Friday, September 27, 2013

Ethiopia bans access to student's critical article

Cristina Holtzer / Staff Writer |


Abigail Salisbury is an enemy of the state of Ethiopia because of an op-ed column she published online. 
Salisbury, a student in the Graduate School of Public and International Affairs, spoke about her article to an audience of about 10 in a “Let’s Talk Africa” lecture on Wednesday in 4130 Posvar Hall from 1:30 to 3 p.m. The Ethiopian government blocked her article, titled “Human Rights and the War on Terror in Ethiopia,” one day after she published it online.
While in Ethiopia, Salisbury noticed an extreme lack of freedom of speech and press for Ethiopian people and decided to write the piece, which criticizes the Ethiopian government.
Salisbury was working as an assistant professor at Mekelle University Law School, a small college outside of Addis Ababa, the capital of Ethiopia, when she published the article. After the university administration discovered her article, Salisbury said the university “basically asked [her] not to work there anymore.”
“I was told that, based on what I wrote, that if I had been an Ethiopian person, I would have been put in prison,” Salisbury said. “I don’t think they want me back.”
Ironically enough, Salisbury said, she was in the country teaching international human-rights law, a class required for graduation from law school in Ethiopia.
Anna-Maria Karnes, a representative of the Africana studies department, also attended the lecture and interjected throughout. Karnes, whose parents live in Ethiopia, has a thorough grasp of the political climate in the country.
“Skype was outlawed two years ago in Ethiopia,” Karnes said. “There were people jailed for using Skype.”
When Karnes first discovered the Skype law, she worried that she would not be able to get in touch with her parents because that was their primary source of communication. But Skype was illegal only for Ethiopians, not for foreigners.
“As a Westerner, you are treated differently,” Salisbury said. “Better.”
Ethiopians subscribe to a different race and caste system than many Americans are used to. Salisbury said that when African-Americans traveled to Ethiopia, they were treated the same as whites. Ethiopians believe that everyone else in Africa is black but that they, themselves, are red skinned. 
Salisbury recounted a story of when someone in the street approached her and asked, “Have you seen any black women today?”
Salisbury said she was surprised by the scale of differences between the learning environments in Ethiopia and the U.S.
Because of the country’s limited resources, students learn to memorize verbatim what professors say in lecture. Salisbury said she’s seen students reproduce a lecture right down to the “ums” and “likes.”
Ethiopian education also differs from Western education because, Salisbury said, there could be “watchers” present at any time, in any classroom. Watchers are government representatives on the lookout for those speaking out against the government.
“What would creep me out if I were in that class?” Salisbury said. “I don’t know if I would be raising my hand with opinions.”
In addition to an extreme lack of freedom of speech, Salisbury said Ethiopians also struggle with tough racial tensions and “ethnic federalism,” or preferential treatment for one ethnic group that is officially recognized by the government. With Ethiopia located in a contentious part of the world, Salisbury said U.S.-Ethiopia relations are crucial.
“Ethiopia is really instrumental in the U.S. agenda and the global war on terror that we’re engaged in,” she said.
Salisbury and Karnes opened the presentation with an activity about African knowledge. They divided the audience into small groups and asked them to label a map of Africa with the names of as many countries as they could. Even with several African students and faculty in the audience, no one was able to label the entire map.

“You can’t know the whole of Africa,” Director of Africana Studies Macrina Lelei said. “That’s part of why we have African studies here at Pitt ... to share those experiences.”

