we met had all been forced to make a tough decision that has affected them and their families--a life in exile or prison. All of the journalists spoke to CPJ on condition of anonymity, out of concern for their safety. During meetings to discuss their cases, one of them told us: "I hope one day I can bring my family. Maybe in the future. I want to secure myself first. Now is not secure."

Since July, a large number of Ethiopian journalists have left behind their families, homes, and a steady income to seek safety. The reason for this sharp increase is a government crackdown on the independent media. In January, the state-controlled Ethiopian Press Agency and Ethiopian News Agency carried out a study to "assess the role of [seven] magazines in the nation's peace, democracy and development." The results were illustrated in two charts that claimed the magazines were promoting terrorism and damaging the economy.
One of the exiled journalists CPJ met in Nairobi holds up a newspaper report on a study criticizing independent publications. (CPJ/Nicole Schilit)
One of the exiled journalists CPJ met in Nairobi holds up a newspaper report on a study criticizing independent publications. (CPJ/Nicole Schilit)
The study was followed by a series of arrests and charges of journalists from a range of publications, as well as those associated with the Zone 9 blogging collective. In July six bloggers and three journalists were charged with terrorism. On June 25, 20 journalists at the state-run Oromia Radio and Television Organization were dismissed without explanation. In August, the Ministry of Justice announced that six publications were being charged with publishing false information, inciting violence, and undermining public confidence in the government. Managers at three publications were sentenced in absentia to three-year jail terms for "inciting the public by spreading false information." And in October, Temesghen Desalegn of Feteh (Justice) magazine was sentenced to three years' imprisonment for defamation and incitement.
With the threat of imprisonment hanging over Ethiopia's press, many journalists decided to flee. Most left without much notice. Some knew Ethiopians who had moved to Nairobi months or even years earlier, and were able to contact them before leaving their homes. Others arrived without having any basic knowledge of the city, and had to find help with everything from registering as a refugee with the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) to finding a place to stay.
Support CPJ
CPJ's Journalist Assistance program has had a steady flow of requests from journalists in Ethiopia and other parts of East Africa since the program began in 2001, but we have never seen numbers like this. With so many journalists displaced, it was important that CPJ identified their most urgent needs and challenges before deciding how best to support them.

The exiled journalists that CPJ and its partner group met included journalists who worked for several independent publications, as well as freelancers and founding members of the Ethiopian Journalists Forum (EJF). Not all of the journalists were facing charges, but they said they had experienced harassment, intimidation, and threats of imprisonment over their reporting.

One of the journalists said he had been in Angola for a conference in April when he was advised by friends not to return to Ethiopia. While he was away, six Zone 9 bloggers had been arrested. The journalist was not part of the Zone 9 group, but he said friends convinced him to come to Nairobi instead of returning to Ethiopia's capital, Addis Ababa. Despite the warnings he was insistent on returning to Ethiopia. "I did not prepare to not return," he said. His wife begged him to stay in Nairobi and told him security officials had visited their home and threatened her. She joined him in Nairobi one month later.

All of the journalists told us they needed financial support for basic living expenses. Despite being crammed into homes that feel temporary, and where up to three people share a room, the journalists struggle to afford rent and food. They have lost their incomes and, with the desire to keep a low profile and no means to start a publication, they do not know when they will be able to work again.
Conditions for those fleeing into exile are hard. Up to four journalists share a bedroom but they still struggle to pay for food and rent. (CPJ/Nicole Schilit)
Conditions for those fleeing into exile are hard. Up to four journalists share a bedroom but they still struggle to pay for food and rent. (CPJ/Nicole Schilit)
In one apartment, four journalists from a single outlet were living together. They described how in Addis Ababa they had been financially secure. "Most of us have no economic problems back home. I had my own TV show and the payment from our employment was good... but that charge. We know the meaning of that charge," one of the journalists said, referring to accusations that they had spread false information intended to undermine public trust in the government.

