Is The oromo person Sovereing under Empire?

Politics of Citizenship / Nationality in Ethiopia Empire, How did the Imperial law treat the Oromo person? Had the Oromo person treated like a citizen? What is citizen/ nationality meant?

In response to the current Mohamed Jahar and his colleagues broadcast on Aljazeera about the socio-political conditions of the Oromo people, the question of are you Ethiopian national can be entertained in terms of the politics of citizenship/Nationality. How did the Imperial law treat the Oromo person? who is citizen or national of the Ethiopia under Imperial law in particular and that of others successive Abyssinian ruling regimes in general, what did the Abyssinians add or attack on Mohamed J. teaches us?
Politically, this has many interpretations and implications. It shows how there is a big ideological difference between the oromian Kush origin people and the Abyssinian Semitic people. Our differences are not only in terms of our culture, language, history and origin but also we have completely a different political outlooks and attitudes which reflect a deep-rooted politics of hatred, racism, and discrimination against one another.

The negative ads on cyber against Mohamed Jahar shows how they are naive politically, it shows how they left behind and how they belittle themselves, this has nothing to do with the Oromo person legal status, it can’t halt the movement of birth rights, it can’t change or solve the socio-political problems in the empire, it can’t change the course of the political and legal system in the empire, rather it will aggravate the political hatred among rivalry forces in the empire. I think it is a better idea to look into how the successive Imperial legal system rule on the status of the Oromo person whether the Oromo person is a national or non-national of the Empire. First, I would like to define the word citizenship /Nationality to get a clear picture of the concepts in literature of politics; second, I will go over the legal system that governs the politics of citizenship in the empire.

The term Citizen/Nationality is interchangeable used in a literature of the politics; it’s about a personal social, cultural and political duties and obligations of the person. Not only about the obligations of a person but also it is about the right of the persons. This legal and political obligation of the person is governed by the law of the land, the law rules about who is a citizen and who is non citizen. The status of the person ruled by the law of the land, by the constitution of the country and no person is above the law of the land. Depends on the law of the land the person can acquire a nationality either by birth or naturalization. In plain language, this is an ordinary definition of the term citizen or nationality in world of the politics. However, contrary to this, under the most conservative states of the world such as like African and Middle East countries, governments do not count much on the status of persons and their political roles, Only a person who born on that soil entitled as citizen/national of that country which entirely different from the western world political cultures.

It means that the law of the land that rules about the status of a person different from state to state depends on the legal, political, social system and condition, the situation about the status of the Oromo person in the Empire was simple and clear, the first law of 1931 and the revised constitution of 1955 did not produce the Oromo person as a citizen/national of the Ethiopia, the law did not treat Oromo as a person, the law did not recognize the diversity and identity of the Oromo person, the Imperial law treated the Oromo as alien. And also, the Imperial law was nothing but it was about the law of Monarchy, and the law was ignorant about the legal status of the Oromo persons, did not protect the rights of the persons, it was about how to keep and protect the power of the Emperor and his servant or loyalist interest. As wrote and taught us the Oromo person was alien and migrated to the Ethiopia Empire, the political geography that was framed and mapped without the will and consents of the majority indigenous Oromo person and other non Semitic ethnic groups . Oromo person was subject and slave, had no any political, social, cultural and economic rights under the imperial law, any act that threaten the security of the Emperor was an act of crime and a serious offence. The emperor was above law and an elect of God not an elect of the people, the Emperor had an absolute power and exercise unlimited power, it was about the law of the Emperor an individual person not the law of the citizens.

Second, the constitution of the Dreg regime was also not about the right of citizens it was about the territorial integrity and socialist ideology. Any act against socialist principles and ideology, was a crime, it was a crime against state and state security, there was no legal trial for the Oromo person, no due process of law for the Oromo person, the law of the land did not give a damn recognition or protection to the identity of the Oromo persons, the legal status of the Oromo person was endanger, the dignity and integrity of the Oromo person was not protected, the identity of the Oromo person was not respected. Legally, Oromo person had no justice trial; politically, Oromo person had no political rights, culturally, there was no respect and protection for the welfare of the Oromo person cultural and religious rights, and economically the Oromo person was marginalized. Under any condition any person who identify himself /herself as an Oromo, speak the Afaan Oromo or associating as an Oromo was crime and a crime against state security, a crime against one country, one language, and one ideology .