The Brain of the Bale Rebellion, Sheik Musa Bati, Died at the Age of 70

By Kadiro Elemo | September 26, 2013
The Oromo nation is saddened by the news of the death of Musa Bati, on Wednesday, September 24, 2013, in Nagelle Borana, Southern Oromiya. Musa Bati, who earned an honorific title of Sheikh—elder, in Arabic—at his salad age, because of his knowledge of Arabic and Somali, was among the pioneers of the Bale peasants’ resistance against the Ethiopian rule in 1960s and 1970s to end the humiliating yoke of tribute-giving, land dispossession, and cultural suffocations. A close confidante of General Waqo Gutu, Sheikh Musa led the Oromo fighters during many ferocious battles including the landmark battle of Dhombir, 1963. Because of the heroic activities of Sheikh Musa against Ethiopian army and naftanya marchers, his family paid a heavy cost. In one morning of the early 1960s, when Ethiopian jets raided his village, his family lost their entire stock, more than 300 cattle and camels. In the raids, which lasted for three days, the Oromo peasants lost more than 12,000 livestock and an untold number of people. At the time when the Oromos were unwelcomed in the administration, civil service, schools, media, justice systems of the empire, this tragedy was a major turning point in his life. This increased, according to Zaytuna Bati, a niece of Sheik Musa, the determination of the Sheikh, and his friends, to fight for the right of his people until they achieve victory over the invaders that despised their culture and robbed their land.
As a prolific writer, who earned a name of “brain of the revolution,” Sheikh Musa was a man in charge of keeping the diaries of the struggle and negotiating with enemies. In the late 1960s, when he met Emperor Hayla Sillase to negotiate an armistice and a peace deal, the emperor hardly believed his eyes when he saw a young man in the early 20s. The skinny boy did not meet the expectation of the emperor who heard a lot about bravery of an imaginary Sheikh. Then, the emperor said, “I want to deal with Sheikh Musa, a big one, not a baby one.” A witness had to come to prove to the emperor that he was dealing with Sheikh Musa, the real and the only one. When the confused emperor offered him a chance to go to school and a car, Sheikh Musa told him that his main demand was to ask the empire stop its abuses and violent repressions of the Oromo people, and he rejected his offer until the same chance extended to all Oromo children.
Except a brief exile in Somalia, Sheikh Musa refused to leave the country he loved most, Oromiya. He returned to the country after the fall of the military dictatorship of Mangistu Hayla Marya in 1991. He participated in the Transitional Government of Ethiopia, during the Transitional Charter Period. He remained in Oromiya even when the EPRDF government, after the transition charter period, led a monstrous clamped down on all democratic rights and brutally suppressed the Oromo people’s quest for self-determination. A fearless advocate of the Oromo people, Sheikh Musa of “dubbii sibilaa” (hard talk) was arrested for many years, at Hurso and Agarfa, along a prominent Oromo activists and elders. He was released after his health deteriorated, and when Mahmud Bune, a brother of Colonel Hussein Bune, another icon of the Bale rebellion, died in a prison. Sheikh Musa was 70 and survived by more than 20 children, some of whom still languishing in prison houses of Ethiopia on concocted charges of supporting anti-peace elements. We shall have ample occasions to remember the legacy of Sheikh Musa Bati during a commemoration of the 50th year anniversary of the modern Oromo military struggle against the Ethiopian rule. We shall display a video message of the Sheikh Musa Bati to the Oromos and friends of the Oromos, on October 20, 2013, in Minnesota, during the 50th year anniversary celebration, via Facebook, and YouTube. Maatii Sheekh Muusaafi firoota isaaniif Rabbin obsa haa kennu.


