Ethiopians return home to uncertain future

Saudi Arabia has deported nearly 150,000 Ethiopians in an attempt to create more jobs for locals

More than 150,000 Ethiopians have been deported from Saudi Arabia in the past two months as part of a crackdown on migrant workers aimed at creating more jobs for locals.

They went to Saudi Arabia to escape poverty at home, but many returned with little money and claimed they were abused by Saudi authorities.

Nearly 60 children remain at a transit centre, waiting for their parents to be located. The UN and the Ethiopian government want to ensure that these children are returned to safe homes.

Al Jazeera's Mohammed Adow reports from Addis Ababa.

More at aljazeera

Manni adabaa bakka yakkamaan itti amala isaarraa sirratu dhamoo,kan biraa?

Ittaanaa Guuttataa | Amajji 17, 2014 

Seenaa misooma impaayera itiyoophiyaa keessatti, erga mootummaan wayyaanee gara aangootti dhufe bara 1983 asitti jijjiiramni addaa ta’eera yoo jedhame ragaan kanaa firootaafi miseensota waayyaanee qofa. Qotee bulaan ooyiruusaarraa beebyaa tokko malee ijaarsi gamoowwanii, daandiiwwaniifi kkf dhugaatti saffiseera. Hireen qotee bultoota kanaas ilmaan isaanii waliin daandii bukkee ta’aanii harka isa ol darbuufi gad bu’uu ilaaluu, jecha dhaga’ee inbeenneen buusii kadhachuu, gaddee kofalchiisuu, rakkatee duuromsuu dha. Manneetiin barnootaa fi yaalaa, bu’araaleen misoomaafi wirtuuwwan hayyootniifi dargaggootni Oromoo masaanuuwwan wayyaanee akka korbeessa re’ee itti hidhaman manneetiin adabaa sadarkaa isaanii hineegganne haalaan baballataniiru. Abishaalichi mootummaa wayyaanee MB 1fi manneetii adabaa 2, kellaawwan fayyaa 2fi wirtuulee ilmi oromoo itti mirga namummaa isaa sarbamu baballisuun karooraa guddinaafi tiraanisfoormeeshinii keessatti xiyyeeffannaa addaa argateera. Odeeffaannoowwan garaagaraa akka eeranitti Impaayera Itiyoophiyaa kessatti kan hidhamee jiruu 86% Ilmaan oromoo ta’uun isaa kan isaaf falmuu tokko ille akka hin jirree ta’uusa ni ragaasiisa.

Hiikaan mana adabaa qondaaltota mootummaa wayyaaneefi sirriitti galeeraa kan jedhu deebii inqabu, jarri baruus infedhan, beekaa rafaniiru  akka hiikaa haaraatti, manni adabaa bakka cunqursaan, dararamni, salphinni, dhiittaaniifi ajjechi ilmaan oromoo boquu ol qabatanii gaaffii mirgaa gaafatan itti geggeeffamuudha yoo jenne raawwatee akka soba inqabne kan irra gahe martinuu ni beeka. Ragaa qabatamaa kan fedhu yoo jiraate, dararama ilmaan oromoo ijaan inargu jedhee baqa gara biyyaa ollaatti baqate, maqaa shororkeessummaan qabamee gara mana adabaa Imaapyerattii keessatti kan ajjeefame Inkiiner Tasfaahuun Camadaa, yaadannoo baatiiwwan dhihooti. Ahhhhhh…maal godhu garuu, kan du’e hingaluu ta’eeti malee imimmaan waa’ee isaatiif bu’e garba Indii ta’ee lubbusaa nuu deebisa ture. Kan qabeenyaa biyyattiifi lammiiwwanii saamee duurumu meeqaaf eegumsiifi kunuunsi addaatu godhama, isa mirga isaaf Kan lammii isaaf quqquuqamu, mirga dhalootan argate falmachuu irra callisuurra isa wuxifatu garuu manneetii adabaa sadarkaa garaagaraatu itti jijjiirama. Kan bofaa utuu jennuu jawween lolloqaa dhufee jedhe namichi. Kan Miniilik kaleessaa godaannisni isaa  utuu hin badin, ajjechi Eebbisaa Addunyaafaa kaleessaa utuu nu duraa hinhaqamin, madaan calii calanqoo dheengaddaatti utuu hinfayyin, imimmaanni keenya waa’ee Tasfaahuniifi kanneen biroo utuu nuunqoorin, abbaan torbanii, kan xoofoon isaa guutee, akka hoolaa faasikaa hidamee guyyaa isaafi halkansaa adda baafachuu dadhabee guyyaa du’a isaatii eggatu, ammas jira Gootichi Baqqalaa Garbaa, mirga uumaan ilmaan namootaa maraaf laatee mootummaa wayyaneen maaf inkabajamne jedhee gaafachuusaatiin yaakkamaa kan jedhame  garuu maaliif? Maaliifii? Mee maalumaafi? Ilmi namaa sammuu horiirra adda isa godhu qabaachuun isaa akka ittiin yaaduuf, yaada isaan ukkaamamuurra jedhee baafachuusaan maqaa garaa garaatiin mana adabaatti darbatamuun, gaaffii fi sababa ga’aa malee hamma du’aatti adabamuun, yakka malee qabamanii hattuufi lubbu baaftuu waliin, hayyoomanii, akka budaa namarraa adda ba’aanii dararamuun maalumaaf? Jaarraa qaroomaa keessatti akka baroota durii durii sana jiraachuuf dirqiifamuun ilmaan oromoo hamma yoom tti itti fufa? Duutii ooluu baatus, yeroo malee, karoora ofiifi sabaaf qaban galmaan utuu hinga’in, biliisummaa akka dheebotanitti, abjuu fi fedha ulfa’an da’uuf utuu cinninsifatanii lubbuun darbuu caalaa kan bara kana garaa nama raasuufi hamile qabsaa’otaa buusu injiru. Ta’us qabsaa’aa malee qaanqeen qabsoon yoomuu waan hindhabamneef, yaa mootummaa wayyaanee, manneetii adabaa yakkantoota itti sirreessuuf malee kana caalaa falmattoota mirgaa itti dhabamsiisuuf carraaquuniifi tarkaanfachuun qancara gowwaa si gochuurra waan sindeebisneef, qeesaariifi al-qeesaariin adda baafataa adeemuun abshaalummaa dha.