This was the biggest legal and political philosophy of the period. The socialist ideology had gone and the semi imperial legal system was framed in a slights different fashion and tone, in the process the two main changes was the shift of the political power within the Semitic family from Amhara to Tigrean, and the form of the state from the unitary state system to the Federal state system. However, in real senses the system misses many basic principles of the federal elements. The motive behind such a legal and political frame was to deceit an international community or the citizen in language of a Democracy which in practice does not respect the legal and political status of the Oromo person or its citizen rights. The notion of federalism was there as the state institution. Ideas, principles and the philosophies were there, but in practice the evil socio-political problems has not changed. Nothing could separate the current regimes from its older legal system in terms of protecting the Oromo person security, dignity and integrity. The philosophy of divide and rule, the politics of racism, and crime against humanity is the order of the day, there is no an independent political party, there is no rule of law, there is no freedom of expression, freedom of free press, and freedom of association in the empire .

The dispute is under what ground or legal reason the Oromo person can treat himself/ herself as the national of Ethiopia, Either way, the act against the Oromo person is crime and it is a crime against humanity, it is a crime both under international Human Rights Law as well as the law of Nations. As John Markaks (1975/6), note on his book “the Anatomy of the Ethiopian polite”, the imperial law did not treat the Oromo person as a national of the Ethiopia and the Oromo person was an alien and subject. Neither law of the empire treated the Oromo person in respect and dignity. As we see and experienced this has been an indisputable legal and political issue in the empire. I think the Oromo persons can have the right to decide about the legal status of his/her person and it is a naive to conclude on the legal statutes of the person without free will of the person. The roles of the law should not be there to force or rule on the legal status of the person rather it is to govern a justice and fairness on the soil without a bias or prejudice against the status of a person. The Oromo person was /is not sovereign and need to be a sovereign!

Alako_bora@yahoo.com/morkata_r@hotmail.com

bilisummaa

‘OROMO FIRST’ Community Engagement World Tour: Obbo Jawar Mohammed with Prof. Mohammed Hassen, Prof. Gemetchu Megerssa, Prof. Ezekiel Gebissa, Dr. Ali Birra, Obbo Jafar Ali and Other Community Leaders

‘OROMO FIRST’ Community Engagement World Tour: Obbo Jawar Mohammed with Prof. Mohammed Hassen, Prof. Gemetchu Megerssa, Prof. Ezekiel Gebissa, Dr. Ali Birra, Obbo Jafar Ali, and other intellectuals, prominent elders, spiritual leaders and journalists.

City/Date:
- Minneapolis: August 10, 2013
- San Diego: August 17, 2013
- Seattle: August 18, 2013
- Atlanta: August 31, 2013

More Cities/Countries To Come Soon:
- Washington DC; Dallas; Toronto; Calgary; London; Norway; Munich; South Africa

>gadaa

The politics of Identity: Crime against Identity (Genocide, cultural genocide, and Ecological genocide) in the Empire against the Oromo Person!

In my views any Oromo person who watched the Dr. Gemachu discussion on the subject of identity and Genocide can say many things on this topic. The issue was very painful and touching .It has a big message for the empire supporters and advocates. I knew Dr. Gemachu personally and he was one of my mentors while I was in Finfinee University. His talk on the identity and genocide encouraged me to come up with this article and it’s up the read to go between the lines and make a judgement. I am not Anthropologist like him but on my personal and political experiences, I would like to take this opportunity to argue about the politics of identity and genocide in the context of current major online debate on among oromian on the political plight of the Oromo person in the empire. Based on this, First, I will talk about the politics of Identity; Second, I will focus on the crime against the Oromo person and identity or the politics of an identity.

