Tuesday, May 28, 2013

Dr. Trevor Trueman’s visit to Cairo

Dr. Trevor Trueman, a human right advocate and a well known activist for his devoteing long years on writing articles and lobbying human rights concerns and abuses in Ethiopia against the Oromo people has visited the Oromo Community in cairo (OCRA-Egypt) on Saturday 25 May 2013. He has discussed with members of our community about the problems the Oromo people are facing in Ethiopia, the problems oromo refugees and asylum seekers are facing on their way to Egypt and about the challenging life situation the Oromo refugees are facing in the host country-Egypt.

It was a very good opportunity for members of the Oromo Community Refugee Association (OCRA-Egypt)  to expalin to Dr. Trueman about the problems all Oromo refugees and asylum seekers are facing in Egypt by sharing with him their grievances regarding their security concers and life challenges happening to Unaccompanied Children, Single mothers, Large families, Single Men and Women and all sorts of problems refugees are facing in this country includinjg the human trafficking and abuses happening against Oromos and other nationalities in Sinai are discussed with Dr. Trevor Trueman.

Availing this opportunity, leaders of the Oromo Community in Cairo would like to thank Dr. Trevor Truman for his visit to our community center to hear about the problems the Oromo people are facing in Ethiopia, to observe the hardships Oromo refugees and asylum seekers are facing on their way to Egypt and to witness the challenges they are encountering in Cairo- Egypt.

Waldaya Baqattoota Oromoo Biyya Masrii
25 May 2013

Response to Dr. Fiqre’s Letter to ODF Leadership – Response from an Oromo Activist

Monday, May 27, 2013

50 years of OAU (AU) in Finfinnee (Addis ababa), what is in it for Oromos

By Adugna Dinka


The organization of African unity was established on May 25, 1963 in Finfinnee (Addis Ababa) and on 9 July, 2002 it was disbanded and replaced by African Union. One of the reasons for the formation of OAU was the complete eradication of all forms of colonization. Other important aims of the organization were the respect of human right of all Africans and the raise of the living standard of all citizens.

If this is the case, the existence of OAU (AU) head quarter in Ethiopia might have mean much for the people of the country. It was supposed to have much influence on the leadership of Ethiopia to play a great role in relation with the respect of the right of the people and the economic development of the country. As the host of the office of such big organization, Ethiopia is supposed to be an example and a leader in every aspect.

The Irony is, things happen to the opposite of these. Ethiopia itself is an empire built by colonizing nations and nationalities. The northern Abyssinians colonized the southern nations and nationalities by force and enforce the name Ethiopia on them. The Oromos, Sidamas, Welaitas, Gedios, Gamos, Gambelas, Ogadenians, Afars etc are those who were brought under the Ethiopian empire by force.

In relation with human right, the government of Ethiopia was and is one of unfriendly governments to its people in the world and in Africa. Under king Haile Selassie, it was the time when the country was supposed to be put on track of development, to the contrary the people ended up in hunger which actually led to the revolution of 1974. Derg, which is the next Government, was a government that declares red terror on its own citizens and thousands lost their life. Many disappeared without trace. The TPLF led weyane government of Ethiopia is also doing the same. Thousands of Oromos are killed and disappeared since weyane came to power. Tens of thousands are still languishing in Qality and Ziway prisons.

Under TPLF led government of Ethiopia, US department of state human right report, amnesty International, and human right watch they all reported how serious the human right condition of Ethiopia is. The government is unfriendly to opposition parties, journalists, political activists and any person opposing the government. In addition to these, the government is displacing people from their homeland and leases their land in a very cheap price for foreign and Tigrean based investors. This actually is done in the name of development; it is actually the transfer of land and resource from the owners (indigenous people) to another party (foreigners or ‘national investors’).

The people who are displaced from their land in the name of development are all from the region of Oromia, Southern nations and nationalities, and the Gambela regions. These are those regions brought to Ethiopian empires by force. During the colonization era, the people lost their land to the northern landlords and the colonizing army and they were reduced to tenants on their own land. That is going on until today, the local people, the owner of the land are still displaced from their land.

But, the office of the African Union, the organization that was established to fight all forms of colonization and to ensure the respect of the right of all people is stationed at the heart of Oromo land for 50 years. During the last 50 years the people in Ethiopian empire were killed, tortured, displaced, and starved by successive governments. Is there a time when the OAU (AU) denounces these successive Ethiopian governments for their abusing their own citizens? Is there a time when OAU (AU) threatens to move the head quarter to a democratic and citizen’s friendly countries, to a country where government respects the right of its people?

