Monday, January 13, 2014

Ethiopia: A Call for an End to the Endless Violence Against Oromo Nationals

The following is an Urgent Action statement from the Human Rights League of the Horn of Africa (HRLHA). HRLHA is a nonpolitical organization (with the UN Economic and Social Council – (ECOSOC) Consultative Status), which attempts to challenge abuses of human rights of the people of various nations and nationalities in the Horn of Africa.
————–
Gadaa.com
HRLHA Press Release
_____________________________
January 12, 2014
In the past twenty-two years, the peoples of Ethiopia and the outside world have witnessed the EPRDF Government’s incarceration of hundreds of thousands of Oromo Nationals from all walks of life in jails, unofficial detention centers and concentration camps simply for allegedly being members or supporters of the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF), and some other opposition political organizations. Due to the inappropriate and inhuman treatments by the government security members, hundreds of Oromos have died, suffered from physical disabilities resulting from tortures, and most of those who were taken to court were given harsh sentences, including life in prison and capital punishments or death penalty. Oromo intellectuals, businessmen, and the members of legally operating Oromo parties (for example, the Oromo People’s Congress (OPC) and the Oromo Federalist Democratic Movement (OFDM)) have been among the victims of the EPRDF/TPLF Government’s suppressive political system. The most worrisome is that the Oromo youth, who were even born after the EPRDF/TPLF government came to power, have become the major victims of the Government’s brutalities under the same allegations of supporting and/or sympathizing with Oromo opposition political organizations. In the past decade or so, thousands of young Oromo students of universities, colleges, high schools and intermediate academic institutions have been criminalized for allegedly being member or sympathizers of the Oromo Liberation Front. A lot of them have killed and tortured, and thousands are still languishing behind bars, while thousands others have been banned from being part of any level of educational opportunities; and, as a result, they have become jobless, homeless, etc. Tenth of thousands have fled their homeland and become refugees in neighboring countries.
In the same manner and for the same reasons, the most recent cases of arrests and imprisonments have taken place in Gujjii Zone of Oromia State. According to the HRLHA’s informant in Gujii, more than 45 Oromo nationals have been arrested by the Federal police forces without court warrant at different times since August 25, 2013 to December 2013. This was mainly in the districts of Gorodolo, Girja and Bore of the Gujjii Zone. Most of the victims of these most recent extrajudicial actions have reportedly been taken a detention centre in Negele Town. Victims of this particular operation include members of the legally operating opposition Oromo political party of the Federalist Congress (OFC), as well as high school teachers, students of elementary and high schools, college and university students in various parts of the Gujjii Zone.
According to reports obtained by HRLHA, on August 25, 2013, the federal police arrested 8 college students from Harekello town in Goro-Dola district; and on the following day, police searched houses of many residents of the town without court warrant, and arrested another 3 more people. Among them was a high school teacher called Gobena Gemeda. The alleged reason for the arrest, detention, and search of homes in this particular campaign was the distribution and posting of leaflets in the town with contents condemning the discrimination of the government against the Gujjii Oromos. Among those who were arrested and detained, 6 people, including kedir A/ Bundha, Gobena Gemeda and Shako Bura, were released after a week; while the following five students are still in detention center in Negele Prison, according to the information HRLHA has obtained.
Imprisoned Oromo Nationals
Imprisoned Oromo Nationals
The legally registered Oromo Federalist Congress (OFC) officials and cadres, who were genuinely working for their people on behalf of their party, were also accused of allegedly being sympathizers of the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) and arrested in Adolla town in Gujjii and in Bule Hora district of Borana Zone. Among them was Mr. Borama Jano, elected parliament member from the districts of Bore and Anna-Sorra. He was arrested on November 15, 2013, and is still detained at Adolla Police Station. Two OFC organizing cadres – Mr. Hirbaayyee Galgalo andUturaa Adulaa – were arrested in Bulehora Wereda of Borena Zone in December 2013.
The Human Rights League of the Horn of Africa (HRLHA) expresses its deep concern over the safety and well-being of these Oromo nationals who have been picked up arbitrarily from different places at different times and are being held at various detention centers. The Ethiopian government has a well-documented record of gross and flagrant violations of human rights, including the torturing of its own citizens, who were suspected of supporting, sympathizing with and/or being members of the opposition political organizations. There have been credible reports of physical and psychological abuses committed against individuals in Ethiopian official prisons and other secret detention centers.
The HRLHA calls upon the Ethiopia Government to refrain from systematically eliminating the young generation of Oromo nationals and respect all international human rights standards in general, and of civil and political rights of the citizens it has signed in particular. HRLHA demands that the Ethiopian Government unconditionally release those arrested most recently as well as all other political detainees.
HRLHA also calls upon governments of the West, all local, regional and international human rights agencies to join hands and demand the immediate halt of such kinds of extra-judicial actions against one’s own citizens, and release the detainees without any preconditions.
RECOMMENDED ACTION: Please send appeals to the Ethiopian Government and its concerned government ministries and/or officials as swiftly as possible, both in English and Amharic, or your own language:
Gadaa.comExpressing concerns regarding the apprehension and fear of torture of the citizens who are being held in different detention centers, including the infamous Ma’ikelawi Central Investigation Office; and calling for their immediate and unconditional release;
Gadaa.comRequesting to refrain from detaining, harassing, discriminating against Oromo Nationals;
Gadaa.comUrging the Ethiopian authorities to ensure that these detainees would be treated in accordance with the regional and international standards on the treatment of prisoners;
Gadaa.comAlso, send your concerns to diplomatic representatives in Ethiopia – who are accredited to your country.
• Office of Prime Minister of Ethiopia
P.O. Box – 1031, Addis Ababa
Telephone – +251 155 20 44; +251 111 32 41
Fax – +251 155 20 30; +251 155 20 20
• Office of Min. of Justice
P.O. Box 1370, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia
Fax: +251 11 551 77 75; +251 11 552 08 74
Email: ministry-justice@telecom.net.et
——-
Cc:
Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights
United Nations Office at Geneva
1211 Geneva 10, Switzerland
Fax: + 41 22 917 9022
(particularly for urgent matters) E-mail: tb-petitions@ohchr.org
African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights (ACHPR)
48 Kairaba Avenue
P.O. Box 673
Banjul, The Gambia
Tel: (220) 4392 962, 4372070, 4377721 – 23
Fax: (220) 4390 764
E-mail: achpr@achpr.org
Office of the Commissioner for Human Rights
Council of Europe
F-67075 Strasbourg Cedex, FRANCE
Tel: + 33 (0)3 88 41 34 21
Fax: + 33 (0)3 90 21 50 53
U.S. Department of State
Tom Fcansky – Foreign Affairs Officer
Washington, D.C. 20037
Tel: +1-202-261-8009
Fax: +1-202-261-8197
Email: TOfcansky@aol.com
Amnesty International – London
Tom Gibson
Telephone: +44-20-74135500
Fax number: +44-20-79561157
Email: TGibson@amnesty.org
Human Rights Watch – New York
Leslie Lefkow
lefkowl@hrw.org; rawlenb@hrw.org
Tel: +1-212-290-4700
Fax:+1-212-736-1300
Email: hrwnyc@hrw.org

Biyya Tuffatan Harreen Irra Garmaamu!