Identity is not a believe system .It is about one personality, dignity and integrity. Without identity there is no sense of humour and self esteem. Identity is a natural gift that defined its society entire way of life. Identity is a Culture and it is everything that reflects the society world views. Language is a culture and identity. History is a culture and identity. Name is a culture and identity, it meant the Oromo person name like Wako, Nagawo, Ararso, Genamo, etc is an identity; it defines and expresses the identity. It is a symbol that differentiates one ethnic group from another. wedding is a culture, eating is a culture, dancing and singing is a culture, Welu is a culture, dressing is a culture, laugh is a culture, playing is a culture, Gaduu is a culture, Guffufuu is a culture, hair cut is a culture, nail cut is a culture, haamomotu is a culture, religion is a culture, faru is a culture that defines the politics of identity. It is a material value of a society that defines the Oromo person world views, and therefore, without developing, protecting and restoring the true identity of the Oromo person talking about state security, power and human security is hard and questionable in the empire.

However, contrary to this, under imperial regimes, there was no a legal protection or recognition to this great Oromo person identity in history. Emotional war, psychological war as well cultural war had been there for a century. Genocide, cultural genocide, ecological genocide and biological and chemical genocide had been an official state political policy to eliminate the Oromo person. The war against Oromo identity was engaged many ways. It was engaged the fabrication of the Oromo history, the repressing of the Oromo person language and religion right, it was also employed the marriage alliance, divided and rule political policy system had been witnessed in the empire against the Oromo person. Changing the Oromo city name into Amharic name, changing people name and Christianizing, giving economic status and social statues to obtain loyalty and trust was the typical Amharaation political program under the successive regimes to build one country, one language, one culture and one history at the cost of the Oromo person identity. The political philosophy of one country, one culture, one language and one religion has been there and still persisted. Politically, the Oromo person had been alienated, there was no political right, the right to elect, the right to support or associate, the right to oppose and the right to choice for the Oromo person. Oromo person was passive politically and indecisive in decision making on his/her own daily political life. only those who loyal to the ruling party meant who changed their name to Amhara or those who adopted orthodox Christian or married to Amhara women would be offered low paying job in the country . Job like a body guard, messenger, solider or local representative to deceit the public such as like abbaa lafa, Chiqa shufum, Balabat was a good and a decent job for the Oromo person in the empire .

Economically, Oromo were marginalized and the migrant from north to south made land eviction and confiscation, most fertile land in Oromia possessed by Semitic minority Amhara people ruling classes in the process the Oromo person got poorer and poorer whereas the settlers got richer and richer.
culturally, as professor Bulicha argued on his on line article and Dr. Gemechu recent talk on yutube ,there is no cultural right and religious rights under imperial regime that protect about the cultural and religious diversity in the empire in general and that of Oromo people in particular, legally this is a crime , a crime against humanity both under the law of nation as well as law of International Human Rights .

The Amharaziton policy had gone, the Tigirazation police has come in and still there. This is a parasite. A parasite needs to be treated and no need to wait till it duplicates, to eradicate all parasites carrier of the parasites those who serve the parasite needs to be challenged. The carriers are those opportunists that attempt to polarize oromian among tribal and religious basis to keep the status qua at the cost of the Oromia interest need to be challenged. There are viruses and carriers.

To make the Oromia the land of hopes and opportunities; to make the Oromia the land of peace, the land of no war, the land of no crime, and the land of an equal opportunity for every resident without prejudice certainly the time is now. To protect and defend the Oromia interest and security as well as the Oromo person rights the Oromo cultural or identity soft power is there our culture, value, norms or traditions stronger than hard power .It is a powerful tool in fighting against colonialism soft power. Thanks to internet, thanks to technology and thanks to science we are get connected without physical geographic limitation. The inward thinkers, wishful pro empire loyalist have no place in the heart of the Qubee generations .

They need to find their way. They need to stop lying and pretending on the justice question of the Oromo person .The time to narrate is over because the question of justice and rights are not a politics, the question of identity is not propaganda or ideology. It is the question of birth right that never ever changes with the changes of times. However, Contrary to this, the popular views within an Abyssinian who think as the Oromo person is weak and divided have no any basis political. It is a myth ideas and far from the realty. The differences within Oromo are a difference of the political opinion which is neither a threat to the unity nor the solidarity of the Oromo person. The cement is already there and no chemical reaction can disassociate, change, or alter it. Our culture is our cement. Our language is our bond and there is no unity that we can seek like Ethiopia Empire to create by force. Force can’t create a unity. A unity that created by force has no durability .It can’t last forever. Having a different view is not a division rather it is a sight of change, it is a sign of awareness, development and consciousness and nothing to do with the unity of Oromo people. Our goal, culture, identity, and common purpose we wish to have is the same and one; that is a creation of the Ideal, Independent Sovereign Oromia.