OAU (AU) in Finfinnee (Addis Abeba) as a head quarter didn’t benefit Oromos in particular and Ethiopians in general. To the contrary, it just helped the dictatorial leaders to mislead other African leaders. The office just helped the dictators to assert power. The Abyssinian dominated governments never respected the right of the people they claim as their citizens. They have never been a good example for other countries as the host of AU office.

And the Oromos are people who are still colonized, but host OAU (AU) for 50 years on their land. 


Adugna Dinka (re_appear1@yahoo.co.uk)



The Sidama Nation Globally Commemorates the 11th Anniversary of its Fallen Heroes of May 24, 2002!

Sidama Community United Kingdom, May 25, 2013
London,
On a very bright morning in Sidama land, on May 24, 2002, between 10:30 and 11:00am local time; the Sidama people of all walks of life staged on a peaceful and non-violent Demonstration after fully exhausting the constitutional requirements that is needed to undertake such an activity. Carrying the leaves of trees and Ethiopian flags, the demonstrators peacefully started to march towards their capital city, Hawassa which is located at the distance of about 3 km from where they have been planning to hold the said peaceful demonstration when they were encountered with deliberately targeted barbaric acts after they have nearly travelled about a kilometre from the point they were gathering.
The objectives of the demonstration was in protest of the government’s decision to remove the administrative right of their capital (Hawassa)- from Sidama to the federal government in addition to the issues related with regional self administration quest, the Sidama nation is constitutionally guaranteed, yet denied. Whilst the Sidamas were peacefully demonstrating, suddenly, they were met with several armoured vehicles with machine guns and others hundreds of army personnel all of whom live shot into the upcoming crowds without warning-instantly killing over hundred Sidama civilians and wounding about 250-300.
With Sidama civilian demonstrators about three Sidama police officers were also summarily executed by the army for demanding them and police officers to stop the killing of Sidama’s peaceful and unarmed civilians. For being humane and genuine the said Sidama police officers also paid ultimate sacrifices for the causes of justices with others Sidama civilians. The dead bodies of hundreds of Sidama civilians were left on the street for the entire day whereas others seriously wounded unfortunately died in the middle of highly grown up corn plantation; most of whose dead bodies eventually devoured by hyenas. Others several seriously wounded civilians were also left to loss their blood and die in an agonising pain as health professionals weren’t allowed to help them until after 6 hours, after the shootings. After 6 hours of the shootings, the dead bodies of the Sidama people were dragged and some of them thrown to the pickup cars and an ISUZU lorry to be eventually dumped in Hawassa health centre. The families of the dead Sidama civilians weren’t allowed to collect the bodies of their beloved ones up until 3rd or 4th days.
Strict curfew was imposed throughout Sidama region for weeks and the Sidama was fully militarised from corner to corner. Those culprits who have ordered, stage-managed and monitored the massacre of the Sidama civilians are widely circulating in Sidamaland to date until now, and most of them are promoted to higher authority statuses.
As we commemorate the 11th anniversary of such tragic acts of the regime sponsored terrorism against law abiding Sidama civilians with our brothers and sisters [the sons and daughters of others subjugated nations of Ethiopia], our thought goes to the families and relatives of Sidama victims of Loqqe massacre of May 24, 2002.  We also salute their courage, determination and indefatigable decisions whilst they took to the streets of Sidamaland demanding their fundamental rights defying the mightiness of the regime’s live ammunitions to pay ultimate sacrifices. We also believe that this is the kind of crime taking places in Oromia, Ogadenia, Gambella, Shakicho Kaficho and others regions of subjugated nations with varying degrees. We salute the strengths of all civilians whose ultimate contributions in the end will make the dreams of their respective nation’s reality.
We’re commemorating Sidama victims of atrocity of May 24, 2002, in conjunction with psychological thought of those all Ethiopians who have lost their precious lives for simple reasons of seeking justice, liberty, human dignity and respect for fundamental rights; the essential elements all are denied by the successive Ethiopian regimes including the incumbent one.
As we all gathered here in London on May 25, 2013, in a free land where the rule of law is part and parcel of the whole society, our hearts and minds travel thousands of miles, dissecting clouds and ocean alike to share the sufferings of those who are unfortunately left back in Ethiopia, under the rule of jungle where democracy and democratic values remain meaningless.
Therefore, 
The Sidama nation wholeheartedly reaffirms its oaths on its determination until it asserts the rights of Sidama nation for which cause its fallen Sidama heroes paid ultimate sacrifices!
The Sidamas in Sidamaland and in Diaspora remember this Day, as the day of Sidama Martyrs and salute them all for their precious sacrifices of life. We all Sidamas, young and old, female and male alike never forget the ultimate sacrifices those heroes paid on behalf of our nation.
We the Sidamas wholeheartedly thank the representatives of Oromia, Ogadenia, Shakacho Kaficho and others subjugated nations’ brothers and sisters for showing us their usual solidarity by taking part in whatever we do on behalf of our systematically subjugated and deliberately brutalised nation.
Finally, we demand the support of the international community and strongly suggest to hold the Ethiopian current regime into account for its inhuman treatment of civilians and bring those who’re responsible for Loqqee massacre of Sidama civilians and others similar massacres and genocides committed by this very regime all over the country. We also demand the current Ethiopian regime to stop the acts of barbarism towards civilians, intelligentsia, journalists, opposition members and the wider societies at large.
May the Souls of Sidama Victims of atrocity and others Ethiopian nation’s peoples who have paid similar sacrifices Rest in Peace!!
Sidama Community UK, May 25, 2013, London