Baarentuu   Gadaa irraa 


Salphinni salphina caalu biyya ofiirratti salphifamuu dha. Salphinni  salphina caalu  Qayee abbaa ofiirratti  salphifamuu fi  nama tahanii dhalatanii namaa gadiitti ilaalamuu dha. Tuffiin tuffii caalus biyya ofirratti tuffatamuu dha.
Salphifamuu fi tuffatamuun nama dhuunfaa bira darbeesadarkaa sabaatti yoo ta’usalphina dorgomaa hin qabnee fi  salphina, salphina  caalu akka ta’e eenyuufuu ifaa dha. Sabni tokko; akka sabaatti murna alaa isa weerarareen biyya isaarratti  salphifameetuffatamnaan salphina kana of irraa darbuuf xiiqiin hin socho’u taanaan ani saba akkasii ti; biyyi koos akkas jedhama jechuu qofti salphina hin haqu. “Ani saba aadaa, seenaa fi duudhaa  akkasiiqabuudha” jechuunis gongumaa waan miidhaguu miti. Kan har’a uummanni Oromoo keessa jirus salphina akkanaa,salphina weeratotaan itti dhufe keessa.
Tuffii fi salphifamuun har’a uummata Oromoorra gahaa jiru ulfaataa dha. Biyya isaarratti salphifamuu fi tuffatamuun,yakki  adda addaa irratti raawwachuunkun ammoo kan haar’aa dhalatee fi eegale osoo hin taane, itti fufuuma weerara jaarraa  tokkoon dura murni gita bittoota Habashaan irratti raawwatamee ti. Weerartoonni kaleessa qabeenyaa fi lafa babalifachuuf Oromoo weeraran har’as jaarraa 21ffaa kana keessa karaa adda addaatin yakka isaanii  jabeessanii itti fufuuf akkuma carraaqaniti jiru.
Ilmaan nafxanyootaa fi ilmaan sirna gitta bittaa Habashaa warreen sirna gabrummaa abbootin isaanii Oromoorratti raawwatan leellisan har’allee Oromoo akka sabagadoo fi xiqqootti ilaalu akkuma itti fufanitti jiru. Gocha faashistummaa fi duguuggii sanyii abbootiin isaanii Aanoolee fi Calanqootti raawwatan dinqiisifachaat jiru. Yakki Harma muraa Aanoolee Ayyoollii Oromtichaa kumaatamarratti gara jabinaan raawwatame, kolaafamuunqeerroo Oromoo kumatamarratti achuma Anoolee fi Oromiyaa kallatti adda addaatti raawwatame,ciraan harkaa-miilli ilmaan Oromoorratti Calaqoo fi Oromoo bakkoota gara garraarratte raawwatame, gocha sukanneessaa ajaja Minilkiin  mana keessatti iitti cufamuun ibiddaan gubamuu uummata Oromoo naannoo Sulultaa kuma hedduurratti raawwatame;ajjeechaa cubbuu hin qabne, ajjeechaa heebbifamaadha jechuun dhiiga ilmaan Oromoo, lafee ilmaan Oromoo weeratoota abbootii isaanitiin dhangaleehetti qoosaa dha.
Leelliftoonni sirna gabrummaa ilmaan yakkamtootaa kun “Abbootin keenya  Oromootti duulanii ajjeesuu fi kolaasuun,  namaa- sa’a isaa ibiddaan dhaabbitti gubuun, Harma ciruun gochaa sirrii fi heebbifamaa dha” jechaat jiru. Ilmaan bittoota, harcaatoonni koleneeffattootaHabashaa sammuundandaaye kun   jaarraa 21ffaa kanakeessa, “Abbootin keenya  kan Oromootti duulaniif Oromoon sabuma  haala saniin itti duulamuu qabuu dha. Qaamni isaa ciramuu fi mana keessa gubachuun gocha heebbifamaa dha jedhanii lammata nu madeessaa, lammata nuwaraanaa jiru.
Leelliftoonni sirna gabrummaa kun  akkuma argaa fi dhagahaa jirru tibba kana nama duula  sanyii balleessuu Oromoorratti raawwatame kana dura bu’ee gaggeessaa fi qindeessaa ture, nama Oromootti gabrummaa fide;  Minilik faarsaa, dhaadheessaa fi guyyaa du’aa fi dhaloota isaa Oromiyaa keessatti kabajuuf dhamahaa jiru. Sirna kabajaa guyyaa du’a miniliki waggaa 100ffaakana caalaatti miidhagsuu fi dhaadheessuuf  ilmaan gabroonfattootaatuffii fi ilaalcha jibbiinsaaOromoof qaban,wayyaanee fi kaanpaaniwwan akka Biiraa baddallee, garmalee dhamahaa fi baaxxisaa jiru. Gochi isaanii kun  ammoo Israa’el Telaviiv ykn Iyyeerusaaleem keessatti guyyaa dhalootaa fi du’a Adoolf Hiitler kabajuuf yaaluu akka ta’eetti hubatama.
Ilmaan Nafxanyootaa kun “Duulli Minilik Oromoorratti gaggeesseduula qulqulluu fi cubbuu hin qabne, duula eebbifamaa dha” jechuu bira darbanii guyyaa du’a yakkamtichaa fi weerarticha MinilikOromiyaa fi iddoolee gara garaatti kabajuuf olii gadi  fiiguun dhalata Oromoo fi cunqurfatoota weerartoota Habashaa kanaan miidhaan irra gaheef tuffii dha, Arrabsoo dha, lammata madeessuu dha.
Tibba kana akkuma argaa fi dhagahaa jirru duullii “Guyyaa du’a Miniliki waggaa 100ffaa kabajuu jedhuu  gaggeefamaa jira. Duullii kunis kan durfamaa jiru sirbituu leellisaa sirna gabrummaa Habashaa Teediroos Kaasaahuun ykn nama Teedii Afroo jedhamuuni.Sirbituunkun“Ajjeechaa fi yakki Minilik Oromoorratti raawwate duula qulqulluu, duula eebbifamaa” akka ta’ebarruulee adda addaa irratti ibseet jira. Harma muraa fi kolaafamuun akkasumas mana keessa gubamuun Oromoorratti Minilkiin Aanoolee, Calanqoo,Sululuttaa fi Oromiyyaa iddoo gara garaatti raawwate  cubbuu hin qabu jechuun itti baaceera.