Alako_bor@yahoo.com

bilisummaa

40th year remembrance of the publications of HIRMAATA DUBBII AFAAN OROMOO, BARA BIRRAAN BARIHE

By Yahya Jamal | July 31, 2013

The first books in the history of Oromo literature

Published in the summer of 1973, HIRMAATA DUBBII AFAAN OROMOO is the first Afaan Oromoo book written in Latin alphabet by a consortium of Oromo scholars, particularly, Dr. Haile Fida and Jaal Baro Tumsa. Another book BARA BIRRAAN BARIHE is also a political drama that developed by Dr. Haile Fida and Obbo Abdullahi Yousuf. Before these products, no book was published in qubee Afaan Oromoo by Oromo nationals, albeit there might be unpublished manuscripts like that of Dr. Mohammed Rashad’s FURAA AFAAN OROMOO.

While remembering these historical publications, we should also shed light on the contemporary work of the legend Dr. Mohammed Rashad, which titled FURAA AFAAN OROMOO. Dr. Mohammed Rashad’s FURAA AFAAN OROMOO had never got the chance to be published outright due to the suppression made by Somalia’s Ziyad Barrie government. Despite all the hobbling challenges both in the naming of the book and setting the aimed contents, it was a plethora of research work which had entrenched the corner stone for the evolution of modern Qubeedevelopment.

Although the grammar in HIRMAATA DUBBII AFAAN OROMOO reflected only a few portions of the nation’s widely spoken rich language, it was, by far, a prototype research from which the equitable principles of Qubee literature have been emerged to the recent day development.

In the preface of this book, the authors expressed their concerns and foresaw the possible solutions about to come:

“Afaan Oromoo baláa dha. Afaan sooressaa dha. Garuu sabni Oromoo wal irraa fagaatee iddoo hedduutti hiramee bara baayée gatii (waan) dabarseef, kana irrattis caaffata (hogbarruu) otuu hin qabaatin waan hafeef, har’a Oromoon hundi yoo walii galuu danda’eyyuu, akki dubbii isaa sirriitti tokko miti…. Haráaf dafnee walii galuudhaaf yoo nu rakkiseyyuu, bor sooruma dhuma hin qabne ta’a…. Si’as (gaafas) hundi keenya rakkina malee walii galuu dandeenya.”

(parentheses added)

Of course, as these activist scholars predicted some 40 years ago, today, Oromos from all over Oromia have reached the anticipated era in which they can communicate well in their single language, both in conversation and written forms (literature).

The authors also admitted that the work of this book was a tiny start due to the then undercutting political reasons, as they stated as follows:

“Yeroodhaaf hirmaanni dubbii nuy dhiheessine kun, akka Wallagga dubbatutti caafame. Warri kana caafne afaanuma Oromoo Wallaggaa (akka itti Oromoon gama Dhihaa dubatu) illee gaarii goonee beekna jechuu hin dandeenyu. Afaan Oromoo kaanii (akka itti Oromoon kaan dubbatu dhageenyee) homaa hin beeknu. Kanaafis macaafni kun kan silaa harka afur-shan bal’achuu danda’uu likkii malee (gar-malee) hir’uu kan ta’ee dha…. Hanqina jiru guutuuf nuy beekumsa, humna, yeroos hin arganne. Yoo nuu ta’e, gara fuulduraatti itti deebina.”

(parenthesis added)

Cognizant of this fact, they had a strong message to all educated Oromos:

“Oromoon barumsa qaban, macaafa kanaan Oromoota biraa barsiisuu haa yaalani. Gaarii yookiis gadhee ta’uu isaa hojiidhaan haa agarsiisani. Macaafa kana matuma isaa akka ‘Macaafa Qulqulluutt’ ilaaluu isaan hin barbaachisu. Waan isa keessa jiru qajeelchuudhaafis, hunda isaa geeddaruudhaafis, otuu hin sodaatin, yaaluu isaan barbaachisa. Macaafni kun jalqaba malee dhuma akka hin taane yaadachuu barbaachisa.”

