Maal Dhaammate Gootnii?/Musaa D.Ibraahimiin

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Irreecha: From Thanksgiving Ritual to Strong Symbol of Oromo Identity

By Asebe Regassa*

Introduction

It has become evident since recently that the Oromo across religious, political and geographical boundaries have converged together in celebrating an annual ritual/festival called Irreecha. Historically, Irreecha has been understood and practiced within the context of the Oromo religion, Waaqeffannaa – a belief in one supernatural power called Waaqa (God). However, as I will discuss shortly in this piece, Irreecha has undergone some transformations in accommodating non-religious aspects of the Oromo culture, and thus has played significant role in building the Oromo identity and sense of unity. In the contemporary context, where the ritual brings Oromos across different walks of life, Irreecha should be understood more as an arena where the Oromo identity is articulated, reconstructed, built and practiced, rather than as a religious-oriented or a mere thanksgiving celebration. Before delving into some historical trajectories that shaped Irreecha to be the way it is practiced today, I will briefly clarify on some conceptual understandings of the ritual itself.

Traditionally, the Oromo practiced Irreecha ritual as a thanksgiving celebration twice a year (in autumn and spring) to praise Waaqa (God) for peace, health, fertility and abundance they were given with regards to the people, livestock, harvest and the entire Oromo land. Irreecha is celebrated as a sign of reciprocating Waaqa in the form of providing praise for what they got in the past, and is also a forum of prayer for the future. In such rituals, the Oromo gather in places with symbolic meanings, such as hilltops, river side and shades of big sacred trees. Here, I would like to make clear that the Oromo people never worship any of these physical landscapes though some outsiders and detractors of the Oromo culture and religion represent it as such. Rather, these physical landscapes are chosen for their representations in the Oromo worldview, for example, green is symbolized with fertility, peace, abundance and rain.

In Oromia, the core center of Irreecha celebration has been around Hora Arsadi in Bishoftu town, some 25kms to the south of Finfinne, the capital city. Annually, particularly during the Irreecha birraa (the Autumn Irreecha) in September or October, the Oromo from different parts of the country come together and celebrate the ritual. In the past few decades, Irreecha celebrations have been expanded both in content as well as geographical and demographic representations. This short commentary deals with such historical trajectories by contextualizing the changes within political discourses in Ethiopia vis-à-vis Oromo nationalism.

Irreecha in Pre-1991 Periods

Any analysis of the rights of the Oromo people to exercise its culture, religion, economy, governance, language and identity within the Ethiopian state should be positioned within the historical trajectories that brought the birth of the modern Ethiopian state, and the subsequent political, economic and cultural domination unfolded upon the subjugated peoples of the South, in which the Oromo people were a part. Following the military conquest of the different hitherto autonomous states of the South by the army of Menelik II in the late 19th century, the Amhara ruling group imposed its culture, language, religion and political dominance over the subjugated nations and nationalities. Menelik’s soldiers dispossessed the land of the conquered people and reduced them to the status of tenancy. In areas of religion, Orthodox Christianity was installed as the only legitimate religion while other religious practices were denigrated, discouraged, and at times, banned. For instance, Orthodox priests took the place of the Oromo Qaalluu and other religious leaders. The Oromo religious and cultural practices became targets of state repression during those times. Irreecha rituals were very restricted and were portrayed by state backed Orthodox Christian church as a practice of devilish worship.

The military regime, that overthrew the imperial regime in 1974, initially seemed to have tolerated traditional cultural practices, language diversity and religion, but its communist orientation and ‘modernist’ discourse had placed the regime at odds with these fundamental rights of the peoples of the country – the right to cultural and religious practices. While it outlawed ‘religion’ – though Orthodox Christianity did not face state persecution as other religious sects – it labeled traditional cultural practices, such as Irreecha, as ‘backward’ and obstacles to development and revolutionary ethos of the regime. As a result, Irreecha and other Oromo religious and cultural practices were banned by the government.

It is imperative to mention two fundamental motives behind state suppression of Irreecha (as common to other Oromo cultural practices) during those eras. First, successive Ethiopian regimes had subtle and overt policies of establishing culturally, linguistically and religiously ‘homogenized’ Ethiopia in their quest to build Ethiopian nationalism as a replica of Amhara, and to some extent Tigrayan identities. Secondly, the Ethiopian state was built on a cultural and political identity that depicted Amhara/Tigrayan cultural/political superiorities. The myth of ‘great tradition’ that portrays the North as cradle of ‘civilization’ and conversely demotes the South to the opposite was in the center of Ethiopian state identity. This myth has been used to legitimize exclusionary policies of the state against the people in the conquered region in the process of political, economic and cultural representations. In the process, denigrating the culture or religion of the ‘Others’ as ‘backward’ was used as strong instrument to place one’s own on the privileged position.