Thursday, September 26, 2013

Hiber Radio Exclusive Interview With Jawar Mohammed

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=QHlXRETq60I

Ayyaana Irreecha Oromoo: as one of the many ways to celebrate Oromummaa

By Iddoosaa Ejjetaa, Ph.D. | September 26, 2013
irreechaIrreecha Oromoo is one of the many ways that the Oromoo Communities have been celebrating Oromummaa, which is neither political ideology nor religious dogma. Oromummaa is a real manifestation of work and life styles of the Oromoo people.Oromummaan jiruu fi jireenyaa ummataa Oromootii. Why do the Oromoo people and respective Oromoo Communities at home and abroad celebrate Irreechaaevery year? The way Oromoo Communities around the globe celebrating their indigenous culture is an uplifting. The rationales have given by Oromoo Communities particularly those who are residing abroad are knowledge -based and thoughtful, indeed. The Oromoo people are not only celebrating but also revitalizing and teaching the Oromoo indigenous experience to new Oromoo generation and the world.
I highly commend these Oromoo communities, members and organizers around the globe for being goodwill ambassador of Oromiyaa and its Gadaa culture and traditions. One of such goodwill ambassadors is the Oromoo Communities in Melbourne, Australia. I found a short but concise answer for the question I posed above, and directly extracted from online post for public consumption or educational purposes:
The Irreecha festival is a unique and fantastic cultural celebration that repeats once in a year, and involves special social and cultural activities. It is celebrated as a sign of reciprocating Waaqa (God) in the form of providing praise for what we got in the past, and is also a forum of prayer for the future. It has been observed by the Oromoo people at Odaa Mormor for more than 6400 years and at Odaa Nabee, Hora Harsadii, for the last 1800 years. It has a lot of importance in our community lives. We celebrate Irreecha to thank Waaqa for the blessings and mercies we have received throughout the past year at the sacred places with symbolic meanings, such as hilltops, riverside and shades of big sacred trees. We also celebrate to welcome the new season of plentiful harvests after the dark and rainy winter season associated with nature and creature. Irreecha Festivals bring people closer to each other and make social bonds. On Irreecha festivals, friends, family, and relatives gather together and celebrate with joy and happiness. We celebrate the Irreecha festival to follow our tradition, to work on this fabulous festival and to maintain and preserve the Oromoo culture. The ceremony is celebrated with different kinds of events, such as singing Mareehoo songs, blessing by elders, performing Irreecha rituals and social activities.
As described, celebrating Irreecha Oromoo means celebrating one of the many qualities Oromummaa, which is neither political ideology nor religious dogma. So it should be a sacred duty of every Ilmaan Gadaa Oromoo to celebrate Ayyaana Irreechaa as one family without religious, political and regional affiliations, and uplift their aspiration to revitalize and build the Gadaa Republic of Oromiyaa whereAbbaa Gadaa Oromoo shall be the father of the Oromoo nation.
Human psychology notifies that if a person looks at himself as a loser, he believes that others see him the same way and most likely he acts like loser. This changes the mind set and make difficult to act as true-self. As long as an individual Oromoo mind occupied with colonial elements, no doubt that the Oromoo will continue to lose the battle. There is no driver who can take two routes at the same time and no soldier who win the battle with double mind or heart. No one can maintain national identity without consciously built nationalism that based on shared- values. At the same time, nationalism cannot consolidate and become a political domain without practicing and living with these shared values such as Oromummaa.
As people of one nation that had made for peace, justice and equality, therefore, every member of the Oromoo family must celebrate Ayyaana Irreechaa as one family without being influenced by external values such modern religion, political parties and regional affiliations. We all are Ilmaan Gadaa Oromoo who would have shared the following fundamental values:
The Nine Basics of Oromummaa: Saglaan Hundee Oromummaa
1. Accepting Afaan Oromoo as the national language.
2. Accepting Gadaa Oromoo as the source of Indigenous Knowledge Reserve Institution.
3. Recognizing Waaqeffannaa as indigenous sources for moral ethics and spiritual
4. Recognizing the Oromoo value systems are based on first among equals where Abbaa GadaaOromoo is the Leader of the Oromoo Nation.
5. Pledging to the Oromoo national colors, Fajji Abbaa Gadaa are Black, Red and White.
6. Recognizing Oromoo national defense has based on Abba Duula’s military doctrine.
7. Recognizing Oromoo political system is the reflection of The Oromoo Gadaa Republic.
8. Understanding the Gadaa Republic of Oromiyaa is our national identity.
9. Recognizing Oromummaa as a motto for Work and Life styles, Jiruu fi Jireenyaa Oromoo.
Happy Oromoo Thanksgiving, Ayyaana Irreecha Oromoo, 2013!
The Gadaa Republic of Oromiyaa Shall is Free by United Forces & Resources of the Oromoo People!