One of the journalists said he wanted to bring his wife and two-year-old son to Nairobi, but couldn't afford their travel, or to support them. "There is no money. And I am the breadwinner," he said.

Nairobi has offered little solace for these journalists. We met the majority of those we spoke to in the barely furnished homes they were living in, which are spread out across the city. Several of the journalists said they still did not feel safe, and were scared of being taken back to Ethiopia. The fear that authorities have the ability to reach over borders is common among those who have fled into exile.

Exile and security fears have taken a psychological toll on these journalists. They repeatedly told us their daily movements were limited because they worry what could happen while they are outside. "In the morning, I find myself without any plan to do. We feel lost here," one said during meetings to assess their needs. Another added: "It is very boring. I feel desperate."
One of the apartment buildings where some of the journalists are living. Many say the fear that drove them to flee still lingers. (CPJ/Nicole Schilit)
One of the apartment buildings where some of the journalists are living. Many say the fear that drove them to flee still lingers. (CPJ/Nicole Schilit)
One of the journalists told us: "It's a kind of traumatizing experience. At night, what if someone comes and is banging on the door looking for us? Whenever someone is shouting we think it is a security officer who [has] come to look for us. So it is very difficult at night. It is very scary."

Respected journalists who had successful careers in Ethiopia are now refugees in a foreign country. Despite being in exile because of their reporting, they all expressed a commitment to continue working in journalism once their financial and security needs had been fixed.

Since speaking to the exiled journalists and assessing their needs, CPJ has been working with partner organizations to coordinate assistance for them. In addition to providing small grants to help cover basic living expenses, CPJ has continued to advocate on behalf of the journalists with the UNHCR. Exiled journalists have to register as a refugee with the organization, or other authorities, to begin the often lengthy process of applying for refugee status or waiting for resettlement to a third country.

The Journalist Assistance program is funded entirely through charitable donations. More details on how you can help, and how donations are used by the Gene Roberts Fund for Emergency Assistance are available here.
_________________________________________________
 
 
=>cpj
 
 

By Tesfa-Alem Tekle

December 28, 2014 (ADDIS ABABA) – An Ethiopian opposition leader on Sunday dismissed reports alleging he has been fired from his job at the government-run Addis Ababa University.
Local media outlets reported that the leader of the opposition Oromo Federalist Congress, Merara Gudina, who chairs also the coalition of opposition parties MEDREK was fired from his academic professorial position.
The reports indicated that Gudina, an associate professor of political science at Addis Ababa University, was fired for his political views and due to the growing popularity he gained among university students in the build-up of the upcoming general elections.
“I haven’t received any letter of dismissal from the University,” Gudina told Sudan Tribune.
However, he claimed that the University has withheld his seven month salary for unknown reason.
“The university didn’t pay my salary since June while other employees were paid,” said Gudina adding “I don’t know why but I am in debate with the concerned bodies to release my salary”
The former MP is known of his democracy-related critics against the ruling party. Referring to the previously-fired opponents, opposition circles say Gudina is most likely to be fired soon.
Recently two opposition members who have been working at Ethiopian Airlines and Commercial Bank of Ethiopia were reportedly fired from their jobs.
Opposition members said their dismissal was politically motivated but government authorities said it was taken on disciplinary administrative measures.
International right groups are accusing the horn of Africa’s nation of tightening crackdown on independent media and opposition members ahead of the polls slated for May 2015.
In October, Amnesty International accused the Ethiopian government of illegally detaining over 5,000 members of the Oromo ethnic group, over the past four years to squash political dissent.
According to Amnesty, the detainees are accused of supporting the Oromo Liberation Front, a movement labelled by government as terrorist entity.
Ethiopia has repeatedly denied allegations of illegal detention and harassment, describing it as fabricated accusations aiming to tarnish image of the country.
The country’s electoral board this week said the country is prepared to conduct a democratic, free and fair election.