The Revitalization of Irreecha in post-1991 Period

In 1991 Ethiopia underwent remarkable political reconfiguration following the overthrow of the military regime. The analysis of the political ideologies of the new regime is not the objective and scope of this piece. Rather, it suffices to mention that the new political arrangement along [linguistic] federalism fundamentally deconstructed the old illusion of nation building along one dominant cultural path. Ethnic groups (nations and nationalities) were for the first time given a constitutional right to exercise, preserve and promote their religion, culture, language and history. Although the translation of these constitutional rights into practice has faced inconsistencies and flaws all through the last twenty years, it was a breakthrough in providing a political space for cultural revitalization.

Under the initiative and organizational leadership of the Macha-Tulama Association, Irreecha celebrations were restarted in Hora Arsadi in mid 1990s. As the period was the heyday of the Oromo nationalism and self-conscious, Irreecha became not only a religious practice as in the past; rather it served as an arena where the Oromo people across religious boundaries could meet and share their common identity. However, it maintained its fundamental element of Oromo’s connection to Waaqa (God). The thanksgiving ceremonies, prayers and blessings by elders have put Waaqa in the center of the ritual while songs and material culture the youth decorated themselves with brought into the scene political and emerging Oromo national identity. In both cases however, two fundamental principles of the ritual were consistent across different time spans. Firstly, Irreecha served and still serves as a medium or symbol of connection between the Oromo and Waaqa through thanksgivings, prayers and blessings. Secondly, Irreecha rituals reflect how emotional, cultural, psychological, spiritual and identity issues are embedded and embodied within the Oromo, and thus one cannot dissociate one of these elements from another.

Another major feature of the post-1991 Irreecha celebration was that it attracted more of the youth and the educated class than before. This should be contextualized within the broader Oromo consciousness and the rise in Oromo nationalism. University students, government civil servants, businessmen/women and people in different professions were highly involved in the celebrations. It became at times an arena where people could meet, discuss and demonstrate their common issues – political and cultural to a larger extent.

However, it soon became a contested space between different actors, mainly between political parties (the ruling party and opposition political parties and movements). The ruling party was confronted by two ambivalent developments on its side with regard to Irreecha and other Oromo cultural revitalization movements. Firstly, the constitutional provisions it enacted grants, in theory, the right of nations and nationalities to exercise their culture, religion, language and history. On the other hand, people’s exercise of such rights – like the case of Irreecha, music, language, etc. – would inevitably raise the level of self-consciousness of the people that would in the long run challenge the status quo. For example, using the constitutional right as a legal protection, many participants on Irreecha used to decorate themselves with material culture and costumes that reflect the flags of the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) rather than that of the Oromo People’s Democratic Organization (OPDO). Around the year 2003/04, the government of Ethiopia heavily scrutinized Irreecha festival and tried to manipulate it for its own advantage. Since then, Irreecha in Oromia fell under the full control of the government. While such intervention gave Irreecha more publicity on the one hand, as the celebration was at times given huge coverage on state media, it has added a political dimension on the other hand. It should be noted, however, that the contestability of this cultural field still persists despite strong state intervention.

Irreecha in Exile

Irreecha is not only practiced among the Oromo in Oromia. As hundreds of the Oromo are in exile for different reasons, their culture, religion, language and identity had also exiled with them. Because Irreecha has a cultural ambiance in connecting the people to the Oromo land and the creator, Waaqa, it still remained as strong element of connection between the Oromo in diaspora and home – Oromia. In the past ten years or so, the Oromo across different parts of the world (from Toronto to Melbourne, and Bergen to Johannesburg) have come together and celebrated Irreecha as a common icon of their identity. If anything could be mentioned in bridging the differences (political and religious) within the Oromo in the diaspora, Irreecha has become the major binding force not as a mere cultural or religious practice, but for its conjoint constitution of culture and identity. Currently, Irreecha has got publicity among the non-Oromos (Ethiopians and non-Ethiopians alike) to the extent that city administrations in different countries recognized the celebration and granted the Oromo with the spaces for the ritual.

To sum up, Irreecha as one of the Oromo cultural practices has responded to different forms of internal and external influences, but persisted across history in binding the Oromo across religious, political and geographical boundaries together. Today, it is considered as the major unifying emblem of the Oromo identity. Despite relentless attempts by different actors (interest groups) to appropriate Irreecha for their interests or to demote it altogether, it continued to be a marker of Oromo’s embedded cultural identity. Among the diaspora in particular, where political rift is more apparent, Irreecha is believed to converge differences, and in the future, investing on how Oromo common markers of identity would contribute to common visions of the people should be the core agenda of all Oromo.