Friday, May 24, 2013


23 May 2013

Report 2013: World increasingly dangerous for refugees and migrants

 Global inaction on human rights is making the world an increasingly dangerous place for refugees and migrants.
Global inaction on human rights is making the world an increasingly dangerous place for refugees and migrants.
© Pete Muller
The failure to address conflict situations effectively is creating a global underclass. The rights of those fleeing conflict are unprotected. Too many governments are abusing human rights in the name of immigration control – going well beyond legitimate border control measures
Salil Shetty, Secretary General of Amnesty International
Thu, 23/05/2013
Global inaction on human rights is making the world an increasingly dangerous place for refugees and migrants, Amnesty International said today as it launched its annual assessment of the world’s human rights.
The organization said that the rights of millions of people who have escaped conflict and persecution, or migrated to seek work and a better life for themselves and their families, have been abused. Governments around the world are accused of showing more interest in protecting their national borders than the rights of their citizens or the rights of those seeking refugee or opportunities within those borders.
“The failure to address conflict situations effectively is creating a global underclass. The rights of those fleeing conflict are unprotected. Too many governments are abusing human rights in the name of immigration control – going well beyond legitimate border control measures,” said Salil Shetty, Secretary General of Amnesty International.
“These measures not only affect people fleeing conflict. Millions of migrants are being driven into abusive situations, including forced labour and sexual abuse, because of anti-immigration policies which means they can be exploited with impunity. Much of this is fuelled by populist rhetoric that targets refugees and migrants for governments’ domestic difficulties,” said Shetty.
In 2012 the global community witnessed a range of human rights emergencies that forced large numbers of people to seek safety, within states or across borders. From North Korea to Mali, Sudan and the Democratic Republic of the Congo people fled their homes in the hope of finding safe haven. 
Another year has been lost in Syria, where little has changed apart from the ever-increasing numbers of lives lost or ruined. Tens of thousands have died and millions have been displaced by the conflict. The world stood by while Syrian military and security forces continued to carry out indiscriminate and targeted attacks on civilians, and to subject to enforced disappearance, arbitrarily detain, torture and extrajudicially execute those deemed to oppose the government, while armed groups continue to hold hostages and to carry out summary killings and torture on a smaller scale.
The excuse that human rights are ‘internal affairs’ has been used to block international action to address rights emergencies such as Syria. The UN Security Council – entrusted with global security and leadership – continue to fail to ensure concerted and unified political action.
“Respect for state sovereignty cannot be used as an excuse for inaction. The UN Security Council must consistently stand up to abuses that destroy lives and force people to flee their homes. That means rejecting worn-out and morally bereft doctrines that mass murder, torture and starvation are no one else’s business,” said Shetty.
People attempting to flee conflict and persecution regularly encountered formidable obstacles trying to cross international borders. It was often harder for refugees to cross borders than it was for the guns and weapons that facilitated the violence that forced such people from their homes. However, the UN’s adoption of an Arms Trade Treaty in April 2013 offers hope that shipments of weapons that may be used to commit atrocities may at last be halted.
“Refugees and displaced people can no longer be ‘out of sight, out of mind’. Their protection falls to all of us. The borderless world of modern communications makes it increasingly difficult for abuses to be hidden behind national boundaries – and is offering unprecedented opportunities for everyone to stand up for the rights of the millions uprooted from their homes,” said Shetty.
Refugees who were able to reach other countries seeking asylum often found themselves in the same boat - literally and figuratively - as migrants leaving their countries to seek a better life for themselves and their families. Many are forced to live in the margins of society, failed by ineffective laws and policies, and allowed to be the targets of the kind of populist, nationalist rhetoric that stokes xenophobia and increases the risk of violence against them.
The European Union implements border control measures that put the lives of migrants and asylum-seekers at risk and fails to guarantee the safety of those fleeing conflict and persecution. Around the world, migrants and asylum-seekers are regularly locked up in detention centres and in worst case scenarios are held in metal crates or even shipping containers.
The rights of huge numbers of the world’s 214 million migrants were not protected by their home or their host state. Millions of migrants worked in conditions amounting to forced labour - or in some cases slavery-like conditions - because governments treated them like criminals and because corporations cared more about profits than workers’ rights. Undocumented migrants were particularly at risk of exploitation and human rights abuse.
“Those who live outside their countries, without wealth or status, are the world’s most vulnerable people but are often condemned to desperate lives in the shadows,” said Shetty. “A more just future is possible if governments respect the human rights of all people, regardless of nationality. The world cannot afford no-go zones in the global demand for human rights. Human rights protection must be applied to all human beings – wherever they are.”