Sunday, December 28, 2014

Why Anti-OMN Whiners Should Keep Their Mouth Shut

By Abraasaa Dirree*

The problem with people who blab a lot is that they don’t have very good memories. They blab so much and boast so much, and huff and puff so much that they can’t possibly remember all the blabbing, boasting and puffing.

This is the predicament the anti-OMN Poster Boy finds himself in at the moment. Devoid of courage to address the real issues requiring structural explanations, he and few of his cohorts resorted to focus on events – who did what to whom. As a result, the calibrated attack on the OMN missed the opportunity to help us achieve more accurate, more insightful, and more empowering view of reality. He and his cohorts were wrong in essence and in substance. The planned “knockout punch” at the time of launch did not materialize. The recent hullabaloo is not getting any traction. So, the Poster Boy resorted to non-stop whining with complete and reckless abandon, because of the following reasons:

• First, according to the Poster Boy himself, his recommendation to further delay OMN’s launch date was rejected by the Organizing Committee. So, when the majority voted against his proposal, instead of accepting the simple administrative decision, he left the Committee. If he left on principled points, one would have reasoned with him. Good people often disagree and part their separate ways. That is not the case with the Poster Boy. His refusal to accept such a simple administrative decision means “my way or no way” attitude. This is nothing, but dictatorship and anti-democratic inclinations.

• Second, he claimed that he did a research about satellite providers, and considered the options and made recommendations to the Governing Body. So, the Governing Body, based on the best available information, decided on one of the options (not the one recommended by him). So, what is wrong with that? Why this is a big deal? Is this not how decisions are made?

• Third, the Poster Boy has been kvetching, without providing a scintilla of evidence, alleging that OMN’s money is being siphoned by an individual. I cannot conjure his motivations for such outlandish charges; however, one thing is certain; he is hell-bent on a mission to kill the OMN – nip it in the bud – commit an act of infanticide – through nonstop, persistent whining and planting the seed of doubt in the minds of the contributors. Why in this world would any Oromo wants to kill the OMN – the only Oromo centric national TV in this wide world? For whose benefit? I wonder why the Tigreans should waste their money on turncoats, when Oromos continue to self-destruct, time and again – thanks to the likes of the Poster Boy.

• Fourth, more importantly the Poster Boy is whining because according to him his good name was smeared by certain OMN supporters? When a reporter asked him, what recommendations he had for OMN, he blurted that they should stop besmirching his good name and that those like him who left the OMN should be allowed back. Hell no! OMN does not need him. He represents the views of the past, of hatred, of negativity, resulting in the national shame in which we find ourselves in today. That is the legacy of the Poster Boy’s generation. While our enemies are finding new ways and means to keep us down, the likes of the Poster Boy of this world are perfecting the propensity for Oromos to self-destruct. Such are the leeches that continue to suck oxygen from the Oromo national struggle, time and again.

To the OMN supporters, you would agree with me that organizational maturity does not happen overnight. From birth to a steady institutionalization stage takes time. So, organizations – profit or not-for-profit – do not mature in a day. As they say, “Rome was not built in a day.”

As you probably know, at the beginning, organizations are not up to speed on governance and administration issues. As well most processes are informal – ad hoc, chaotic and inconsistent. Governance is not properly in place, and change management is not yet created. Fear and uncertainty is high as organizational values and culture have not yet been established. As people coming to the organization with their own unique personalities, it takes a while for soft capabilities such as social skills, experience, creativity, social cohesion, social capital, values, motivation, habits and traditions to gel with institutional culture. So, OMN is no different. It’s going through organizational “teething” phase.

Ours is further complicated by lack of experience in running Oromo centred organizations. We have been conditioned to take orders and obey our masters, so we carry some baggage. This is the mentality of the oppressed, which manifests itself in different forms, such as lack of respect for one another, superiority complex, lack democratic traditions, lack of Oromo centric bureaucratic traditions, what have you, what have you.