Teedii Afroo kana bira darbee akka guyyaan du’a nama yakkamaa kanaa kabajamuu fi gochaan isaa dhaadheeffamu guddaa dhamahaa tureera ammas itti jira. Biiraan Baddallee ummata Oromoo biratti jaalatamaa turee fi Oromiyaa keessatti argamus holola sirbituunkun facaasaa jiruuf deeggarsa mahaallaqaa gochaa tureera; irraas waan dhaabbate hin fakkaatu, kanneen biroo warreen ummata Oromoo idduma kaleessaatti eeganii fi tuffii jabaa saba kanarraa qabaniis akka gocha kana duuba jiran ifaa dha.
Ummanni Oromoo maddi hololaa fi yakka kanaa sirbituu Teedii Afiroo jedhamu qofa dha jedhee amanuu baatus  tuffiifi holola inni itti jiru kanaaf keessaa fi alaa gatii madaalawaa  akka keennuuf shakkiin hin jiru. warshaalee Biiraa fi kanneen biroo warreenMinilikfaarsurratti bobba’an kanarratti akkasuma  sabni Oromoo akka adabbii sirreessaa fudhatu beekamaadha, akkuma argaa fi dhagahaa jirruttis karaa saba quunnamtii hawaasaa gara garaatiin gochicha balaaleeffachuurraa kaasee hanga warreen gocha tuffii kanarratti kallattiidhan bobba’anii fi mahalaqaan deeggaranirratti dhiibbaa fi tarkaanfii laaleessaa fudhachuu deemameera.  Ummanni Oromoo fi sabboontotni biyyaa fi alattii ; leellisaa sirna gabruummaa Teediroos kaasaahuun fi warshaalee dhugaatii akka Biiraa Baddallee fi kanneen biroo irratti adabbiin inni fudhachaa jiru haalaan boonsa dha. Tarkaanfiin akkasii kun ammoo gama hundaanuu cimee,jabaatee itti fufuu qaba. Sabni Oromoo  gama hundaanuu of kabachiisuuf irree tokkoon ka’uu qaba.
Ummanni Oromoon guyyaa nama yakkamaa kanaa Oromiyaarratti  kabajuuf kan carraaqaa jiruu fi qindeessaa jiru sirbituu tokko qofajedhee hin amanu; amanuus hin qabu. Duula kana duuba leelliftoonni sirna gabrummaa  heedduun akka jiran tolcheet beeka. Kanneen Oromoo jibban, kanneen har’as Oromoo akkuma kaleessaa dhiitanii saamaa, ajjeesaa fi hidhaa jiraachuu barbaadan kanneen akka wayyaanee fi namoonni Olaantummaa saba tokkoo,  Alaabaa takka, biyya takka Afaan tokko jedhanis akka holola miniliki faarsu kana keessa jiran beekamaadha. Maddi hundaatuu saba Oromoojumlaadhan  tuffachuu fi maal fida jedhanii yaadurra akka ta’e ifaa dha. Tuffii fi gadoottii ilaaluu Oromoorraa qabaniin har’as jaarraa 21ffaa keessa lammata itti deebi’anii madaa kaleessaa keessa waraanuuf itti aggaamu dha.Akka sabaatti tuffatamuun ammoo  hedduu qaanessaa dha.
Minilik nama haawwan teenya harma ciree fi cirsiise,  namadhiira Oromoo akka Kotte-Duudaa ciibsee kolaasee fi kolaasisee dha. Nama qeerroo fi shamarran Oromoo Oromiyaa iddoolee garagaraatti akka hoolaa ciibsee gorra’ee dha. Namni kun;  nama maqaa Oromoo fi  lafa Oromoo jijjireedha. Nama yakkamaa akkanaa goota godhanii yaadachuun,  “Duulli inni Oromoorratti gaggeesse duula qulqulluu fi duula heebbifamaa dha” jechuun dhuguma dubbachuudhaaf yakka Minilik nurratti raawwate caalaa nama dhukkubsa. Kan sammuu qabuuf nama madeessa.
Gochi Habashootni leellistoota sirna duraanii ta’anii fi gabrummaa Oromoof hawwan amma itti jiran kun jaarraa 21ffaa kana keessalee  Oromoof hangam akka tuffii qaban argisiisa. “Biyya tuffatan Harreen irra garmaamu” jechuun isa kana. Lama madaahaa jirra, qayee abbaa keenyaatti nurra garmaamaa fi nurra sirbaa jiru.
Ajjeechaa fi yakka lammataa kana, tuffii fi salphifamuu Oromoorratti  har’as karaa qindaayeen raawwatamaa jiru;lammiin Oromoomarti callisee ilaaluu hin qabu. Ummanni Oromoo kan keessaa fi ala jiru,sirna wayyaanee gocha kana heeyyame, nama yakka kana dura fiigaa jiru sirbituu Teedii Afiroos tahee warreen isa duuba taa’anii qindeessaa jiranirratti diddaa fi mormii calqabe caalaatti finiinsuu qaba. Karaa danda’e hundaanuu FDG calqabe finiinsee of kabachiisun bilisummaa isaa harkatti galfatuunfardii dha. Dirqama eenyummaatis.
Kanneen maallaqaan gocha yakkamaa kana utuubuuf yaalanirrattis karaa qindaayee fi walirraa hin cinneen mormii fi jibba qabu warshaalee kanaa fi homisha isaanii balfachuun agarsiisuun murteessa dha. Gama hundaanuu tarkaanfii laaleessaa gabroonfattootarratti fudhachuun of kabachiisun kan guyyaan laatamuufii miti. Tokkummaan qabsoofnee  tuffii fi salphina jaarraa 21ffaatti  keessa jirru kana jalaa of haa baafnu! Biyyaa fi mirga keenya dhuunfachuuf gamtaan falmaatti ha cimnu!