Mee naa deebisaa, manni adabaa bakka yakkamaan itti amala isaarraa sirratu dhamoo, kan biraa? Gaaffii yeroon hiikuu malaa.

Amajjii 2014 Xumurame!!

Ittaanaa Guuttataatiin

ayyaantuu

Weellistuu Almaaz Tafarraa Isin Yaamaa Jirti

(Oromedia, 17 Amajjii 2014) – Weellistuu Almaaz Tafarraa haala dhukkubsatee tajaajila wal’aansaaf kan oolu gargaarsa lubbuu ishii baraaru akka barbaadaa jirtu gabaafame.

Maddeen keenya Oromiayaa Bahaa irraa akak gabaasanitti, Almaaz Tafarraa yeroo ammaa kanatti dhukkuba ulfaataan qabamtee rakkina gudda akeessatti argamti.

Baroota dheeraaf Afaan Oromoon weellisaa kan jirtu Artisti Almaaz Tafarraa, seenaa muuziqaa Oromoo keessatti hojii gurguddaa hojjachuun kan beekamtuu dha.

Akak gabaasaan keenya ibsetti, hundeeffama baandi Afran Qalloo irraa kaassee haga ammaati keeysaafuu baroota afaan Oromoon wallisuu fi dubbachuun raadiyoo fi kaaseeta cabsa ja’emee ture keessatti hojii ummata Oromoo boonsu hojajchuun kan beekamtuu dha.

Odeeffannoon karaa hawaas-qunnamtii tamsaasamaa jiru akka ibsuttis, Artist Almaaz Tafarraa yeroo Habshaan ilmaan Oromootti hanjamu ture keessattis ta’ee yeroo sanii asitti bilisummaa fi walabummaa Oromiyaaf tan qabsooyte, aadaa fi afaan Oromoo guddisuuf tan sagalee miidhagaadhaan wallifte, weellistuu seena qabeettii dha.

Yeroo ammaa kanatti dhukkubsattee siree irraa ka’uu hanqattee akka jirtu kan gabaasan maddeen keenya artistooti Oromoo akka Adam Haarun, Kadiir Sa’id, Ali Shabbo, Halloo Daawwe, “fa’aa waliin seenaa dheeraa kan qabdu artistiin kun akkamiin birmannaa lammii dhabdi?” jechuun lammiin gaafatanii jiru.

Artisti lmaaz Tafarraa waan hojii Oromoo guddisuuf tattaaffachaa turteef, diinni hidhee dararaa fi rakkoo guddaa irraan gahaa akak ture kan yaadachiisan maanguddoon Oromoo tokko, “artistii Oromoo seenaa boonsaa akkanaa qabduuf dhaqqabuu dhabuun saalfachiisaadha; hedduu illee qaanessaa dha,” jedhanii jiru.

Ammaan tana rakkoolee ulfaataa keessatti akka argamtu kan nuuf ibse jiraataan ollaa Artisti Almaaz gadafageenya rakkina ishii yoo tarreessu, “Almaaz yeroo ammaa tanatti gargaarsa dhabdee, humna dhabdee, waan nyaatu dhabdee, faayyaa dhabdee, waan mana yaalaa ittin dhayixu dhabdee jirti; ammatti kadhaa malee waan gootu tokko illee hin qabdu,” jechuun haala gaddisiisaa ishiin keessatti argamtu nuuf ibsee jira.