* The author, Asebe Regassa, is a PhD Candidate, Bayreuth University.

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Ethiopia could face “large-scale” attacks from Somalia’s al-Shabaab: opposition

September 22, 2013 (ADDIS ABABA) – An official from Ethiopia’s biggest opposition group, Medrek, said on Saturday that Ethiopia could face a similar attack to this weekend’s assault on a shopping mall in the Kenyan capital, Nairobi that has killed at least 68 people and injured hundreds others.

Al-Shabab, Mogadishu, Somalia (Getty)

Ethiopia and Kenya both have deployed their armies to neighboring Somalia to address what they said was a threat to regional security caused by the al-Qaeda-linked Somali Al-Shabaab movement, the group which has claimed responsibility for the attack.

This weekend’s attack is the worst since 2010 when suicide bombers in the Ugandan capital, Kampala killed over 70 people watching the final match of the FIFA World Cup.

At the time, al-Shabaab said the twin attack was in response to Uganda’s involvement in the African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM) that is fighting the Islamist militants.

The assault on the popular Nairobi shopping centre began on Saturday lunchtime when between 10 and 15 attackers stormed the mall. Witnesses who escaped said that the attackers let people they identified as Muslims leave the building, while an unknown number have been kept hostage or are in hiding.

“Unless Ethiopia pulls out its troops from Somalia it could have severe consequences” an opposition official, who asked anonymity, told Sudan Tribune.

“Ethiopia could come across large-scale retaliation attacks from al-Shabaab similar to what was carried out in Nairobi”.

“The more time Ethiopia government keeps its forces in Somalia the more risks of terrorist attack it poses against its own people”, he said, adding that the attack in Nairobi was a wakeup call.

The opposition official said his political organization will soon release an official a statement with regard to the situation.

Al-Shabaab said the attack was in retaliation to crimes committed by Kenyan forces that entered Somalia in 2011. The group has repeatedly threatened to carry out attacks in Kenya.

“The attack at Westgate Mall is just a very tiny fraction of what Muslims in Somalia experience at the hands of Kenyan invaders” Al-Shabaab said on its Twitter feed.

It added: “For long we have waged war against the Kenyans in our land, now it’s time to shift the battleground and take the war to their land #Westgate”

Ethiopia first sent its troops to Somalia in 2006 and redeployed in 2011 after it withdrew in 2009 to back the weak Somalia interim government, which is trying to prevent Al Shabaab which sought to establish Islamic rule.

Al-Shabaab has also been threatening to attack Ethiopia. So far not attacks have materialized.

Despite the threats, Addis Ababa pledged this week that it will remain in the war-ravaged horn of Africa nation until durable peace and security is maintained.

Ethiopia has around 8,000 troops in Somalia.

(ST)

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Ayyaana Irreechaa Baranaa Laalchisee Waamicha Ummata Oromoo Mara

Ayyaanni ummata Oromoo guddichi waggaatti gaaf tokko hawwii ol’aanaadhaan eegamu, Irreechi, Dilbata dhufu Fulbaana 29, bara 20013 kabajamee oola. Ayyaana ummata Oromoo fageenya adda addaa irraa waamee walitti fidu kana milkeessuuf sabboontonni Oromoo tattaaffii guddaatti jiran. Hiree waggaatti gaaf takkittii argamtu tana irratti ummanni Oromoo miliyoonotaan bahee waan hirmaatuuf, guyyicha guyyaa isaa (Annual Oromo Day) godhatee akka oolu beekamaa dha. Ayyaanni kun raaw’annaa irreeffannaaf jecha Hora HarSadiitti kan geggeeffamu tahu illee, guyyaan kun Finfinnee dabalatee magaalaalee fi baadiyyaalee Oromiyaa mara keessatti Guyyaa Oromoo tahee oola. Ummanni Oromoo ayyaana isaa Irreecha sadarkaa kanatti ol guddifachuu kan danda’e qabsoo waggoottan dheeraa dabran taasisaa baheeni malee kennaa mootummaa Wayyaaneetiin akka hin tahinis ifa galaa dha.

Waamicha Irreechaa- Amharic.pdf

Waamicha Ummata Oromoo Maraaf.pdf

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Ethiopia’s Future: Self Rule of Golden Oromia With or Without Shared Rule of Great Oromia

More than enough is written about the past and the future of the currently existing Ethiopian empire. Here is a short repetition from my present point of view. Ethiopia is only a fraction of the so called Cushland (Great Oromia = land of proto-Cush) in the north eastern part of Africa, in which several Cushitic nations are found. Certain part of these nations in the northern part of the empire are already Abyssinized due to the cultural and linguistic influence of the Semites from the Middle East, some in the Southern part are Bantunized due to the contact with certain Bantu nations and the others in the Eastern part are a bit Arabinized due to the cultural and religious contact with the Arab world. But at the core of the empire is a relatively unaffected part now called Oromia still preserving the main values of the proto-Cush, the part which I would like to give the name Golden Oromia, parallel to the original home of the Cushites known as Nubia (land of Gold).