Moreover, when it comes to Oromo affairs, all lay persons present themselves as experts on everything. They all want to direct the affairs of OMN, and how the journalists should carry out their work, etc, etc. We have to learn to trust the ability and capability of our learned men and women and that they are good enough to do the job required of them. After all, these are the crème de la crème of our best minds. Let us give the leadership the benefit of the doubt.

Whether one likes it or not, Jawar is the face of the OMN. Through the “I’m Oromo First” tour, he galvanized the entire Diaspora. He promised. He delivered. That is what leadership is all about. Most of us believed in him and trusted him, and those young men and women supporting him behind the scene. He is doing the right thing? Absolutely, yes! He is doing things right? I don’t know as I don’t work with him. Moreover, doing things right is managerial issues that can be corrected through rules, regulations and processes. Some of us saw this as a generational shift, while the Poster Boy types want to impede the inevitable.

Regarding the assertion that certain inexperienced young men and women are running the show, I agree they are young and inexperienced. Let them do some screw-ups; they will learn and grow from it. In comparison, what did the experienced Poster Boy generation give us? How did I forget – Listserv?
My final point to the Poster Boy: if you think that you have the stature to measure up to Jawar (I meant figuratively, not literally), stop conniving, and go ahead and form your own media. And call it OMN. After all, bickering and splitting organizations is the hallmark of your generation.

I’m also astonished at how some of the amateurish and substandard Oromo radio and TV personalities, who should not have seen the light of day in terms of style and substance, also joined the fray with reckless and complete abandon. One does not have to be a rocket scientist to observe that this is the manifestation of jealousy in its absolute form. The OMN made them irrelevant, and by comparison, they look shoddy, crude and unprofessional.

Finally, here is my unsolicited and humble advice to the OMN leadership:

• The issues are all about human resources administration. So, you have already dealt with it, and if further action is required deal with it, as this is an internal organizational matter, we don’t want to know the details. Moreover, organizations don’t wash their dirty laundry in public.

• You have done enough explaining, once or twice is more than enough. You have already admitted to certain governance issues. So, fix it. There is no need to repeat the same points again and again. All you are doing is strengthening the hands of the Poster Boy. Again, we don’t need the details, and all we want to know is that you are in control of things and that you are taking care of business.

• You have to understand and accept the fact that those who don’t like OMN will never settle for a reasoned argument. So don’t waste your time in trying to win them over, as they have different agenda. That is exactly why the Poster Boy sounds like a man who believes the solution to inequality in a community with only one cow is to kill the animal and have none. This is why he and his cohorts concocted and foolishly injected religious and cultural dimensions hoping to get some traction by obfuscating the real issue. The good news is that we are not that gullible after all.

• You have to accept the fact that you cannot please everyone. So, ignore the innuendos, such as the one coming from the Poster Boy. After all, he is not a member of the Board. He is not a member of the Executive. He is not a staff member. He is just an attention seeker, who wants to remain relevant in Oromo affairs by “crying wolf, where there is no wolf.”

• Finally, I know that Oromos believe in what you do and some of us sincerely appreciate your dedication, commitment, sacrifice and perseverance.

Long live OMN!

Abraasaa Dirree: abraasaa.dirree@gmail.com

=>finfinnetribune

Thursday, December 25, 2014

TBOJ (UOSJ): Call for Conference on Oromo Liberation Front (OLF/ABO) Army day

TBOA

Call for Conference on Oromo Liberation Front (OLF/ABO) Army day
The Union of Oromo Students in Europe, (UOSE) or Tokkumma Bartoota Oromoo Awurooppaa (TBOA) is a student organization based in Germany. Founded in 1974, it is a political organization that functions according to the political programs and political ideals of the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF).

As active branch of UOSE,UOSG (Union of Oromo Students in Germany) played the biggest role in nurturing the language and culture of the Oromo people, protesting against successive Ethiopian regimes, and coordinating the overall support to the OLF/ABO.