Oduu karaa Facebook faca’e tokko illee akak addeessetti, Artisti Almaaz yeroo ammaa magaalaa Harar araddaa shankor keessa jiraatti. Araddaa keessa boontee, shaggooyyee xabachaa turte keeysa daddeemte miila isii kan dur itti dhichiftu, kan shaggoyye ittin dhichiftuuun, gargaarsa ittiin wal’aanamtu kadhachaa jirti.

Hubachiisa: Kanneen Artisti Almaaz Tafarraa gargaaruuf fedhii qabdan karaa email: dragabaa@gmail.com yoo nu qunnamtan teessoo ishii isiniif kennuu yookaan immoo haala ittiin gargaarsi keessan ishii dhaqqabu isniif mijjeessuu ni dandeenya. Gargaarsa gootaniif dursinee isin galateeffanna!

- OroMedia
- OroMP3.com

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Almaaz Tafarraa, Alii Shabbo fi Hallo Daawee

Hallo Daawee, Alii Shabbo fi Almaaz Tafarraa

=>gadaa

Unpacking Amhara's self-denial and the Ethiopian identity

(OPride) - Identity has always been at the core of human socio-political evolution. The institution of slavery was based on identity. Imperialism took place at the expense of different identities. Today, democratic governments around the world struggle to address questions of identity.

Despite this fact, some elites deny the relevance of identity as a strong force for political organizing. For example, in the former Soviet Union, identity was treated as a primordial human nature – a false consciousnesses that ought to be settled through the elimination of classes. But the end of Cold War and the rise of national independence movements disproved communism’s disdain for identity politics.

Still, other groups like the Amhara elites and activists in Ethiopia reject their ethnic backgrounds in favour of an overarching ‘national identity'. Ethiopia has over eighty ethnic groups, all with distinct language and culture. As such, addressing identity issues remains a top priority. It is therefore puzzling to see Amhara elites deny their ethnic background even today when the country's ethnic federalism holds the only chance of survival for the country.

It is true that identity is fluid and negotiable. For example, people lose their languages, culture, and religion taking up a new culture from their surroundings. That is what happened in the case of African-Americans. But while speaking Amharic, dancing to eskista and eating doro wat, can the Amhara elites convince anybody that they are not Amhara? Why do they want to be called Ethiopian and nothing else? Are they not Amhara first?

Despite the presence of objective characterizations visible to the whole world, some groups don't want to be known as the world sees them. Sometimes that kind of self-perception emanates from the desire to be associated with a ‘superior’ identity. For example, some black Sudanese self-identify as Arabs. Arabic language, culture and religion have dominated their life and they want to be associated with the dominant culture instead of their ethnic identity.

Something similar happened to the Amhara of Ethiopia but with different manifestation. Elites from the Amhara ethnic group do not want to disassociate their identity from the broader Ethiopian identity constructed on the bases of their self-perception. In this case, the 'Ethiopian' identity and the Amhara ethnicity were deliberately intermarried, creating an overlapping and confusing perceptions. Amhara rulers forged the boundaries of what is known as Ethiopia through iron and blood. Their descendants, the Amhara elites today, are proud of this legacy.

For them, there is a higher ideal built into being Ethiopian than being Amhara. Ethiopia's historiography is told and retold by glorifying the deeds of Amhara rulers while denigrating the brave and patriots among their neighbours.

Every national value or symbol associated with Ethiopia or being Ethiopian is molded in the image of Amhara ethnic group. In essence, for the Amhara elite, Ethiopia has long been the mirror reflection of Amhara ethnicity. Separating the Amhara identity from Ethiopian identity has consequences these elites do not want to accept. If the Ethiopian shell is removed from their back, the Amharas fear that they'd become a small fish in the sea of diverse ethnic groups. Then, they would no longer represent the whole image but only one color of a big rainbow. Their dominant narrative will be altered and their national share of the cake will be reduced. In addition, they would lose claim to the 'one nation, one language, culture, and one flag' mantra.

The Amharic language, Ethiopia's official working language, gave Amhara kids superior status in schools, at churches, work places, and in politics as well as the economic sector. Ethiopia’s laws and history were written and read in Amharic. Ultimately, by displacing local narratives, the Amhara culture became the national culture. The Amhara dress and hairstyles, their dances and other social artifacts were elevated to a higher status, above all 'others.' In some ways, Amharas see themselves as more Ethiopian than other ethnic groups. The possibility of becoming one among equals drives their irrational fear of ethnic politics.
In their rhetoric, Amhara elites make a case for a return to a common Ethiopian identity. However, there have never been a voluntary pact or convention among the country's diverse ethnic groups to create such an identity. Efforts to arrive at a negotiated consensus on the country's national identity were dodged by successive rulers.