This proto-Cush (the Oromo) has been under immense pressure from all directions since thousands of years. Particulrly the south ward push from the Abyssinized nations of the north was so strong that the Abyssinian kings could occupy most parts of Golden Oromia till the 16th century self-defence and liberation of the country from the Abyssinians of the north and from the others in the east. This liberation movement was wrongly named by the Abyssinian writers and their Western partners as “Oromo migration”. Golden Oromia enjoyed a time of relative peace and stability for about 300 years, till the start of the European scramble for Africa of the ninteenth century, in which emperor Minilik of Abyssinia took part and re-occupied Golden Oromia. It is controversially discussed whether the Oromo are part of the empire builders due to the participation of some Oromo nobles fighting on the side of the emperor or whether this nation is only an imperial subject. Be it the Oromo are part of both the conquerer and the conquered, as Prof Merera Guddina once put it, or we are only the victims but not part of the victors, fact on the ground now is that the Oromo nation is suffering under the very oppressive system of the Abyssinian elites.

Since this time of occupation, the Oromo nation showed a strong resisitance and had a coordinated as well as a sporadic liberation struggle. Leaving the many known examples of such movement aside, it is important to mention the two alternative approach chosen by the Oromo elites, who lead the struggle till now: ‘liberation of Golden Oromia from the empire’ and ‘transformation of the empire to Great Oromia’; the second one usually named as ‘democratization of Ethiopia’. These two visions were followed by the Oromo nationalists being organized in either the same liberation front or in different organizations. Nowadays, organizations persuing the two goals are clearly differntiated, so that some of them fight for an independent Golden Oromia, whereas the others struggle for an integrative de facto Great Oromia (New Ethiopia); of course the common denominator for the two being bilisummaa/freedom of the Oromo nation from alien rule, after which this free nation can choose either of the two goals per referendum. This being the fact on the ground, still some nationalists try to antagonize the two visions and portray one vision as anti-Oromo interest and the other as pro-Oromo interest. These destructive antagonizers are V-minded people in contrast to the constructive integrators – the Y-minded nationalists. Here is what I mean by V-minded and Y-minded thinkers:

To make both a genuine national independence of Oromoland (Golden Oromia) and a regionl union of Cushland (Great Oromia) become a reality and to help the struggle for freedom be successful, certain questions must be answered. For instance, despite the fact that the two Oromo groups (the independencists and the unionists) in the Ethiopian empire are under a very dire situation, why did they fail not to foster an alliance of the Oromo liberation forces (alliance of both the independencists and unionists)? One brilliant Oromo intellectual once raised a nice question: “how can we overcome the mentality of the 19th century?” http://gadaa.com/oduu/9750/201… The answer to this question can be: the only way for us to overcome this mentality is by embracing the 21st century mentality of democracy. The 19th century mentality of brute force and mischieve, under which few of the Oromo elites and most of the Habesha elites in the Ethiopian empire are suffering, is the backward mentality of the dictators (of the V-minded politicians); whereas the 21st century mentality is that of the democrats (of the Y-minded politicians), who do believe in human and national freedom to self-determination. For what do both the letters V and Y stand here? Who are these V or Y Oromo?

To understand the V-politicians, let’s just imagine a big letter V and try to visualize that at the bottom junction of the letter are the Abyssinian dictators keeping the status quo of Abyssinian hegemony; at the left top of the letter are the dictatorial independencists; and at the right top are the dictatorial unionists. If we look at the way how these three forces deal with each other, they just do want to achieve their respective goals unconditionally: the Abyssinian hegemonists want to keep their domination at any cost, the dictatorial Oromo independencists try to achieve Oromian independence at any cost and the dictatorial unionists also want to achieve a union at any cost. Especially, the unconditional positions of the two camps, i.e that of the unconditional independencist Oromo and that of the unconditional unionists, who are continuously antagonizing and attacking each other, is a trillion dollar lottery, which the ruling Abyssinian elites are enjoying now by further dividing and polarizing the two Oromo camps, because of the fact that both the independencist dictators and the unionist dictators (the V-politicians of the two Oromo camps) can not forge a challenging alliance against the Woyane. They do consider that the two ways of the independencists and the unionists are diverging from each other, so that they would have no common route and common objective to move together.