Egypt: Agriculture Minister - Talks With Ethiopia On Renaissance Dam Continues

Minister of Agriculture and Land Reclamation Ayman Farid Abu-Hadeed said Egyptian-Ethiopian discussions on the Renaissance Dam continue and have never stopped since the ouster of Mohamed Morsy on July 3.
Sultanate of Oman said on the sidelines of a Near East, North Africa, Brazil, Indonesia, Italy, Norway and Spain ministerial meeting which started on Saturday 21/9/2013 and runs till September 28, the minister voiced belief that both Egypt and Ethiopia will comply with international rules within the framework of cooperation and brotherly ties.
He referred to a meeting he held with his Ethiopian counterpart, saying they agreed on establishing strong cooperation particularly that Egypt has a long experience in agriculture.
Egypt now plants around 9.2 million feddans representing only 5% of the total agricultural land in the country, he said, explaining that this is due to scarcity of water.
As for Egyptian-Chinese cooperation in the agricultural domain, he referred to training courses given to Egyptian researchers and scientists in China.
Chinese investment in the agricultural field in Egypt is so far very limited, he added.

Wednesday, September 25, 2013

The Depths of Corruption in Ethiopia

By Ed McKenna, IPS
September 25, 2013



ADDIS ABABA/LONDON (IPS) – Ethiopia may be one of the fastest-growing, non-oil producing economies in Africa in recent years, but corruption in this Horn of Africa nation is a deterrent to foreign investors looking for stable long-term partnerships in developing countries.

“Bankers, miners and developers presenting projects to investment committees in countries that fare badly in corruption rankings frequently struggle to get investment. Corruption raises red flags because it makes local markets uncompetitive, unpredictable and therefore largely hostile to these long-term players,” Ed Hobey, the East Africa analyst at the political risk firm Africa Risk Consulting, told IPS.

On May 11, in the biggest crackdown on corruption in Ethiopia in the last 10 years, authorities arrested more than 50 high profile people including government officials, businessmen and a minister.

Melaku Fanta, the director general of the Revenue and Customs Authority, which is the equivalent rank of a minister, his deputy, Gebrewahid Woldegiorgis, and other officials were apprehended on suspicion of tax evasion.

But the arrests have raised questions about the endemic corruption at the heart of the country’s political elite.
Berhanu Assefa of the Federal Ethics and Anti-corruption Commission of Ethiopia told IPS that these arrests highlighted how corruption has insinuated itself into the higher levels of officialdom.

“Corruption is a serious problem we are facing. We now see that corruption is occurring in higher places than we had previously expected. Areas vulnerable to corruption are land administration, tax and revenue, the justice system, telecommunications, land procurement, licensing areas and the finance sector,” he said.
Ethiopia ranks 113 out of 176 countries on the Corruption Perceptions Index of Transparency International, a global civil society coalition that encourages accountability. The country has also lost close to 12 billion dollars since 2000 to illicit financial outflows, according to Global Financial Integrity (GFI), whose statistics are based on official data provided by the Ethiopian government, the World Bank, and the International Monetary Fund (IMF).

Dr. Getachew Begashaw, a professor of economics at Harper College in the United States, told IPS that there was a fear that the recent high profile arrests were merely political theatre designed to placate major donors such as the World Bank and the IMF, and to give credibility to the new regime’s fight against corruption. Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn took over leadership of the country after Prime Minister Meles Zenawi died in August 2012.

“They are using this as a PR stunt to appease not only the donors, but to also dupe the Ethiopian people. Because many non-party affiliated Ethiopians in the business community are complaining, and this complaint is trickling down to the average people on the streets,” he told IPS.

According to the World Bank, companies held by business group the Endowment Fund for the Rehabilitation of Tigray (EFFORT) account for roughly half of the country’s modern economy. The group is closely allied with the ruling Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPDRF), an alliance of four parties.

EFFORT is a conglomerate formed from assets collected in 1991 by the EPRDF to rehabilitate the Tigray region in northern Ethiopia after it had been decimated by poverty and conflict. The Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) is the lead party in the EPDRF coalition.

Tigrayans, however, only account for eight percent of the country’s 90 million people. According to Abebe Gellaw, an exiled Ethiopian journalist and founder of Addis Voice, a web platform that provides news that is otherwise censored by the Ethiopian government, EFFORT has become a business racket for the Tigrayan elite who are monopolising major sources of the country’s wealth.