Here is another significant message from the authors:

“Warri barumsa qaban sadi-afur ta’anii wal qabatanii Biyya Oromoo (Oromiyaa) hunda keessa naanna’anii haa hubatani, nama haa gaggaafatani, otuu hin nuffin haa qoratani. Aadaa fi hooda Oromoo, barsiisa dhaloota darbanii walitti haa qabani. Waan argatan hunda haa caafani (haa barreessani). Akkasitti afaan keenya tokko gochuu, bal’isuu, qulleessuu (qulqulleessuu) dandeenya. Akkasitti nuy warri ija bananne saba Oromoo yaada haaraadhaa fi jireenya haaraa barsiisuu dandeenya.”

Ganna, 1973

“Akkasitti nuy warri ija bananne saba Oromoo yaada haaraadhaa fi jireenya haaraa barsiisuu dandeenya.” What a classic say! The term ‘yaada haaraadhaa fi jireenya haaraa’ also stipulates the process of Oromo nation building, what we are witnessing today.

Before concluding this short reminder piece, I would like to call on those who might have the copies of Dr. Mohammed Rashad’s FURAA AFAAN OROMOO and other contemporary works in their hands to bring them to the public sight. Thanks to the OLF and Oromo struggle, the 40 years old dream now has come true!

God bless Oromia!

Glory to our martyrs!

Yahya Jamal

Your comments are welcome on: gulummaa75@gmail.com

>ayyaantuu

The Fictitious Professor Feqadu Lemessa (Tolessa Gurmessa)

By Tolessa Gurmessa

If you are an Oromo, you probably heard about the fictitious professor who started writing Oromo’s history over the internet. If you are an Oromo scholar, you probably were pulling your notebooks out to see if you have his name on your peers’ list. Or you might have called friends back home to find out if a person by this name existed.

We couldn’t match the infamous internet professor to a real life person–breathing, talking or perhaps writing history. The only close match we found was the Academic Vice President of Dire Dawa University, Dr. Fekadu Lemessa. Pay attention here. The internet historian’s name is spelled “Feqadu,” and he is a former Adama University professor and writer. You would think you would know someone like professor Feqadu Lemessa. Right? He writes about stuff (I have no idea what it is about but it could be history.) If you were once Adama University student, you should remember him well, because he taught you–probably shared his writing skills and tips with you too. Never mind, there were no students when professor Feqadu Lemessa was teaching at Adama University. Nobody remembers him. The staff of Adama University doesn’t remember him either.

Adama University

Do you want to punch me yet? Okay okay, calm down! I will get to the point. The former professor from Adama University does not exist. But you are in luck. I tried to dig some information up for you. Since we could not meet a person who has met professor Feqadu Lemessa, we were left with speculation. I am going to mention a name not as a confirmed but as a suspect who might have been posing as the fictitious professor.

As most of you, writers probably know, it is not an easy feat to publish articles on authority websites. I am not saying salem-news dot com is an authority website, but they probably want to be recognized as such. This website’s editors probably did not do their readers a justice. They did not confirm the identity of the author who claimed to be a historian–refuting other historians’ perspective. The author biography states that he is a former professor at Adama University. Nothing was mentioned about his current whereabouts. They did not do an internet search to see if a person by this name existed. My conclusion, salem-news dot com is not a credible website.

Then how did this fictitious professor get on that site? Think. Does he work for the “news” site? Ahhh…why didn’t I think of that? No worries. Now you are thinking about it. Let’s go to the said website and try to spot a suspect. Do you think you will find an Ethiopian staff on there? Yes. Yes, you do. His name is Kiflu Hussain. Darn! You are in luck again. I would guess you can take the investigation from here.

On July 20, 2013, Kiflu Hussain wrote about Jawarism (I’m an Oromo first) on ECAD Forum, where ‘ethiopianism’ is preached. He shared his take on an article written by Awoll Allo. He cited from Merera Gudina’s book to refute some of the assertions made by Mr. Allo. He also complained about one-sided stories. I guess he didn’t realize he was giving the other side of the stories. Or, maybe he did not think he was that credible. Do you see anything wrong here? I don’t. Just like any other Ethiopianist, Mr. Hussain has a right to share his opinion.