Therefore,we are excited to announce that the event will be organized in Germany,Frankfurt/M. by the Union of Oromo Students. We are  looking to see all the Oromo communities living in all regions of Germany and Europe-wide to take part on the event on 10th January,2015 at Johann Wolfgang Goethe-University, Frankfurt am Main (Mertonstr.26-28, 60323 Frankfurt am Main) from 11:00-18:00 Hour.
It always seems impossible until its done.” – Nelson Mandela 

TBOJ Caayaa ABO Executive Committee.

tboj1973@gmail.com or konya.frankfurt@gmail.com
or kindly reach us through the following numbers:

+4915217299850, +4915213048119 or +4915210249774


=>oromiatimes

Friday, December 12, 2014

DOCUMENT - ETHIOPIA: RELEASE PROTESTORS, STOP CRUSHING POLITICAL OPPOSITION

AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL
PUBLIC STATEMENT
AI Index: 25/009/2014
10 December 2014
Ethiopia: Release protestors, stop crushing political opposition
On 5 and 6 December, security services in Addis Ababa arrested an estimated 90 people during attempts to stage a demonstration by a coalition of nine opposition political parties. The arrests are the latest manifestation of the authorities’ hostility towards the political opposition ahead of the general election scheduled for May 2015. The Ethiopian authorities must ensure the immediate and unconditional release of those arrested for peaceful participation in, or the organization of, the demonstration, and all others imprisoned in Ethiopia for the peaceful expression of their political opinion.
Amnesty International is concerned that in the period ahead of next year’s poll such instances of the authorities cracking down on political opposition will intensify.
The nine-party coalition was attempting to stage a demonstration in Addis Ababa’s Meskel Square on 6 December as the culmination of a series of activities calling for a free and fair election.
The exact number of people arrested has not been established, but the political parties involved report that around 90 people arrested in relation to the demonstration have appeared in court remand hearings in recent days.
The Semayawi (Blue) party, one of the coalition members, says that around 75 of its members and leadership were arrested, including its Chair, Engineer Yilkal Getnet, who is reported to have been injured as a result of beating by the police before he was arrested. The leaders of at least three other parties in the coalition were also arrested – Girma Bekele of the Omo People’s Democratic Union and Chair of the coalition, Erchafo Erdelo, Chair of the Kembata Peoples’ Congress and Alesa Mengesha, Chair of the Gedeo People’s Democratic Organization.
The other parties in the coalition are the All Ethiopian Democratic Party, the All Ethiopian Unity Party, the All Ethiopian National Party, the All Amhara People’s Organization and the Sodo Gordona Democratic Organization.
Two eye-witnesses told Amnesty International that there was a heavy federal police presence in Meskel Square on 6 December. Some would-be protestors were reportedly arrested on their way to the square. Another group was arrested shortly after leaving the Semayawi party office to walk to the square. The latter group was reported to have been beaten by police, resulting in a number of injuries.
The two groups are being detained in Sostegna (third) and Cherkos police stations.
The group detained in Sostegna police station, which numbers over 50 people, the majority of whom are Semayawi party members, appeared at Arada first instance court on 8 December, accused of participating in an illegal demonstration and attempting to overthrow the Constitution. They were remanded in custody until 22 December. 27 people detained at Cherkos police station were brought before a court in the Cherkos area, also on 8 December, accused of destroying public property in Meskel Square and remanded in custody until 15 December.
A group of six further Semayawi party members and two members of the All Ethiopian Unity Party, were arrested on 5 December after leaving the Semayawi office, and are being detained in Kotebe police station. They reportedly appeared in Yeka first instance court on the day of their arrest and were remanded in custody until 15 December.
The Semayawi party told Amnesty International it had informed the city administration of its intention to stage a demonstration, as required under the relevant proclamation, and had received a response informing the party it should not hold the demonstration, due to construction work in Meskel Square and a reported lack of security services to police the event. The response did not offer an alternative date or location. Semayawi states that due to this failure, it went ahead with its plans.
According to the Proclamation to Establish the Procedure for Peaceful Demonstration and Public Political Meeting (No. 3/1991), anyone planning to hold a demonstration must provide written notice to the relevant authorities 48 hours in advance, providing specifics of the nature, time, location and number of expected participants. The administrative office must provide a written response to the applicant within 12 hours if it is preferable that the demonstration be held at a different time or location.