To see who the Y-politicians (the democrats in the two Oromo camps) are, let’s just try to imagine a very big letter Y and try to distinguish four points on the letter (the bottom, the middle junction, the left top, and the right top). Then let’s imagine that the bottom is the status-quo of Ethiopian politics, where both the independencist and the unionist Oromo are under the tyranny of the Abyssinian elites; the middle junction is a point for freedom of the Oromo nation from the tyranny (the common goal of both the independencists and the unionists); the left top is the point of independence; and the right top is the point for union. Then let’s imagine that this letter Y is a route of the liberation journy for both the independencists and the unionists from the tyranny, from our present common situation, towards our short term (common goal) and long term goals (diverging respective goals). Can we imagine that the freedom fighters of this oppressed nation do have a possibility to move from the bottom (point of tyranny) to the middle junction (point of freedom) together? This is our common route of the journey towards this common short term goal of freedom. Then after will come, the two diverging routes towards the two different and diverging long term goals of the two camps: the left top = independence (the long term goal of the independencists) and right top = union (the long term goal of the unionists).

Now if we could imagine this letter Y very well, it is not hard to comprehend that we need the alliance of the two camps to move from the status-quo of tyranny to the point of freedom, not necessarily to move together to the right top (together to the union goal) or together to the left top (together to the independence goal). After achieving our freedom together, it is upto the Oromo public to decide per referendum which direction to move further: to the left top of independence or to the right top of union. If the Oromo majority will choose to move to the right top, then our common national long term goal will be similar to that of the unionists, i.e an integrative Great Oromia (New Ethiopia with flourishing Oromummaa/Oromo nationalism). Otherwise, if the Oromo majority will choose to move to the left top, no dictator can hinder the Oromo nation from achieving this Golden Oromian independence. When we look at the wholistic political visions in the organized Oromo community, we do observe two groups:

- those who struggle for a self rule of an independent Golden Oromia without any claim on the other parts of Great Oromia, and

- those who want to forge self rule of golden Oromia with shared rule of de facto an integrative Great Oromia (federal New Ethiopia).

Regarding those Oromo nationalists, who want to achieve self rule of Golden Oromia with shared rule of Great Oromia, I must say that they are very cautious not to call a spade is spade and talk explicitely about Great Oromia, instead of New Ethiopia. They should have asserted this because of the fact that the future rule of the game they want is freedom, democracy and Afaan Oromo as a federal working language and for the whole country will have a potential to be transformed to Oromia and because the only alternative to an independent Golden Oromia can be the possible de jure Great Oromia, not the designation New Ethiopia. If the other nations and nationalities are interested in the future voluntary union of peoples in the empire and in its territorial integrity as they usually tell us, they should make public this demand of re-naming Ethiopia as Oromia themselves or they need to accept the offer of this same arrangement from the pro-union Oromo nationalists.

For the Oromo national liberation struggle to be successful and to achieve one of the two visions given above, be it only self rule of Golden Oromia or with shared rule of Great Oromia (black/future Ethiopia), we need to fight against the Melesites, who want to keep the status quo of red/present Ethiopia and we have to check the Menelikites, who still nostaligically long for the white/past Ethiopia. The future New Ethiopia (defacto Great Oromia) will be the country, in which Afaan Oromo and Oromummaa will flourish without any inhibition and oppression. Even if the name of such country will continue to be Ethiopia, of course based on the voluntary agreement of all involved nations, including the Oromo, it yet will be de facto Great Oromia, so that there is nothing the Oromo nation will lose. But for the sake of durability of the union and political stability, the necessary de jure name change from Ethiopia to Oromia must take place. To come to one of the above two visions, the Oromo nationalists need to build unity of purpose based on common ground, i.e on bilisummaa, and also forge alliance with the organizations of the other oppressed nations against the ruling fascist and racist regime as well as against all the Melesites and the Menelikites.

Unfortunately, we do still observe that few of our leaders, nationalists and scholars are doing the job of antagonizing the two Oromo camps (pro-independence and pro-union), rather than promoting their possible alliance or unity of purpose, that means if they are not DiGa, they surely are FiGo. DiGa is simply Diina Gamna (smart foe), who is doing his job of antagonizing the Oromo liberation camp for the sake of his own advantage intentionally, whereas FiGo is Fira Gowwaa (misguided friend) doing the same job of the foe unintentionally. When we look at the authors and commentators in the Oromo websites, we just do observe two groups of Oromo nationalists: the antagonizers and the integrators. The antagonizers do pray the mantra of “facts and theories”, which can help them in polarizing the Oromo liberation forces in a form of presenting such Oromo nationals as if they are irreconcilable enemies being divided into two camps: pro-union and pro-independence. Usually these antagonizers talk or write as if the pro-union Oromo are collaborators to the Abyssinian camp and or as if the pro-independence nationals are “evil secessionits, who hate to live with other nations”.