Fast forward to July 28, 2013. Viola! An article titled “History 101: Fiction and Facts on Oromos of Ethiopia,” appears on salem-news dot com at 19:21 hours. This article complains heavily about the story told on Al Jazeera being one-sided story. One hour later (My Twitter time stamp shows 11:31 PM EST), Kiflu Hussain posted a link to the article on his Twitter feed.

This does not say Mr. Kiflu Hussain himself wrote the article. But he might have had a role in publishing the distorted article, from a fake professor. Did he write to the editors about the article being from a credible author? Did salem-news dot com allow a pseudonym? We will see. But Mr. Kiflu Hussain has got some explaining to do. Don’t forget he also agreed with the fictitious professor on Press TV article.

>bilisummaa

What is the Value of an Education?

By Jilcha Hamid

I think it’s a question that receives a wide range of opinions, many of which may have valid points. The way you answer the question will obviously depend on your own life and experiences but the first question is obviously what is an education? In the context of this discussion I’ll define it simply as completing your schooling ie. a post-secondary institution. Some of the opinions I’ve come across range from “an education is worth everything in life” to “it isn’t worth anything”. But what’s more important than the the conclusions is the reasoning behind it, which are too diverse and numerous to get into every detail so I’m just gonna highlight some points and focus in on my own community (Oromo and other African youth).

Being born and raised in this country I found that alot of youth, found it hard to stay motivated in school (and I include myself in this group). In most case these youth grew interested with other “more glamorous things” such as the sports and entertainment industry or other things that they couldn’t really relate to what they were doing in school. I’m just gonna make a general statement and say that the culture most black and african youth identified with and the personalities that they looked up to, didn’t really value education. Aside from that their lack of interest in school became reinforced by other points such as unemployment among graduates, and the high cost of education. The point about unemployment making education obsolete is also something echoed by Oromo youth back home. They figure that from an economic standpoint, why waste so much time and money investing on an education and end up unemployed, when you can just work hard and make money now. Alot of them follow fast-money schemes, some of which are illegal. In the west they see drug dealers counting money and driving the latest luxury vehicles, and back home they see the same with the big time khat merchants and diaspora visitors.

So we end up with youth who would rather be a self made “merchant”, or in the case of back home youth, follow the diaspora trail. They don’t see the value in completing their schooling. You even have some who adopt more extreme views who say that school is pointless because a person can be a self made enterpeneur and genius without completing their schooling ie. Steve Jobs, Bill Gates, Albert Einstein etc. I think it suffices to say that this is an example of taking the exception and making it the rule. While it’s true that knowledge isn’t exclusively tied to post-secondary education, most people who drop out of school aren’t doing it to set up the next Microsoft or Apple. They just aren’t able or motivated to be in school, and the reasons for that are endless.

But one observation I’ve made in my community is the gap that exists between the parents who immigrated to this country on one hand, and their children. Parents preach education, and narrate their own life experiences, and lack of opportunities where they were raised. But for the most part this doesn’t register with their kids. Their kids can hear them, but they can’t really relate to their experiences so they don’t respond. It’s one thing to hear about the poverty and lack of opportunities in an oppressive 3rd world country, it’s quite another to see it and live it. So parents should probably take that into account when they’re preaching to their 16 year old whose idol in life is a Rapper, or a basketball player. My own opinion on the matter, is that in our situation, education is important. We’re not from the privileged class in society who can afford to screw up only to be held up by family ties. We’re from a people who were deprived of the opportunity to learn and excel. A people whose lands are extracted of it’s wealth and resources to build skyscrapers in the west. So we owe it to ourselves, our families, and our people, to do something to change that. An education isn’t going to make you who you are. You already are who you are based on your identity, your values, your motivations, your goals. But depending on how you use it, or apply it, it can enhance your abilities to do what it is you want to do.