“The TPLF controls key government institutions and a significant portion of the economy. For over 15 years, EFFORT has been used by the TPLF to channel public resources and funds to the coffers of the TPLF through illegal deals, contracts, tax evasion, kick-backs and all sorts of illegal operations,” he told IPS.
Azeb Mesfin, Zenawi’s widow, currently manages the multi-billion-dollar business empire.

She claims her husband paid himself a modest salary of 250 dollars a month, yet the online website “the Richest.org”, which publishes the net worth of the richest people in the world, recently divulged that Meles was in fact one of Africa’s wealthiest leaders having amassed a personal fortune of three billion dollars. This has led many to question the provenance of the erstwhile leader’s wealth – when he had no known business engagements.

Illicit financial flows as a result of corruption are a major hindrance to a country’s development, undermining institutions, economies and societies. According to the Africa Progress Panel’s Africa Progress Report 2013, the continent is losing more through illicit financial outflows than it receives in aid and foreign direct investment.

A commitment to greater accountability and transparency to curtail illicit financial flows should occur on both the national and international levels, according to E. J. Fagan, deputy communications director at GFI.
“Reforms and policies are needed to strengthen customs enforcement and make governing apparatuses more transparent. The international community can create a multilateral system of automatic exchange of tax information that African countries like Ethiopia can access, so as to make it difficult for illicit actors to hide money and transfer large amounts of illicit money without detection,” he told IPS.

Begashaw added that corruption in the social sphere also breeds social inequality, disenfranchisement and a breakdown in national unity and civil society.

“The very existence of parastatals and TPLF-affiliated endowed business conglomerates like EFFORT is a major source of corruption. The Birr (Ethiopian currency) will depreciate and inflation will skyrocket. The capacity of the state to provide public goods and services will decline. Free market competition will be eroded. Government revenue will be reduced and the budget deficit will rise.
“If they are really serious about combating corruption, they should start doing so from the top,” he said.