Thursday, May 23, 2013


Send your question to US Secretary of State John Kerry


BBC HARDtalk will be in Ethiopia for a special programme with the US Secretary of State John Kerry.

He will answer questions put to him by a live audience of young people from all over Africa.

And he will take questions sent in by BBC viewers and listeners from around the world. HARDtalk's Zeinab Badawi will host this special event in Ethiopia's capital Addis Ababa on Sunday, 26 May 2013.

Mr Kerry's trip to Africa comes as the African Union celebrates 50 years.
Continue reading the main story
HARDtalk special with John Kerry
 BBC World 0330 GMT, 0830 GMT, 1430 GMT and 2030 GMT on Tuesday 28 May 2013
 BBC News Channel 0430 GMT on Tuesday 28 May and 0030 GMT on Wednesday 29 May 2013
 BBC Two 1020 GMT on Tuesday 28 May
 BBC World Service from 0400 GMT Wednesday 28 May

The organisation is holding a summit in Addis Ababa as part of the commemoration.

The week-long trip also takes Mr Kerry to the Middle East. He is hoping to help find solutions for both the Syrian and Palestinian-Israeli conflicts.

This is your chance to ask the US Secretary of State your question about Africa, United States foreign policy and about his country's relationship with the rest of the world.

The special HARDtalk programme will be broadcast on BBC World, News Channel and BBC Two on Tuesday 28 May and on World Service Radio on Wednesday 29 May 2013.

Tweet your question incorporating the hashtag #hardtalk #youthconnect or email your question to hardtalk@bbc.co.uk by Saturday, 25 May 2013.
bbc

Amnesty International Annual report 2013

Ethiopia
Head of state
Girma Wolde-Giorgis
Head of government
Hailemariam Desalegn (replaced Meles Zenawi in August)
The state stifled freedom of expression, severely restricting the activities of the independent media, political opposition parties and human rights organizations. Dissent was not tolerated in any sphere. The authorities imprisoned actual and perceived opponents of the government. Peaceful protests were suppressed. Arbitrary arrests and detention were common, and torture and other ill-treatment in detention centres were rife. Forced evictions were reported on a vast scale around the country.