>gulelepost

Political Trilogy – Abyssinian Culture, Oromo Identity and the State of ‘Ethiopia’

By T Tolera | July 31, 2013

The last few weeks have marked an elevated political engagement from those who have consistently distanced themselves from the Oromo question; and this, I taught, has paved a way to political discourse [confrontation] and out of the great political depression since the election of 2005. Political conscientiousness is rife; personal blogs, articles, facebook pages, twitter feeds are ubiquitous; and new audiovidual works are made, often in support or simply to invalidate. Yet there are Oromos and non-Oromo individuals who are genuinely confused about the situation and want to delve more in to the core Oromo issue. This is not in anyway directed to the likes of the delusional Abe Tokichaw and  fictional actors such as Professor Fekadu Lamessa who simulate  Oromos and try to jeopardize our noble cause of restoring the dignity, freedom and liberty of the great Oromo nation. It neither addresses those nonsense hard-liner Abyssinians who question where Oromia is or even demand there is none.

Growing up in Urban Oromia that has proved to be an eminent challenge for Oromummaa, I have witnessed malicious attempts to adulterate Oromo values and Oromo identity. To some extent, this has worked to produce and sideline a significant chunk of Oromo nation. At this important junction in Oromo struggle, this chunk is asking pertinent questions and seeking clarification. I don’t claim to be anthropologist by profession; but I hope my essay will help you have some answers about the creation of popular culture, its effect on identity and Oromo struggle.

The creation, continuity and dynamics of culture is subject to manipulations. In natural course of evolution such as to the influence of globalization, one cannot deny the so called ‘high culture’ is under a substantial contraction. Who taught ‘Ghangnam style’ would be popular somewhere in high mountains of Afghanistan or a remote village in Ethiopia? Who taught black rap would be this big almost entirely on the planet? This is a global cultural criss-cross [some call it crisis] that continues to shape the way we live and behave. At this scale, the effect is blanket; and it is completely voluntary processes; and it all depends on how open and close the society is. In this respect, Ethiopia remains closed comparable to Iran and North Korea. Many things that are routine in the West are regarded taboo in this country. It is highly secretive society with deep seated protectionist tendencies. It is ironic though that the Abyssinians that viciously protect their culture [of Ethiopia, as they claim] from Westernization pursue on Abyssinianization of the Oromos and Oromummaa. Contrary to the effect of Ghangnam style or black rap, at this scale, the imposition of Abyssinian cultural values is involuntary and one way processes; the result of which is a cultural genocide.

Cultural genocide is a two-step processes: (1) a complete denial of cultural existence of the oppressed and (2) ethnocentric imposition and enforcement of the expansion of foreign culture in that society. This processes to subjugate subjects in to cultural submission is not a one night phenomena; it is a systematic lifelong operation carried out with utmost detail and care.

In Ethiopia [in its current shape], power struggle have almost entirely concentrated in the North; particularly between the Abyssinian [the Tigrayans and the Amharas]. Few revolts have results in a sporadic takeover of power by the Agew people creating Zagiwe dynasty and Yejju Oromos [Warasek] who ruled Gonder in 17^th century. Even then and till late 19^th century, mostly due to the geographic advantage of the Red Sea and poor military capabilities, the Abbyssinians could not advance to the vast resource-rich land of the south. The Oromo Gadaa governance, which was organised under common political, legal and religious institutions, also had constituted a powerful military wing that had effectively repelled and neutralized repeated aggressions from the north and east.  At dawn of the 19^th century, king Minilik II, a Showa Abyssinian, with a significant firearm assistance from European partners and systematic local elites collaborators, successfully conquered the entire south, west and east and established the State of Ethiopia making Addis Ababa [Finfinne] his capital. The Oromos revolted in Aarsi, Baale, Harargee and many other places but they were quashed and millions lost their life in Calii Calanqoo and Aanole massacres.

Considering the fact that, throughout history, Oromos had never pre-emptively declared any war on the Abbyssinians, one can say the creation of Ethiopia, quite opposite to what Bewketu had to say,  is a function of hundred years of one way violence where the Abyssinians kept a Naftenya military presence in Biyya Oromia through Gebar system and ill-designed colonial policies. This is, in one form or the other, the status quo and still Oromos don’t have anything to do with the ‘Ethiopia’ state the Abyssinians have in their mind.