Baarentuu Gadaa gessogeda@gmail.com

Understanding Gadaa and Orommummaa

By Yaadasaa Dafaa*
Understanding Gadaa and Orommummaa:
Oromo Nationalists frequently discuss the underlining premises of Orommumaa within the aspirations for promoting the commonly shared spirit of the unique Oromo Nationhood. But, not all the resourceful Nationalists approach this fundamental issue from the same angle. Disagreement in concepts and theories at times could be blown out of proportions intentionally or unintentionally. When differing ideas and approaches emerge either under the Odaa tree in Oromia, or discussing at round-tables in Finfinee, Adama, Berlin, Washington DC, Melbourne, or Minneapolis, it should have been viewed as positive, and taken as “teachable moments” or ” learning moments” from these diverse views. But often, when differing outlooks and strategies relating to the Oromo Nation’s issues are debated, it is regularly perceived by different people as a destructive opposition, or totally negative. Discussion habitually leads to total or partial agreements, and disagreements as well. That is the nature of having the interested parties exchange their views on the matter under discussion. On the issues that we all agree, there will be no need to have a broad-based civilized discussion. But, few, who happen to have natural deficiencies to tolerating conceptual diversities, automatically assume the acceptance for their hypothesis by others without any question. It becomes apparent for such Oromos, that the “Yes Sir/Madam” syndrome should take over, and any persuasive ideas or better alternative strategies needlessly has to be discarded as destructive and negative inputs. This is an alien impression to the Gadaa cultural persuasions. Yet, another alien and partisan thinking is “All or Nothing.” This is an old concept which gave birth to religious dogmas, and social doctrines/canons, such as Communism, Nazism and Fascism, and should not be the current urgent focal point for the Nation of Oromia’s frame of reference. This theory could be a very costly hypothesis to be undertaken by the Nation of Oromia at this particular juncture as it could end up being an easily manipulated divisive agent for those who are opposed to the causes of the Oromo Nation. Yet, it could be the solution for the stagnated journey of Oromia’s quest for independence provided that we could turn it around by updating and tuning it by utilizing eclectic approach to appraise its viability and practicality with modern social advances, engulfing its scarcities with the cutting-age technological supports.
To be more cohesive and comprehensive, and achieve all–inclusive discourse, we need to reflect back to the suitability of these concepts within the practical affiliations of the Oromo Nation by resorting back to the original practices of Gadaa. Therefore, it is quite conventional to have the inquiring minds, and ask, “how does these theoretical passions apply to the everyday lives of the broad mass of the Oromo Nation, and the sciences of leadership in the context of Oromo Nation?”
The Basics Model for Leadership in Oromo Society in the Eras of Pre-occupation
According to the basics model of Gadaa, the paradigm of leadership is acquired through broad-based knowledge of diversities of circumstances, and ability to position one’s own natural or acquired potentials to master the foreseeable predicaments. The ability to envisage those inexorable fates are part and parcels of the leadership prerequisites. This skill of proficiency to foresee the quandaries is not through possessing the magical power, but often developed through applied analysis of systems and trends that will most likely materialize when particular circumstances do prevail. Gadaa is the frame of reference for the Nation of Oromia. Had Oromia remained un-colonized, it should have been preserved and cherished since it overwhelmingly encompasses nearly all holistic meanings of life for the entire Oromo citizens and all the human races, starting from birth with unique lifelong expectations. What is absolutely treasured in the Age-Grades and Family Values of the Gadaa system is the Safuu (the Moral Codes) for the ethically exceptional democratic form of government. The appropriate comprehension of these practical fundamentals, which were interpreted by the precolonial Oromo society, had granted the Gadaa cultural model its uniqueness in surviving the internal as well as external nemeses.
The Gadaa cultural heritage promotes purposes in one’s life, without exempting each person’s ethical, legal and age-grade enshrined responsibilities. As a philosophical and theoretical standard, it is an exceptional driving force to motivate citizens towards serving their families, communities, and the human race at large. The joys of productivity with all its meanings, respecting and protecting the elders, are non-separable bonds which all Oromo citizens praise their creator Waaqayyoo for enabling them with the capacity to facilitate. After enduring even the long negative effects of colonialism, the commonly shared innocence, nonviolence personalities of the present-day people of Oromo does originate from the innocuous social chromosomes inherited from our ancestors, who were the Gadaa cohorts to its fullest conceptual filtering and orientations. Gadaa manners, and ways of life, emerge in the Oromos’ daily interactions with their everyday environment categorically without even the absolute consciousness of that Oromo individual because, it is part of the Oromo people’s DNA.
How far damaging could the colonization of the Oromo Nation by the Abyssinians be for the younger generations, or their birth at very distant communities – might have affected their familiarity with theirGadaa heritage and frame of references; however, their basic innocence, love for peace and the well-being of others, does always vividly transpire and exceptionally display itself unreservedly. This remains at all times the unflinching truth and the backbone for the Oromo people’s unconditional love for their children no matter where they are. The Oromo Young Generation remains the unshakable fundamental sustenance for the genuine cause of their Nation as they have proved with their precious lives so far. I have discussed this in my previous message titled: “The Qubee Generation – the Endangered Oromo Generation.”
Today, it has apparently become well-known and unavoidable truth – to the adversaries of the Oromo people – that the Oromo National Question is out of their reach for repression when they are powerlessly witnessing this Young Oromo Generation verbalizing quite loudly and clearly “I AM AN OROMO FIRST”from every corner of the globe collectively and unanimously.
Just before I will channel back to the main topic, I would like to express my gratitude, pride, and joy in the commitments of the Young Oromo Generation for its authenticity in pursuing and continuing the flames of the causes of its Nation!
It had been a long journey, but now I can smell the Oromo Nation’s freedom at the end of the tunnel. Nevertheless, it is now that we need to straighten our path for the final journey for freedom.  Furthermore, it was/is enshrined within Gadaa that the elders need to formulate the proper and the obligatory transition of power and responsibilities to the younger generation so as to assume the advisory roles, preserving their own dignities and protecting the Gadaa value codes. Observing from the artificial daily shenanigans taking place in the communities of the Oromo Nation, one may doubt the possibility of such a transition. Additionally, it may appear awkward expecting to transfer the administrative/authorized power which is not in existence. The undeniable fact remains that the synthetic official power of the colonial Ethiopian regimes did not replaced all the authentic power of the elders within the Oromo society – even if it had been under attacks for decades. Therefore, yes, the Rebellious Oromo Generation against the Ethiopian Colonialism can transfer the genuine power and errands to the Freedom Young Oromo Generation of Oromia. We can do it, and we will. But, first, we need to know where we had been as a Nation so as to know exactly where we are unequivocally determined to go. Here are the fundamentals of Oromomummaa.

Democracy

THE FIVE GADAA PARTIES (By Anga’a Dhugumaa)
The Oromo people grouped themselves into five parties. These parties are: Roobalee, Duuloo, Birmajii,Michillee and Horata. They are named after a phenomenon or whatever occurred during the governance of one particular party. For example, Roobalee was named after rain. The fact that it rained heavily is indicated by the phrase “the Roobalee and its bountiful rain” (Yaa Roobalee ya roobashii). Duuloo was named after preparation for war. The fact that the Oromos prepared a big war is indicated by the phrase “Duuloo and the preparation of war” (Duuloo qophessa duulaa). Birmajii was named after happy festival and dance. The Oromos had happy time and phrased this as “Birmajii and its happy dances” (Ya Birmajii ya sirbashii). Michillee was named after war victory. Oromos had great victory over their enemy and showed this by the phrase “Michillee the best friend of war” (Ya Michillee nichuu duulaa). Horata is remembered and was named after years of excellent cattle breeding. These good years were phrased as “Horata and the feeling” (Ya Horata maal godhataa). The names of the five Gadaa parties are indicated in the below figure as supplementary to the above description.