On the other hand, the integrators do see the two post-bilisummaa Oromo goals (an independent Golden Oromia and an integrative Great Oromia) of the Oromo people as two sides of the same coin (two sides of bilisummaa). They try to assert that both the pro-independence and the pro-union Oromo nationalists are de facto pro-bilisummaa (freedom fighters), who do have two reconcilable alternative post-bilisummaa objectives. As we usually do observe, Woyanes do camouflage as pro-independent Oromo and curse the pro-union nationalists or vice versa just for the sake of sawing a discord in Oromo liberation camp. Their motive is clear: Oromo should be divided, antagonized and polarized in order to be kept weak and ruled. What is really pity here is that some Oromo nationalists and scholars simply fall in this trap of the Woyanes and do bidding of the enemy. Actually Woyane has a lot of people doing the antagonizing job with the millions of dollars being invested on this project. May Waaqa open the eyes of our misguided antagonizer Oromo nationalists, who are unkowingly still doing this job of  the Woyane.

Last, but not least, for every move towards freedom and democracy is a tantamount approach to the realization of the self rule of Golden Oromia with or without shared rule of Great Oromia, there is nothing disadvantageous for the Oromo if we support all groups promoting these values. Eventhough the Abyssinian colonizers seem to get all sorts of support from the regimes of both the Eastern and Western world to keep their hegemony, the political and social development of the globe towards freedom, justice and democracy is in favour of the Oromo national liberation struggle. That is why it is a high time for the Oromo freedom fighters of the two camps (pro-independence and pro-union) to build alliance in this first phase of the liberation struggle (bilisummaa phase) with each other and with the non-Oromo democrats, in order to put pressure on the ruling regime. Be it we achieve our common goal of bilisummaa in a revolutionary way or in an evolutionary way (step by step), the Oromo people will be free and then decide per referendum in the second phase (walabummaa/independence phase) either for only self rule of Golden Oromia without shared rule of Great Oromia (an independent Oromian republic) or for self rule of Golden Oromia with shared rule of Great Oromia (New Ethiopia). May Rabbi/Waaqa help Oromo nationalists work together in bilisummaa phase and help this nation excercise its free will to choose one of these two good alternatives during the walabummaa phase.

Galatooma!

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REGIME REPRESSION IN ETHIOPIA

By: Graham Peebles

The Right To Protest

They speak of democracy, but act violently to suppress dissenting voices and control the people through the inculcation of fear: they ignore human rights and trample on the people, they are a tyrannical wolf in democratic sheep’s clothing, causing suffering and misery to thousands of people throughout Ethiopia. The Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) government repeatedly scoffs at international law and consistently acts in violation of their own Federal constitution – a liberal document written by the regime to please and deceive their foreign supporters. They have enacted laws of repression: the widely condemned Charities and Societies (ATD) law (CSO law) and the Anti Terrorism Declaration, which is the main tool of political control, together with The ‘Mass Media and Freedom of Information Proclamation’ they form a formidable unjust arsenal of government control. Freedom of the media (which is largely ‘state-owned’) is denied and political dissent is all but outlawed.

Against this repressive backdrop, the Semayawi (Blue) party, a new opposition group, organized peaceful protests on the 2nd June in Addis Ababa. Ten thousand or so people marched through the capital demanding the release of political prisoners, “respect for the constitution” and Justice! Justice! Justice! It was (Reuters 2/06/2013 reported), an “anti-Government procession…. the first large-scale protest since a disputed 2005 election ended in street violence that killed 200 people”, a ‘disputed election’ result that was discredited totally by European Union observers and denounced by opposition groups and large swathes of the population.

The Chairman of the Semayawi Party, Yilekal Getachew, told Reuters, “We have repeatedly asked the government to release political leaders, journalists and those who asked the government not to intervene in religious affairs”. In keeping with the recent worldwide movement for freedom and social justice, he stated that, “if these questions are not resolved and no progress is made in the next three months, we will organize more protests. It is the beginning of our struggle”. To the disappointment of many and the surprise of nobody, the government has made no attempt to ‘resolve’ the questions raised, and true to their word a second demonstration was planned for 1st September in Addis Ababa. In the event, as the BBC report, around “100 members of Ethiopia’s opposition Semayawi (Blue) party were arrested and some badly beaten”, and “equipment such as sound systems were confiscated”, ahead of the planned rally, which was banned by the EPRDF. Government justification formed, and a cock and bull story was duly constructed with Communication Minister Shimeles Kemal stating “the venue [for Semayawi’s event) had already been booked by a pro-government group condemning religious extremism”.