The creation of Ethiopia also marked the formal commencement of century long repression against the Oromos. For the next successive 120 years, through the Haile Sillassie I reign and Mengistu’s military era, the Abbysinians waged war against Oromo social institutions and values, mainly: Oromo language [Afaan Oromo], the Oromo religion [Waaqqeffannaa], Oromo polity [Gadaa Oromo] and Oromo tradition [Aadaa Oromo]. This resulted in the destruction institutional capabilities, and creation, perpetuation and development of popular culture of state that mirrored the culture of that of the rulers, the Abyssinians. The trouble is that this popular culture of the state is orchestrated and granted to be the identity of ‘Ethiopia’ and ‘Ethiopians’ as seen from outside and within. And they sought ‘Ethiopia’ is whole and ‘Ethiopians’ are all.

Standing now, this crafted popular culture of the state, inevitably, has produced a significant chunk of Oromo nation. This chunk is very much lost with little trace of the two common expressions of Oromummaa: Afaan Oromo and Aadaa Oromo. However, for reasons that I will elaborate later, the chunk possesses intact Oromo identity and is crucial part of the struggle. In fact, this chunk has increasingly proved to be effective against the Abyssinians in the current socio-political circumstances. At this point, it is pertinent I define the two important concepts used for this essay: culture and identity.

The word ‘culture’ might refer to the material things and non-material ideas and abstracts in everyday life. This does not mean in anyway the kind of cultural events, aggregation and show portrayed by TPLF’s ‘Ethiopian Nations, Nationalities People’s Day’ which can only serve symbolism and camouflage for fake federalism and perpetuation of hegemony. I’m talking about mass culture that encompasses daily routine and civilization. Culturing is an adaptive processes where individuals try to blend in to their surrounding. It is external to the individual. As such, it is learned and one can display complex set or sets of distinct cultural values. An Oromo descent child might grow in England with English culture but he also learns Oromo values from his family and community.  On the other hand, identity is the self. It is about knowing who you are. And who you are would not change even if you want to. The Oromo freedom fighter and legend General Taddasaa Birru was loyal member of the ruling imperial regime serving long military service immersed in Abyssinian culture. But he came to his sense and his identity; he rebelled against the regime and died for his people.

Culture can be mastered in two ways: positively  when learned to gain knowledge, skills and wisdoms to sustain oneself; negatively when learned to avoid repression and ridiculing or any aversive actions against oneself. When Oromos changed their names, thrown their traditional religion and felt ashamed to practice their language, they were desperate to avoid repercussions if otherwise. Against all the odds and state sponsored plot to wipe out what is Oromummaa and replace it with one nation, one religion, one language and one culture, Oromo identity has prevailed through. This proves my early statement that identity is natural and inborn while culture can only be built over it. Obviously, however, as a function of time, ethnic identity can be eroded. But this requires at least five generation to achieve. 120 years of Abyssinian domination could not reach five generation, and the new Oromo generation, including the partly culturally Abyssinianized, is educated and self-conscious putting the Oromo question in perspective.

While political power remains elusive and distant, Oromos have enjoyed some cultural and linguistic freedom supported by ethnic Federalism engineered by OLF.   This is probably among discontents topping in the part of Abyssinians. Oromos would not need to learn foreign culture negatively reinforced. They learn Abyssinian culture as they do Western. They learn Amharic as they do English. If you ask me how many Oromos work in Federal organizations or how often Oromos would flow to other federal states for work, I would say very limited. Having not to practice Abyssinian culture or Amharic has no effect on Oromos at all. Oromia is large, it has one of the fastest growing economy [after looting anyway] in the empire and I strongly believe it is self-sustaining socio-economically and culturally. I think this even can be a more effective and lethal weapon against the cultural hegemony of the Abyssinians.

In conclusion, the state of ‘Ethiopia’ remains myth and hijacked by those who portray it as an ancient Abyssinian reflection. Such people erroneously equate culture with identity to further claim ‘Ethiopian’ culture is to mean ‘Ethiopian’ identity while there is no such thing in practice. Culture and identity are two distinctions. Culture can only be built upon identity while the vise versa is not valid. Abyssinian culture cannot develop over Oromo identity because of irreconcilable fundamental differences; if it does, it only can last temporary. Oromo identity is inborn and it remains naturally inward. It has revealed itself from the brutal cultural genocide pursued by the successive Abyssinian rules in to emerging contemporary way of life.

You can reach the author at toleraat@gmail.com

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