Gadaa.com
Each party takes power from one another after every eight years. Nevertheless, the Gadaa parties overlap with each other for four years before transfer of power. Hence, new comers are in office alone only for the last four years of their term. The outgoing party stays with the incoming party for the first four years, as an advisor. However, the advisors have no power of decision-making whatsoever. The same tempo cycle repeats itself whenever a new party takes over after every eight years. From the above statements, it is understandable that one party stays in office for a total of twelve years. This is to say that a party stays in office for eight years with power, and for additional four years without power as an advisor. (Anga’a Dhugumaa)
Like different ministers and cabinets in modern systems of governments, there are different authorities in a given political party in the Gadaa system. For example:
Gadaa.comAbbaa Biyyaa – The Administrator of the country.
Gadaa.comAbbaa Duula – War Leader
Gadaa.comAbbaa Caffee – Speaker/Chief of the council.
Gadaa.comAbbaa Gadaa – Leader of the party, etc. (Teshome Lemu)
The most important organ of the Gadaa system is the federal assembly known as Gumii Gayoo in Borana and Caffee in other places. These assemblies were (still is in the case of Borana) very large and attended by councilors called hayyuu, drawn from different sections of the society. These assemblies make laws – which define the essence of Oromo democracy. In short, the specificity and similarity of the myriads of norms, rituals and political practices around which it was organized throughout the Oromo country make Gadaa a unique pan-Oromo institution of great historical depth. (Bulcha, 2012; Legesse, 2000)
STANDING (EXECUTIVE) COMMITTEE (SALGAN YAA’I BOORANA)
The standing committee, the supreme council or the “politburo” members are nine. This group that is named after Borana is the final decision-maker for the Oromo democratic government. Unless the congress that assembles once every eight years changes the decision of the Salgan Yaa’i Boorana, no other body can challenge the decision and power of this group. The Salgan Yaa’i Boorana will be released only after a new Gadaa party takes over power at the end of one Buttaa. This group of nine is elected among the already elected Hayyuu’s. Complaints against this group have never been heard in Oromo oral history. The Oromo people show great love for even the name “Salgan Yaa’i Boorana.” This group is mandated to amend the Law (Seeraa), if necessary. Salgan Yaa’i Boorana is the only authorized supreme body to give the final interpretation of the Oromo Constitution. Therefore, the Oromo people place this elected group next to God (Waaqa). This group is highly regarded, and a prayer at formal meetings starts with the name “Salgan Yaa’i Boorana.” The assembly of the Salgan Yaa’i Boorana is conducted at the Odaa center only, which is believed to be Odaa Nabee, located in the center of Oromiyaa.
ODAA AND BOKKU
Odaa is a highly respected place where the Oromo basic laws (Seeraa) are passed. All locally amended laws go to the Odaa for final approval and distribution. The Odaa is somewhat similar to the American Senate, the upper branch of Congress. However, when Gadaa was revised some five hundred years ago, the Oromos did not enjoy the modern buildings of today. The congress of the Oromos during those years took place under a big oak tree in the open-air. The species of this oak tree is called Odaa. Oromos enjoy coming together in the open-air even today. The absence of bad weather makes it so pleasant to hold meetings in the open-air under the shade of the Odaa tree. The Bokku’s are very similar to the Odaa’s. The main difference is that Odaa is used at the national level while the Bokku is used at the regional level. The participants of the Odaa assembly are representatives of all Oromo regions, while that of the Bokku are from one region only.
Bokku has two meanings. As stated above, it is the assembly place for the decentralized constituency for local parliamentarians composed of several Abbaa Gadaa’s. Second, it signifies and symbolizes governance and power. This symbol (Bokku) is made out of an olive tree. Its use is mostly symbolic, and it is carried by the defense minister (Abbaa Duula) at war fronts. It is also widely used by the Administrator (Abbaa Bokku) as a symbol of power. Sometimes, the Bokku and Kalachaa could be used together. Kalachaa serves the same way as the Christian cross. It is carried by the Qaalluu’s. The societal high quality of Gadaa also governs each Oromo citizen’s adherences to SAFUU cultural heritage. It is a high moral principle that enhances the implementation of the law (Seeraa),
Safuu:
- Maintains coexistence and harmony among all people;
- Maintains coexistence and harmony between humans and animals;
- Maintains a good relationship between God and humans;
- Maintains a good relationship between the old and the young;
- Maintains a proper relationship between the poor and the rich;
- Is a sign of love and peace among the Oromos;
- It is a sign of peaceful life;
- It insures that an approach by a stranger is safe.
Safuu is implanted into the brain of Oromos from childhood. During the steps of the “age-grades,” all Oromos are given the chance to learn to live the right way. Therefore, Oromos refrain from killing, stealing, lying and are not violent. Their names tell it all. Typical Oromo names indicate prosperity, growth, love and peace, i.e. Hortuu, Gabbattaa, Jaalataa and Nagaasee, respectively. This culture is near fading away today owing to the influence of the Abyssinia’s culture that was forced upon the Oromos for the last 120 years.
The age-grades and family values include (but not limited to):
THE AGE-GRADES AND FAMILY VALUES
Birth to 8yrs, Child, loved and cared for well. (Da’imua or Hijoolee)
8yrs to 16yrs, Young Boy, helps on farm and learns about life. (Dabballee)
16yrs to 24yrs, Grown-up, trainee, mostly defense. (Ittimukkoo)
24yrs to 32yrs, Adult, militia, completes military service. (Foollee, Loltuu)
32yrs to 40yrs, Candidate, respected family person. (Raahu, Buttaa)
40yrs to 48yrs, Leader, at different levels. (Luba, Abbaa Gadaa, Hayyuu)
48yrs to 56yrs, Adviser to active party for four years. (Lubaa)
56yrs to 64yrs, Retired, blessing and peace making everywhere. (Gadaamojjii) (Anga’a Dhugumaa)
The apprentices for the head office of Abbaa Biyyaa/Bokku often undergo a detailed, rigorous and highly demanding training by the senior elders, who are often the retired previous Abbaa Bokku’s, after resuming the position of Advisory. Furthermore, these Senior Elders often indirectly influence the Oromo public’s approval or disapproval of the decision made by the office of Abbaa Biyyaa/Bokku, paving the political dilemmas for the Salgan Yaa’i Boorana’s (The Standing Committee’s) eventual actions – even if this may give rise to a question, “who is the real leader – is it Abbaa Biyyaa/Gadaa with Bokku in hand, or the senior advisers?” On the other side, the advantage lies in rendering the well-balanced decisions and the safety network of the upper echelon. Furthermore, it directly eliminates the power struggle within the upper ruling personals – which has the negative and measurable devastating disadvantage/effects on the governance and development in most of the developing Nations as we are precisely witnessing all around the world nowadays.
What is Missing, and What is Taking Place Instead, and at What Cost to the Nation of Oromia?
N.B. answering this question might shed light for those who still have ambiguity of why the Nation of Oromia fights for independence!
After the invasion of the Nation of Oromia by Abyssinians war lords, the Oromo people lost the power to exercise their cherished Gadaa democratic governance system, ownership to our own vicinity, including other human belongings, the basic and fundamental rights to all social domains – implementing our language in our own schools, offices; exercising our culture … (the list goes on). The proud Oromo citizens were forced and reduced to be tenants on their own lands.  Oromo children were snatched and abridged/obliged to be servants for the colonizers, including but not limited to becoming the target for colonizers’ indiscriminate abuses and tortures with all of its ranges and severity. The Abyssinian colonizers used many of the Oromo sellouts to promote their agendas of defeating, eradicating and controlling the reaming Oromo people under their tight grip. The most noticeable being the Abyssinian emperor Menelik II, who used Gobana Daccee to colonize all Oromo lands – while committing on the Oromo people the worst criminal acts of genocide at Aanolee and Calanqoo in 1886 and 1887, respectively.  More than five million Oromos perished (were killed) while resisting the invading army of Menelik in the 1880′s. These alien army’s brutality and their inhuman criminal acts perpetrated against the Oromo people included (but not limited to): cutting Oromo women’s breasts and burning the children alive. The Haile-Selassie’s regime used modernization as a code word for the consolidation of Menelik’s empire. The Dergue regime used the agenda under Marxism-Leninism socialist governing domain to continue the maintenance of the Abyssinian domination of the people of Oromia. The current Abyssinian colonial regime of TPLF found democratization to have a useful currency as a code word for its agenda of domination. The TPLF regime, by signing the July 1991 Charter, recognized the fact that “nations, nationalities, and peoples” in Ethiopia have the right to self-determination, including independence (July Charter, Art. 2). The preamble of the charter mentioned “the end of an era of subjugation and oppression.” But, time had proved that it was actually the beginning of subjugation and oppression under the ethnic Tigrayan hegemony. The TPLF, operating under the covert surrogate OPDO party, quickly consolidated its exclusive control over the transitional government at all levels.
Dr. Asafa Jalata wrote in his recent article:
“… Gadaa is the central source of Oromo politics, philosophy, wisdom, worldview, moral values, ethics, laws, and customs from which Oromummaa emerges and develops as the intellectual, ideological, and theoretical powerhouse of the Oromo nation. Since Oromo nationalism is not yet fully grounded in Gadaa, it is corrupted by alien ideologies and theories that contradict the Oromo fundamental values and democratic principles. Because of such corruption and the lack of a clear ideological and theoretical approach, the Oromo national movement is currently stifled and misused by misguided Oromo and other forces that are against the Oromo national interest. Therefore, I am more convinced that Oromo nationalists, who are determined to advance the Oromo liberation and emancipation, must return to the source of the Gadaa civilization that still survives in the minds and hearts of the ordinary Oromo. As Amilcar Cabral notes, ‘the question of a ‘return to the source’ or of a ‘cultural renaissance’ does not arise and could not arise for the masses of these people, for it they who are the repository of the culture and at the same time the only social sector who can preserve and build it up and make history.‘ …
… Almost all the Oromo love Gadaa because it empowered the Oromo nation to have political freedom and their country. In the early 1990s, most Oromo believed that the OLF would repeat this reality because it restored some Gadaa symbols and declared about democracy, the sacred principle of the Oromo nation. After bringing hope to the Oromo people between 1991 and 1992, the OLF was attacked and weakened by the TPLF, Eritrean and Western powers because it could not build an organizational capacity – both politically and militarily. Furthermore, because of the ideological and political immaturity of the Oromo political elites and the absence of the national leadership that could build the OLF through dialogue and national consensus, the organization, that the Oromo people thought as the rebirth of Gadaa, was partitioned and owned by self-proclaimed leaders who started to see themselves as organizations. In addition, several elites started to create their mini-organizations to seek political power rather than empowering the Oromo people.
All of these political factions have brought disgrace to themselves and to the Oromo nation. When thousands of Oromo openly joined the Oromo People’s Democratic Organization (OPDO) of the TPLF without any fear and shame, most of the Oromo have become passive and demobilized. Consequently, the TPLF has engaged in terrorism, genocide, and expropriation of Oromo lands and other resources. One would expect that Oromo nationalists would recognize these dangers, and work in collective to overcome their conflicts and divisions through national dialogue and consensus based on the Oromo democratic traditions and revolutionary commitment. So what should the Oromo nationalists do now to overcome public passivism and institutional and organizational ineffectiveness in the Oromo society? ….”(Jalata)
Dr. Asafa Jalata remains one of the most recognized Oromo Nation’s advocates. Even if most of the points he beautifully expressed above are indisputable facts, there are few conceptual and empirical facts that Dr. Jalata overlooked and failed to appreciate:
1) There always should be a separation between politics from both religious, and/or cultural affiliations/persuasions.
2) Absolutism/dogmatically oriented philosophical concepts/hypotheses need to be analysed comparatively with other viable concepts, such as ‘Eclectic approaches’ so as to validate our choices.
3) The presented criticism against the founders of OLF does not hold up to the threshold for violating the Safuu codes of ethics, and can stage standard for more absolute self-contradictions, and anarchy hindering the basic comprehension and appreciations for theGadaa cultural heritage within its appropriate context.
4) There always are the authentic Gadaa dictated manners and presuppositions without violating Safuu, the basic Gadaa code of ethics.
It is true that OLF started the fight for Oromo people’s freedom in the early 1970s. No one in their right mind can disagree that the OLF did copy the liberation agendas, which had appeared to be applicable to the Oromo Nation’s Colonial questions at that time. In those days, yes, there was a choice for each concerned Oromo citizen: either to fight for the Oromo freedom, or to just pursue personal agendas and be a friend with the colonial power of the time at the expenses of the Oromo Nation and continue enjoying individualistic life styles. As a matter of facts, the original OLF founding fathers were highly principled and genuinely committed pioneers – who surrendered the rest of their lives selflessly to fight for the just cause of the Oromo Nation, languishing for several years in Ethiopian prisons as prisoners of conscience, and in the foreign countries as political refugees. My respect for them goes beyond the expressive power of human languages for those still living, and honor and glory for those who sacrificed their precious lives for the just causes of the Oromo Nation. This is a nonnegotiable chapter in my life.
Since April 1974, when the first unit of the OLF guerrilla fighters led by Elemo Qilixxu launched an armed struggle in the highlands of Charchar, Eastern Oromia, up to now, there are measurable scores of progress and achievements which we cannot ignore. Yet, at the same time, there are numerous setbacks, and stagnation which many respected Oromo Nationalists are genuinely attempting to address in every corner of the globe. That is why I am not really ready, and even remotely to allude for discounting, or burden the original founders of OLF with the guilt trip. I do have the moral obligation not to jump to visualize some alien persuasion-driven concepts of dogmatism – which often corners citizens to force down their throats cultural hypotheses that appear on surface a Nationalistic inducements, so as to score some points at the expenses of the original founding fathers of the OLF. It is unethical for any genuine Oromo citizen. On the other hand, it does not mean that one has to accept the status quo of the current OLF’s predicaments. We always do make choice. We often choose our battles, and analyze manners and means we would like to carry on the battles, or not to. If one is really serious about the trueOrommumaa, first, he/she needs to comprehend the totality of the Gadaa cultural model accordingly, and emulate and digest in parallels with the fundamentals of the OLF original political program.
Practically, there were/are huge advances in so many human domains since the formation of OLF.  As it was the moral/ethical responsibility for the original founding fathers of OLF to choose to fight for the independence of their Nation, it could be fair to project that it is mine and yours responsibility today to reposition this National journey for the final victory by suggesting the most applicable theoretical path with the support of up-to-date technological gadgets. But, we need to be reminded that it is notOrommummaa to dishonor our elders even if we may come up with the better advanced and most harmonious theoretical arguments. This is a thin and fine line of ethics for Oromummaa to walk on.
Dimensional Approach to the Oromo National Struggle
INDIVIDUALISM in the Oromo society prevailed as the backbone for the colonial regimes of Ethiopia. But, yes, it had penetrated into the depth soul of the Oromo society with all its harms. As a result:
- The Oromo Liberation Organizations turned the fight inward among each other with no realm solution insight.
- The subjugation, torture, and exterminations of thousands of innocent Oromo people continued without any due process, or any accountability from the colonial regime.
- The Oromo people became disillusioned, and disenfranchised.
Therefore, it is time to pen our minds and eyes and start appreciating Oromumma dimensionally. We need to know each other better. We need to empower each other, starting at the individual, familial, communal, societal and National levels. We have to understand how we do affect one another, and recognize our potentials if we stood by each other. Every Oromo professional, nonprofessional – and every citizen’s effort – need to be channeled cohesively to make our endeavors inclusive of Oromo citizens. Lots of our homeworks are already done by our brothers and sisters who had paid the heaviest prices with their precious lives.  We have to promote our trust, awareness, tolerances, patriotism, compassion and goodwill for each other. Yet, we shall take all the inhuman brutalities perpetrated against our people as the fuel for pushing us further and further. I will stop here for now, and will address more the Dimensional Approach to the Oromo National Struggle under its own merit.
Conclusion
By no means, my responses to Dr. Asafa Jalata’s article should be interpreted as though I am discounting the hard works of Dr. Jalata in fields of research and pedagogy and that which he has rendered so far for his Nation, Oromia.  Of course, right is right; and wrong is wrong. At this juncture, please allow me to assure you that Dr. Asafa Jalata did cross the line that he should have thought not to. But, he remains an extremely valuable educator and coach for our Nation’s journey for freedom. No human is perfect, neither me, nor Dr. Jalata.
The Gadaa’s potentials, as presented by Dr. Jalata, should be pursued as the central theme for all aspects of the Oromo people’s aspirations in life. But, the essential point I would like to see incorporated will be – planning/working on its suitability with all the modern human advancements in various fields, so as to address today’s issues accordingly. In this area, I do favor the “Eclectic approach.” This theory does not prescribe strictly to a single prototype or set of postulations, but make the most applicable conclusions from diverse sources of influences, varieties of concepts, or thoughts to increase balancing intuitions into a topic, or utilizes different theoretical positions in specific issues.
Ulfina wojjin,
* Yaadasaa Dafa: yaadasaa@gmail.com