Non-interference in religious affairs is one of the key demands of the Semayawi party, a demand based upon the constitutional commitment of religious independence from the State, which Muslim groups claim the government has violated. Enraged by government interference in all matters religious, the Muslim community have organised regular small-scale protests and sit-ins in the capital for the last two years. In early August, Reuters 8/08/2013 reported “Demonstrators chanted "Allahu Akbar" and hoisted banners that read "respect the constitution", referring to allegations that the government has tried to influence the highest Muslim affairs body, the Ethiopia Islamic Affairs Supreme Council”. Around 40% of Ethiopia’s population (around 85 million) are Muslim, for generations they have lived amicably with their Orthodox Christians neighbours, who make up the majority in the country; they are moderate in their beliefs and peaceful in their ways. The EPRDF in contrast are violent, intolerant and ideologically driven; ‘Revolutionary Democracy’ being the particular tune to which the democratic dictatorship hums and drums its partisan rule.

"Name-Calling"

The government’s response to the peaceful demonstrations, has unsurprisingly been intolerant and dismissive; their comments inflammatory and predictable, statingMail@Guardian 14/07/2013 record, "most of these demonstrators are Islamic extremists”, and showing their own ‘extreme’ tendencies, authoritively declaring that “the protesters aimed to set up an Islamic state in the country and were bankrolled and guided by "extremists" [this time] overseas”. Duplicitous nonsense, which serves to distract attention from the underlying issues being raised and the imperative (and legal requirement) for the government to act in accordance with its own constitution.

Along with such disingenuous comments the regime has responded to the protests in a repressive manner; imprisoning Muslims calling for justice, causing Amnesty International 8/08/2013 to be “extremely concerned at reports coming out of Ethiopia… of further widespread arrests of Muslim protesters”, Amnesty demand that the “on-going repressive crackdown on freedom of speech and the right to peacefully protest has to end now”. Despite the fact that the protests have been peaceful and good-natured the regime has consistently described the protesters as violent terrorists, in February the ‘Holy War Movement’ was shown on State Television, it presented protestors and those arrested (including journalists), as terrorists. And in a clear violation of people’s constitutional right to protest, the regime has threatened to take firm action against further protests.

Whilst the majority of actions during the last two years have been without incident, protests in Kofele in the Oromia region on 8th August ended in “the deaths of an unconfirmed number”, there have also been reports of large numbers of people being arrested in Kofele and Addis Ababa, including two journalists. Following the Kofele deaths Amnesty called for “an immediate, independent and impartial investigation into the events in Kofele, as well as into the four incidents last year which resulted in the deaths and injuries of protestors”. Legitimate demands which the regime has duly ignored.

The EPRDF does not tolerate any independent media coverage within the country and indeed does all it can to control the flow of information out of Ethiopia and restrict totally dissenting voices. And they don’t care who the journalist is working for, key allies or diaspora media; In October 2012 a reporter from the Voice of America (VOA) covering a protest in Anwar Mosque in Addis was arrested and told to erase her recorded interviews, the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) report. This was not the first time a VOA journalist had been detained. “They are criminalizing journalism,” said Martin Schibbye a Swedish freelance journalist who was jailed [in 2011] along with a colleague for more than 14 months in Ethiopia”, for entering the Ogaden region. A heavily militarized area where wide ranging human rights violations constituting crimes against humanity are taking place, which has been hidden from the International media and aid organisations since 2007. Fearing imprisonment, many journalists have left Ethiopia, CPJ report that in 2012, along with Eritrea, it was were Africa’s ‘top jailer’ of journalists”, coming in eighth worldwide.

Unjust Laws Of Control

In July last year, hundreds of protesting Muslims peacefully demanding that the government stop interfering in their religious affairs and allow them to vote freely for representatives on the Ethiopian Islamic Affairs Supreme Council (EIASC). Most were released, but 29 members of the protest committee were charged on 29th October under the universally criticized Anti Terrorist Declaration (ATD), accused of “intending to advance a political, religious or ideological cause” by force, and the “planning, preparation, conspiracy, incitement and attempt of terrorist acts.” Their arrest has been slammed by human rights groups as well as the United States Commission on Religious Freedom, who “are deeply concerned that Ethiopia’s government is seeking to silence peaceful religious freedom proponents by detaining and trying them in secret under trumped-up terrorism charges.  They should be released now and their trials halted”. The men claim to have been “tortured and experienced other ill-treatment in detention”.