=>ethiomedia




Libya: Thousands of Refugees in Life-Threatening

HRLHA Urgent Action
September 24, 2013
For Immediate Release
The Human Rights League of the Horn of Africa (HRLHA) has learnt through its correspondents that hundreds of thousands of refugees in Libya, most of whom were from the Horn of African countries such as Ethiopian and Eritrea, are in a very dangerous situation after they were evicted from their original refugee camps in Benghazi, Libya where they stayed for the past three years. The eviction took place following the infiltration and assault of the refugees by who were described as workers of the Libyan Red Crescent on the 13th of September, 2013. The assault included beating and stabbings by knives. Those who broke out of the shelters to run away from the assaults were met with Libyan armed forces that were stationed around the camps prior to the starting of the assault. Then, the refugees were forced out of the camp on allegations that they attempted to instigate disturbances in the city, and taken to remote area known as Alshatti.
According to HRLHA correspondents, about 500 refugees are now held in what was known to be a private detention centre in Alshatti located on Sahara Desert border with no adequate supply of basic necessities. HRLHA has also learnt that the very adverse weather condition at Alshatti has worsened the situation to the refugees. Even two expecting women who delivered after arriving in Alshatti and their newly born infants were not treated differently. The fact that the refugees are now held in isolation where they are not visited by international agencies like the UN High Commission for Refugees and the ICRC until this Urgent Action is documented,  as they used to when they were sheltered in Benghazi, added to the very unfriendly living condition has raised their frustrations. The refugees who were contacted by HRLHA also mention that there have been detachments and disconnections among refugees who had acquaintances and/or relationships with each other. Most of the refugees who were taken to Alshatti are originally from Ethiopia and Eritrea, HRLHA correspondents have added.
The HRLHA managed to obtain the names of the following 33 refugees:
NoNameCountry of origin
1Foad KasimEthiopia, Oromo
2Abdi NagassaEthiopia, Oromo
3Derje GezahegnEthiopia, Amhara
4Dereje TeferaEthiopia, Amhara
5Abdulhamid AbdurahimanEthiopia, Oromo
6Nuredin HajiEthiopia, Oromo
7Mulatu KassaEthiopia, Amhara
8Abdurahiman JailanEthiopia, Oromo
9Aman AmidEthiopia, Oromo
10Nahom Gebre MariamEritrea
11Hani Gebre NugusErtrea
12Umar MohamedErtrea
13Wubshet TesfayeEthiopia, Amhara
14Abdi HuseinEthiopia, Oromo
15Mohamed LenchoEthiopia, Oromo
16Husein AbdulkadirEthiopia, Oromo
17Wazir AwolEthiopia, Oromo
18Husein AhmedEthiopia, Oromo
19Amadu TesemaEthiopia. Amhara
20Tekie GirmayEritrea
21Abdulmohamed NurErtirea
22Naigzi GoyitomEritrea
23Nigusu AbrihamEritrea
24Saladin MohamedEritrea
25Mohamed SaleEritrea
26Abel TadesseEthiopia, Amhara
27Gemed FikaduEthiopia, Amhara
28Yusuf TahirEthiopia, Oromo
29Abduzamed MohamedEthiopia, Oromo
30Aliyi HajiEthiopia, Oromo
31Awol AdamEthiopia, Oromo
32Selemon DestaEthiopia, Amhara
33Kedir MohamedEthiopia, Oromo
HRLHA is highly concerned about the safety and future fates of those asylum seekers and refugees in such an isolated and disconnected socio-political environment. Therefore, HRLHA calls up on the Libyan Government, first of all to ensure the safety and well being of the refugees and asylum seekers by providing full protection against any kind of attacks from any side or angle and allow access to the new location to the representatives of regional and international UN and humanitarian agencies as well as media organizations so that they could receive all the supports they need especially to bring their refugee lives to an end.
The HRLHA also urges all national, regional and international human rights groups, donor countries and organizations to join hands in putting pressure on the Libyan   government so that it abides by the international norms, the 1951 International Convention of the refugees and asylum seekers and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights article 14 (1) “ Everyone has the right to seek and to enjoy in other countries asylum from persecution.”
Recommendation:
Please send appeals to the Libyan Government, concerned Libyan officials and to diplomatic representatives of Libya who are accredited to your country as swiftly as possible, in English, in Berber or Libyan Arabic Language, or in your own language expressing:
Your concern regarding the mistreatment of asylum seekers and refugees in Libya and they should be treated according to the 1951 International Convention of the refugees and asylum seekers and other international norms of refugee and asylum seekers rights.
Appeal to:
1. His Excellency Dr. Ali Zidan Prime Minster of Libya
Tel: +218(21) 444 3700, Fax: +218 (21) 360 0889
2. His Excellency Mr. Mohamed Abdul-Aziz
Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Libya
Tel: 22 – 2921 340 21 218
Copied To:
UNHCR main office Geneva, Switzerland.
United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees
Case Postale 2500
CH-1211 Genève 2 Dépôt
Suisse.  telephone number: +41 22 739 8111
Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR)
Palais Wilson , 52 rue des Pâquis
CH-1201 Geneva, Switzerland Telephone: +41 22 917 9656
Mail: civilsocietyunit@ohchr.org
African Commission on Human and Peoples‘ Rights (ACHPR
48 Kairaba Avenue, P.O.Box 673, Banjul, The Gambia.
Tel: (220) 4392 962 , 4372070, 4377721 – 23
Fax: (220) 4390 764
 E-mail: achpr@achpr.org
Office of the Commissioner for Human Rights Council of Europe
F-67075 Strasbourg Cedex, FRANCE
Tel: + 33 (0)3 88 41 34 21
Fax: + 33 (0)3 90 21 50 53
U.S. Department of State
Laura Hruby
Ethiopia Desk Officer
U.S. State Department
HrubyLP@state.gov
Tel: (202) 647-6473
Amnesty International Secretariat – London
Telephone: 44 20 74135500
Fax: 44 20 79561157
1Easton Street
London, WC1X0DW, UK
Human Rights Watch – New York, Tel: +1-212-290-4700
Fax:+1-212-736-1300
Email: hrwnyc@hrw.org