Saturday, January 11, 2014

The Human Right Issues and Violations in the Horn of Africa,Ethiopia-Oromia

By: Dejene Abdissa Janna


A paper presented on the Conflict of the Horn of Africa,the Struggle for Freedom, Democracy, Peace and Development Conference
04 January, 2014
Frankfurt am Main, Germany
E-Mail: abdissa2011@gmail.com
Human Right
The modern concept of human rights is rooted in the experiences of ‘legal lawlessness’ when crimes were committed with the authorization of the law, and when some human beings were denied their status as such. An answer to these experiences was the emergence of the international human rights law. The main aim of this branch of international law is to prevent broad violations of fundamental rights from recurring in the future. Appreciating the worth of every human being, the international community decided to eliminate elements that could destroy the individual person, but also to create the conditions that would enable him or her to develop and flourish. Accordingly, the Preambles to the International Bill of Rights  provide that the “foundation of freedom, justice and peace in the world” is the “inherent dignity and of the equal and inalienable rights of all members of the human family”. (International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, 1966). However, the dictator government of Ethiopia otherwise known TPLF is unable in the enforcement of these rights and remain a headache,mainly due to technical blockades; lack of effective institutions or the existence of weak institutions only; and lack of political will to implement human rights with differing degrees. Therefore asking your rights in Ethiopia will either lead you to be imprisoned or counted you as anti-government.
Instability in  Horn of Africa and TPLF
The current crisis in the Horn of Africa is, on the one hand, a struggle between oppressed people who are fighting for self-determination and, on the other hand, the regime of the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) that is trying to impose its rule by force.
The regime has set loose war, hunger, poverty, and disease to ransack the country. In particular, the regime has been and is systematically violating human rights of the Oromo and other peoples of in the country as well and the neighborings too.
The OLF also believes in peace, democracy and development . As the main organ that is championing the right of self-determination of the Oromo people, it fully realizes the present day global reality. It affirms that the international community does have legitimate concern and interest in political stability and economic development of the Horn of Africa. Moreover, the OLF is cognizant of the fact that the day of carving spheres of influence and promoting clients in superpower rivalry has given way to globalization. Further, the OLF firmly believes in the immediate termination of the vicious cycle of political conflicts, economic backwardness, environmental degradation, natural and man-made disasters that today ravage the peoples of the Horn of Africa.
Human Right Issue in Ethiopia
Allegations of arbitrary detention, torture, and other ill-treatment at the hands of Ethiopianpolice and other security forces are not new. But since the disputed 2005 elections, the Ethiopian government has intensified restrictions on freedom of expression, association,and assembly, deploying a range of measures to clamp down on dissent. These include arresting and detaining political opposition figures, journalists, and other independent voices, and implementing laws that severely restrict independent human rights monitoring and press freedom.
Since 2009 a new law, the Anti-Terrorism Proclamation, has become a particularly potent instrument to restrict free speech. The law’s provision undermine basic legal safeguards against prolonged pre-charge detention and unfair trials. In this context, Maekelawi has become an important site for the detention and investigation of some of the most politically sensitive cases.
Many detainees accused of offenses under the law—including some of Ethiopia’s most prominent political prisoners—have been detained in the Maekelawi facility as their cases were investigated or prepared for trial (Human Rights Watch, 2013). As a result of enforcement of the FDRE Proclamation 621/2009 that has been intended to impose superior regulation of charities, the party leaders decide who should receive and who should not receive the emergency support at grassroots level in the respective community.
Older Oormo people are usually victims of this type of abuse because of their allegiances to the values of the Oromo Gadaa system, that promotes respect and dignity to people in difficult situation. In so doing, technically, the authorities decide who should die from and who should survive the hunger.
Endless focus on Oromos by TPLF, why?
The Oromo people constitute the single largest national groups in the Ethiopia empire and the horn of Africa with the total of over 40 million people. The number of the oromo people and the geographical location of their country Oromia make the oromo country ( Oromia) the heart of Ethiopia. The Ethiopian empire mainly survives on the economic resources of Oromia. Although the Oromo people are one of the most impoverished and terrorized indigenous people .Recognizing that Oromia is the richest and largest populous state, the Tigrayan led Ethiopia government has been using collective violence to dominate, control and exploit Oromia which the key in controlling the Ethiopia government has been using political economy. Understanding the situation in Oromia helps in generalizing what is going through the country (Hassen,2011).
The Oromo people are just arrested and accused of being a member or supporter or sympathiser of the Oromo liberation struggle. To the Ethiopian government authorities, every Oromo appears to be a member of the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF), a political organisation struggling for the socio-economic, cultural and political rights of the Oromo people. One has to prove he/she is not a member or supporter of the OLF in order to live in relative peace. The safest proof is one and only one – to become a member of the EPRDF, the ruling party;failure to proove non-affiliation with OLF or any attempt to remain politically indifferent has come to be dangerous in Ethiopia for every ordinary Oromo. Business persons are systematically eliminated from investment and small scale business if they fail to be members of the ruling party in any case. Every student in college or university is required to secure membership of the ruling party at the campus in order for her/him to get job in public institutions or to run private business after completion of the study. The situation is worse for the rural people whereby farmers are required to be members of and demonstrate allegiance to the EPRDF in order to get agricultural inputs and/or have their children learn in school without assault by the government security.
It always seems impossible until it is done – Nelson Mandela 