The ambiguous ATD was introduced in 2009 and has been used by the Ethiopian government, “to severely restrict basic rights of freedom of expression, association, and assembly”, Human Rights Watch (HRW) state. It violates dues process, which like a raft of other internationally recognized and legally binding rights, is enshrined in the Ethiopian constitution. The legislation cause outrage amongst human rights groups and the right minded when it was proposed. HRW (30/06/2009) said of the draft law, (which un-amended found its way onto the statute books) that it would “permit the government to repress a wide range of internationally protected freedoms”, – precisely the reason for it’s introduction, and it provides “the Ethiopian government with a potent instrument to crack down on political dissent, including peaceful political demonstrations and public criticisms of government policy”. The unjust law allows for long-tem imprisonment and the death penalty for so called crimes that meet some EPRDF definition of terrorism, and denies in some cases a defendants right to be presumed innocent – the bedrock of the international judicial system. Torture is used without restraint by the military and police, under the ATD evidence obtained whilst a prisoner is being beaten, hanged, whipped or drowned is admissible in court, this criminal act contravenes Article 15 of the United Nations Convention against Torture (ratified by Ethiopia in 1994), which ‘requires that any statement made as a result of torture is inadmissible as evidence’. Terrorism is indeed an issue of grave concern in Ethiopia, it is not rooted in the Muslim community, the media, the Blue Party or the Universities, it is State Terrorism that stalks this land, that kills and falsely imprisons, tortures and rapes the innocent, it is the EPRDF; the rebel group that ousted a communist dictator in 1991 only to take up his tyrannical mantle, who manipulate the law to serve their repressive rule and who violates a plethora of human rights, consistently and with impunity. Ethiopia’s donors and international friends, (primarily America and Britain) have other, larger fish on their minds, and even though they give the country over a third of its federal budget they seem unconcerned by the criminality being committed, much of which is taking place under the cloak of development. Violent rule however is a storm that is imploding throughout the world, the people, who have suffered long enough, sense their collective strength and are awakening.

Need For Unity

Although completely contrary to the EPRDF’s pledge of Ethnic Federalism, divide and rule is the effective methodology of division employed by the regime. In a country with dozens of tribal groups, various ethnicities and different religious beliefs (Islam and Christianity), unity is the key to any popular social revolution, much needed and ardently longed for by millions throughout the land. We are witnessing a worldwide protest movement for change; age-old values of freedom, equality and social justice, brotherhood and peace are the clarion call of many marching and protesting. And so it is in Ethiopia, the Blue party and other opposition groups, the Muslim community and the students on the streets demanding Justice! Justice! Jusitce! are in harmony with the rhythm of the times. Out of step and blind to the needs of the people and their rightful demands, the ruling party acts with violence to drown out their voices and suppress their rights: in Addis Ababa, where thousands marched in June, in Oromia and the Ogaden, where the people seek autonomy, in Amhara, where thousands have been displaced, in Gambella and the Lower Omo Valley, where native people are being driven off their ancestral land into state created villages, women raped and men beaten.

Unity is the song of the day, rich with diversity united in intent, the collective will of the people of Ethiopia and indeed throughout the world is an unstoppable force for change. All steps need to be taken to remove the obstacle to the realization of unity throughout the country, ethnic prejudices and tribal differences; all need to be laid aside. The Ethiopian regime may succeed in subduing the movement for change that is simmering throughout the country, however with sustained unified action, peacefully undertaken and relentlessly expressed, freedom and social justice longed for by millions throughout the country, will surely come.

About the author: Graham Peebles is Director of The Create Trust. He can be reached via email.

=>brave new world

Mootummaan Wayyaanee Dargaggoota Oromoo maqaa Miseensummaa ABOn yakkuun hidhuu itti fufe

Mootummaan wayyaanee gaaffii mirgaa finiinaa jiruu fi dura dhaabbannaa miidhama mirga dhala namaa itti jiramu hidhaan ala filannoo haaraa kan hin qabne Godina Shawaa lixaa magaala Amboo keessatti dargaggoota mana hidhaatti ukkaamsaa jira. Akka kanaan Fulbaana 19,2013 Mootummaan Wayyaanee waraqaalee dhaadannoo “ABOn Gaachana Ilmaan Oromooti” kan jedhu maxxansitanii jirtan jechuun dargaggoota hojii dhabdoota mana hidhaatti guuraa jira. Kanneen keessaa
1. Dargaggoo Tasammaa Taaddasaa
2. Dargaggoo Gaaromaa Immiruu
3. Shamarree Katamee Gaarii
Jedhaman mana hidhaatti ukkaamsuun reebichaa fi qorannoon dhiibbaa jabaa irraan gahaa jira. Dargaggoota Oromoo kanneen mootummaan wayyaanee warra isaanii jala adhoksuun nyaataa fi uffataan dararamaa jiraachuun isaaniis beekamee jira.
Mootummaan wayyaanee amala kana kan barate Godina Harargee keessattis dargaggoo Ahmed Jeeylan jedhamu maqaa miseensa ABOn yakkuun mana hidhaatti ukkaamsee jira.

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