Background

In August, the authorities announced the death of Prime Minister Zenawi, who had ruled Ethiopia for 21 years. Hailemariam Desalegn was appointed as his successor, and three deputy prime ministers were appointed to include representation of all ethnic-based parties in the ruling coalition.
The government continued to offer large tracts of land for lease to foreign investors. Often this coincided with the “villagization” programme of resettling hundreds of thousands of people. Both actions were frequently accompanied by numerous allegations of large-scale forced evictions.
Skirmishes continued to take place between the Ethiopian army and armed rebel groups in several parts of the country – including the Somali, Oromia and Afar regions.
Ethiopian forces continued to conduct military operations in Somalia. There were reports of extrajudicial executions, arbitrary detention, and torture and other ill-treatment carried out by Ethiopian troops and militias allied to the Somali government.
In March, Ethiopian forces made two incursions into Eritrea, later reporting that they had attacked camps where they claimed Ethiopian rebel groups trained (see Eritrea entry). Ethiopia blamed Eritrea for backing a rebel group that attacked European tourists in the Afar region in January.
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Freedom of expression

A number of journalists and political opposition members were sentenced to lengthy prison terms on terrorism charges for calling for reform, criticizing the government, or for links with peaceful protest movements. Much of the evidence used against these individuals consisted of examples of them exercising their rights to freedom of expression and association.
The trials were marred by serious irregularities, including a failure to investigate allegations of torture; denial of, or restrictions on, access to legal counsel; and use of confessions extracted under coercion as admissible evidence.
  • In January, journalists Reyot Alemu, Woubshet Taye and Elias Kifle, opposition party leader Zerihun Gebre-Egziabher, and former opposition supporter Hirut Kifle, were convicted of terrorism offences.
  • In June, journalist Eskinder Nega, opposition leader Andualem Arage, and other dissidents, were given prison sentences ranging from eight years to life in prison on terrorism charges.
  • In December, opposition leaders Bekele Gerba and Olbana Lelisa were sentenced to eight and 13 years’ imprisonment respectively, for “provocation of crimes against the state”.
Between July and November, hundreds of Muslims were arrested during a series of protests against alleged government restrictions on freedom of religion, across the country. While many of those arrested were subsequently released, large numbers remained in detention at the end of the year, including key figures of the protest movement. The government made significant efforts to quash the movement and stifle reporting on the protests.
  • In October, 29 leading figures of the protest movement, including members of a committee appointed by the community to represent their grievances to the government, and at least one journalist, were charged under the Anti-Terrorism Proclamation.
  • In both May and October, Voice of America correspondents were temporarily detained and interrogated over interviews they had conducted with protesters.
The few remaining vestiges of the independent media were subjected to even further restrictions.
  • In April, Temesgen Desalegn, the editor of Feteh, one of the last remaining independent publications, was fined for contempt of court for “biased coverage” of the trial of Eskinder Nega and others. Feteh had published statements from some of the defendants. In August, he was charged with criminal offences for articles he had written or published that were deemed critical of the government, or that called for peaceful protests against government repression. He was released after a few days’ detention and the charges were dropped.
In May, the authorities issued a directive requiring printing houses to remove any content which could be defined as “illegal” by the government from any publications they printed. The unduly broad provisions of the Anti-Terrorism Proclamation meant that much legitimate content could be deemed illegal.
  • In July, an edition of Feteh was impounded after state authorities objected to one cover story on the Muslim protests and another speculating about the Prime Minister’s health. Subsequently, state-run printer Berhanena Selam refused to print Feteh or Finote Netsanet, the publication of the largest opposition party, Unity for Democracy and Justice. In November, the party announced that the government had imposed a total ban on Finote Netsanet.
A large number of news, politics and human rights websites were blocked.
In July, Parliament passed the Telecom Fraud Offences Proclamation, which obstructs the provision and use of various internet and telecommunications technologies.
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Human rights defenders

The Charities and Societies Proclamation, along with related directives, continued to significantly restrict the work of human rights defenders, particularly by denying them access to essential funding.
  • In October, the Supreme Court upheld a decision to freeze around US$1 million in assets of the country’s two leading human rights organizations: the Human Rights Council and the Ethiopian Women Lawyers Association. The accounts had been frozen in 2009 after the law was passed.
  • In August, the Human Rights Council, the country’s oldest human rights NGO, was denied permission for proposed national fundraising activities by the government’s Charities and Societies Agency.
It was reported that the Agency began enforcing a provision in the law requiring NGO work to be overseen by a relevant government body, severely compromising the independence of NGOs.
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Torture and other ill-treatment