Thursday, January 9, 2014

Ethiopian journalist on prison odyssey needs medical care

Berhane Tesfaye and her son, Fiteh, try to visit Woubshet Taye every week. (CPJ)
Berhane Tesfaye and her son, Fiteh, try to visit Woubshet Taye every week. (CPJ)
"When I grow up will I go to jail like my dad?" This was the shattering question that the five-year-old son of imprisoned Ethiopian journalist Woubshet Taye asked his mother after a recent prison visit. Woubshet's son, named Fiteh (meaning "justice"), has accompanied his mother on a wayward tour of various prisons since his father was arrested in June 2011.
Authorities have inexplicably transferred Woubshet, the former deputy editor of the independent weekly Awramba Times, to a number of prisons. From Maekelawi Prison, authorities transferred him to Kality Prison in the capital, Addis Ababa, then to remote Ziway Prison, then Kilinto Prison (just outside Addis Ababa), back to Kality, and in December last year--to Ziway again.
It is at Ziway, an isolated facility roughly 83 miles southeast of the capital, where heat, dust, and contaminated water have likely led to a severe kidney infection in Woubshet. The award-winning journalist was meant to receive medical treatment while at Kality Prison in Addis Ababa, Woubshet's wife, Berhane Tesfaye, told me, but it never took place. Suffering in such pain in his ribs and hip that he cannot sleep, Woubshet has not even received painkillers, according to local journalists who visited him.  
CPJ's attempts to reach Ethiopian government spokesman Shimeles Kemal by phone call and text message were unsuccessful.
Despite high transport costs and more than four hours of travel each way, Berhane and Fiteh try to visit Woubshet every week. Fiteh routinely becomes ill from the dust, Berhane said, and prison guards prevent Woubshet from hugging his son. Prison visits are often brief and canned, local journalists told me, as even discussions over Woubshet's health are restricted by guards assigned to monitor the conversation.
What terrible misdeeds could have triggered such a fate? Authorities sentenced Woubshet to 14 years in prison on charges lodged under Ethiopia's broad anti-terrorism law. The evidence includes email exchanges he had with Elias Kifle, exiled Ethiopian editor of the Washington-based opposition website Ethiopian Review, Berhane said. An email to Woubshet's brother in America was also cited as evidence against him, she said. After Woubshet's brother asked about their ailing father's eye operation, his reply that "the operation was done successfully" was used as an example of his terrorist activities.
Local journalists suspect the real reason lies in Woubshet's critical reporting at Awramba Times. Two weeks prior to his arrest, Woubshet published a column critical of the ruling party's performance in its two decades of rule. Another column, written in 2009, that questioned the whereabouts of former opposition party members after the 2005 elections may have also triggered his arrest, Berhane said.
While debates over the reasons for Woubshet's arrest may persist, there is one point on which all sides should agree: Woubshet must be allowed access to medical treatment. Ethiopia is a signatory to the African Charter on Human and People's Rights, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, and the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, and thus duty-bound to ensure the health of its citizens as a fundamental human right.

=>cpj

South Sudan peace talks stall in Ethiopia

By Tesfa-Alem Tekle
January 8, 2014 (ADDIS ABABA) – Direct peace talks taking place in the Ethiopian capital, Addis Ababa, between the South Sudanese government and rebel representatives have stalled, dashing hopes of a speedy ceasefire agreement.
JPEG - 28.4 kb
South Sudanese president Salva Kiir holds discussions in his office in Juba with his Kenyan counterpart, Uhuru Kenyatta, on Boxing Day ahead of peace talks in the Ethiopian capital, Addis Ababa (Photo: AFP)
The two sides failed to make any progress after they were unable to break the deadlock over the release of political prisoners being held by the government in connection with an alleged fail coup attempt.

The detainees include senior figures from South Sudan’s ruling Sudan people’s Liberation Movement (SPLM), including former secretary-general Pagan Amum.

The breakdown in talks comes amid renewed fighting between government and renegade soldiers in strategic towns of the country, threatening to plunge the world’s newest nation in to an all-out civil war.

MORE UGANDAN TROOPS

The spokesman for the rebel delegation in Ethiopia, Brigadier General Lul Raui Kong, said neighbouring Uganda has deployed more troops to South Sudan to protect major installations, including the airport.

He said the troops were deployed to South Sudan on Monday and Tuesday following a request by president Salva Kiir.
Violence broke out in South Sudan on 15 December after clashes between rival factions of the presidential guard.
Kiir has implicated his former deputy Riek Machar in the plot, with violence spreading throughout the country and dividing along tribal loyalties.

Peace talks, brokered by the Inter-Governmental Authority on Development (IGAD), began on Tuesday, but have already been plagued by a series of delays since the negotiating teams arrived in Addis Ababa a week ago.
Rebel representatives have insisted that all prisoners be released before truce negotiations can begin - a demand repeatedly rejected by South Sudan’s government.

The two warring sides are facing mounting international pressure to resolve the conflict
.
REBEL DEMANDS REJECTED

However, South Sudan maintains it is not willing to accept any rebel preconditions detrimental to negotiations seeking an end to the conflict.

South Sudan’s information minister, Michael Makuei Lueth, reiterated his government’s stance ahead of the closed-door talks, saying “We are ready for talks without conditions”.

He stressed that political detainees aligned with Machar would be required to answer the allegations as required under South Sudanese law.

Ethiopian officials said on Wednesday that the regional bloc had sent a special envoy to South Sudan for talks with government leaders on the possible release of the remaining nine political prisoners.

Meanwhile, Kong alleges that Ugandan military jets are bombing rebel-controlled areas, but Kampala denies the claims, saying its troops are not involved in the fighting.

Ugandan president Yoweri Museveni, a close ally of Kiir, has warned Machar against rejecting the ceasefire offer, raising questions of bias.

He said if Machar failed to reach an agreement on the cessation of hostilities, IGAD member states would unite to defeat him.

The UN estimates at least 1,000 people have been killed and nearly 200,000 displaced in South Sudan’s worst-ever post-independence conflict.
(ST)