The Ethiopian Constitution, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights all oblige the Ethiopian government to respect, protect and fulfil the rights to freedom of expression, association and assembly. Under international law, any restrictions on the exercise of these rights may only be such as are demonstrably necessary and proportionate for specific reasons recognised as legitimate, and must not undermine the right itself. Despite these legal obligations on the Ethiopian government, thousands of Ethiopians have been arrested in 2014 alone for their involvement in protests.
The Ethiopian government’s intolerance of dissent is increasing apace ahead of next May’s general elections. Throughout 2014, as well as large-scale arrests of protestors, there have been multiple arrests of members and leadership of opposition political parties, as well as other dissenting voices.
The Oromo Federalist Congress opposition political party reported that between 350 and 500 of its members were arrested between May and July, with further arrests of party members continuing every month since then. In July, Yeshewas Asefa of the Semayawi party was arrested along with Habtamu Ayalew and Daniel Shebeshi of the Unity for Democracy and Justice (UDJ) party and Abraha Desta of the Arena Tigray party. The four were subsequently charged under the Anti-Terrorism Proclamation. Semayawi members Befekadu Abebe, a party official in Arba Minch, and Agbaw Setegn, a member from Gondar, both remain in Maikelawi federal police detention centre since their arrests in September and October respectively.
The Semayawi party has also reported numerous arrests of its members throughout the year in relation to protests or attempts to stage protests. Seven female members were arrested in March during a run to mark International Women’s Day in Addis Ababa, along with three male party members. They had been chanting slogans including “We need freedom! Free political prisoners!” They were released without charge after ten days. In late April, 20 members of the party were arrested while promoting and distributing flyers for a demonstration in Addis Ababa. They were released after 11 days.
The crackdown has also included the remnants of independent media in the country during the year. Seven independent publications were targeted in an orchestrated smear campaign in the state-owned media, alleging they had printed a number of articles which ‘promoted terrorism,’ denied the economic growth, belittled the legacy of Meles Zenawi, and other ‘transgressions.’ Subsequently over 20 journalists fled the country under threat of prosecution. Six bloggers from the Zone 9 collective and three independent journalists associated with the group were arrested in April, and later charged with terrorism offences. The arrests came just days after the group announced on social media the resumption of its activities, which included a programme of work leading up to the elections, such as voter education. In late October, after a trial that had lasted more than two years, editor Temesgen Desalegn was sentenced to three years’ imprisonment for ‘defamation’ and ‘inciting the public through false rumours’ in the now-defunct publication ‘Feteh.’
This series of events demonstrates that, despite the fact that since the 2005 elections the government has taken multiple steps to entrench its rule and suppress other political parties, to coerce voters, and to dismantle opposition and dissent, the authorities still are intent on stifling any possibilities of political opposition ahead of May’s poll.
Amnesty International is concerned there will be further human rights violations ahead of the elections, including arbitrary arrests and the detention of opposition political party members, and possible violence against opposition party members and demonstrators.
In the lead-up to the 2015 elections, the government must ensure the ability of all Ethiopians to exercise their right to hold and express political opinions without fear of arrest or other repercussions, and must immediately remove unlawful restrictions on free and open political participation, including restrictions on the independent media, civil society organisations and opposition political parties. The government should also issue clear orders to security services to cease their harassment and arrest of persons peacefully expressing opposition to the government, including those campaigning for opposition political parties.
Anyone who has been arrested based solely on their activities as a member of an opposition political party, their peaceful expression of dissent or of their political opinion, their journalistic activities or their participation in a peaceful protest, must be immediately and unconditionally released.