Torture and other ill-treatment of prisoners were widespread, particularly during interrogation in pre-trial police detention. Typically, prisoners might be punched, slapped, beaten with sticks and other objects, handcuffed and suspended from the wall or ceiling, denied sleep and left in solitary confinement for long periods. Electrocution, mock-drowning and hanging weights from genitalia were reported in some cases. Many prisoners were forced to sign confessions. Prisoners were used to mete out physical punishment against other prisoners.
Allegations of torture made by detainees, including in court, were not investigated.
Prison conditions were harsh. Food and water were scarce and sanitation was very poor. Medical treatment was inadequate, and was sometimes withheld from prisoners. Deaths in detention were reported.
  • In February, jailed opposition leader, Andualem Arage, was severely beaten by a fellow prisoner who had been moved into his cell a few days earlier. Later in the year, another opposition leader, Olbana Lelisa was reportedly subjected to the same treatment.
  • In September, two Swedish journalists, sentenced in 2011 to 11 years’ imprisonment on terrorism charges, were pardoned. After their release, the two men reported that they were forced to incriminate themselves and had been subjected to mock execution before they were allowed access to their embassy or a lawyer.
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Arbitrary arrests and detentions

The authorities arrested members of political opposition parties, and other perceived or actual political opponents. Arbitrary detention was widespread.
According to relatives, some people disappeared after arrest. The authorities targeted families of suspects, detaining and interrogating them. The use of unofficial places of detention was reported.
  • In January the All Ethiopian Unity Party called for the release of 112 party members who, the party reported, were arrested in the Southern Nations, Nationalities and Peoples (SNNP) region during one week in January.
Hundreds of Oromos were arrested, accused of supporting the Oromo Liberation Front.
  • In September, over 100 people were reportedly arrested during the Oromo festival of Irreechaa.
Large numbers of civilians were reportedly arrested and arbitrarily detained in the Somali region on suspicion of supporting the Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF).
  • The authorities continued to arbitrarily detain UN employee, Yusuf Mohammed, in Jijiga. His detention, since 2010, was reportedly an attempt to get his brother, who was suspected of links with the ONLF, to return from exile.
Between June and August, a large number of ethnic Sidama were arrested in the SNNP region. This was reportedly in response to further calls for separate regional statehood for the Sidama. A number of arrests took place in August around the celebration of Fichee, the Sidama New Year. Many of those arrested were detained briefly, then released. But a number of leading community figures remained in detention and were charged with crimes against the state.
There were reports of people being arrested for taking part in peaceful protests and publicly opposing certain “development projects”.
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Excessive use of force

In several incidents, the police were accused of using excessive force when responding to the Muslim protest movement. Two incidents in Addis Ababa in July ended in violence, and allegations included police firing live ammunition and beating protesters in the street and in detention, resulting in many injuries. In at least two other protest-related incidents elsewhere in the country, police fired live ammunition, killing and injuring several people. None of these incidents was investigated.
  • In April, the police reportedly shot dead at least four people in Asasa, Oromia region. Reports from witnesses and the government conflicted.
  • In October, police fired on local residents in Gerba town, Amhara region, killing at least three people and injuring others. The authorities said protesters started the violence; the protesters reported that police fired live ammunition at unarmed people.
Security forces were alleged to have carried out extrajudicial executions in the Gambella, Afar and Somali regions.
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Conflict in the Somali region

In September, the government and the ONLF briefly entered into peace talks with a view to ending the two-decade long conflict in the Somali region. However, the talks stalled in October.
The army, and its proxy militia, the Liyu police, faced repeated allegations of human rights violations, including arbitrary detention, extrajudicial executions, and rape. Torture and other ill-treatment of detainees were widely reported. None of the allegations was investigated and access to the region remained severely restricted.
  • In June, UN employee Abdirahman Sheikh Hassan was found guilty of terrorism offences over alleged links to the ONLF, and sentenced to seven years and eight months’ imprisonment. He was arrested in July 2011 after negotiating with the ONLF over the release of two abducted UN World Food Programme workers.
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Forced evictions

“Villagization”, a programme involving the resettlement of hundreds of thousands of people, took place in the Gambella, Benishangul-Gumuz, Somali, Afar and SNNP regions. The programme, ostensibly to increase access to basic services, was meant to be voluntary. However, there were reports that many of the removals constituted forced evictions.
Large-scale population displacement, sometimes accompanied by allegations of forced evictions, was reported in relation to the leasing of huge areas of land to foreign investors and dam building projects.
Construction continued on large dam projects which were marred by serious concerns about lack of consultation, displacement of local populations without adequate safeguards in place, and negative environmental impacts.