Instead of a forced imposition, Ethiopia's survival now depends on the creation of a new state system by all nations and nationalities within its border. Such an arrangement has to come peacefully and based on the will of the people.

Amhara elites and activists often confuse Ethiopia with Habesha. Habesha refers to the residents of ancient Abyssinia, inhabited mostly by Semitic-speaking Amhara and Tigre. Explaining the true origin of Habesha a writer states that around first century A.D., some Hamitic-Semitic peoples (Sabaean traders) from South Arabian came into contact with native people and intermarried.

Their offsprings were referred to as “Habesha”, which means “people of mixed blood”. Their land (Tigray, Begemdir, Gojam, Northern Shewa, and Welo) was later termed Abyssinia. It was only when the Abyssinia state exhausted its scarce resources that its leaders expended its frontiers South and Westward in order to amass the resources needed to feed their subjects.

He further explains per advice from Count Pietro Antonelli, an Italian with geographic Society mission in Abyssinia, the state of Abyssinia combined with the newly added states of the South and the West, were later referred to as 'Ethiopia'.

Attempts to appropriate the term Habesha to all people in Ethiopia is part of the same assimilationist policy used by successive monarchs, which included changing the names of places in the South of the country to Amharic.In short, Ethiopia or being Ethiopian (defined by country of citizenship) and Habesha are not equivalent words. While the reverse might be true, not everybody that lives in Ethiopia is Habesha.

Several attempts by Oromo elites to come to the political center and arguments in favor of a shared-rule have ended with frustrations. The Amharas either don't believe that Ethiopia can exist under Oromo leadership or they see continued dominance of Ethiopia's politics as
their manifest destiny.

Beneath the Ethiopian mask, Amhara elites believe that the possibility of an Oromo or someone from a different ethnic background ruling Ethiopia deteriorates their superior Amhara identity. That is why Amharas resort to rhetoric about national integrity every time an identity question, particularly that of the Oromo is raised on the national stage.

In other words, Amhara’s viability as a socio-political entity is tied to the pretentious notion of Ethiopian unity. While this concern sounds plausible on the surface, especially considering the centripetal socio-political forces of their adversaries, the main problem lays elsewhere. The Amharas believe that Ethiopia is their creation and it belongs to them. The elite see themselves as the vanguard of the country's tenuous unity. Little do they acknowledge that Ethiopia's existence is predicated on the persecution of Oromo and other people in that country. Even today, they yearn for a return of their oversized and privileged status above all other ethnic groups. Monopolizing the Ethiopian narrative is therefore used as a means to protect that privilege and seek a return to power.

It is time the Amhara elites recognize their wrong self-perception built over a course of a century and accept that they are Amhara first. That's the only way to the middle road, if ever. For an all-inclusive de-ethnicized civic Ethiopian identity to emerge, the Amharas must ditch their insistence on non-existent unity and be guided by the voices of the majority people in the region. In the final analysis, such an arrangement is the only way the country's current borders can be maintained. The ball is now in their court.
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*Israel Fayisa is a former Oromia Supreme Court judge currently living in exile. He can be reached at israelitansa@yahoo.com

=>opride

ለኣቶ፡ ተክለ፡ የሻው፡ ድንፋታ፡ የተሰጣ፡ መልስ — የቃሉ፡ ኩሽ፡ ዓምድ፡ ክፍል፡ ሶስት

ከቃሉ ኩሽ

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For previous parts of the series, click here:
- ክፍል፡ አንድ
- ክፍል፡ ሁለት
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=>gadaa

EBS TV: An Abyssinianism Version of the So-Called ‘Nations-and-Nationalities’ Government/EPRDF

By Yahya Jamal*

EBS is the Amhara and Amharic Glorifying ETV

While I was considering writing this short piece, my eyes went instinctively to the TV screen in my room. A controversial music video, known as “Tikur Sew,” was playing on one of Woyane-controlled media outlets, EBS TV(Ethiopian Broadcasting Service Television.) The song ended with a bold title goes, “Yehuwalaw kelele, aynorim yefitu,” roughly to say, “If there is no past, there is no future.”  I was not much embarrassed even though this event happened only a week after the historic #BoycottBedele victory. During a short course of the boycott, I have realized from different sources that the EPDRF government was not directly against the campaign launched by Oromo youth elites to condemn glorification of Menilik II. Even a number of their recruited agents were frenziedly working hard in some Diaspora-based e-forums to push the quarrel to the boiling point. They have been pretended to be pro rights of nations-and-nationalities by countering the Neftegna elements’ bid to canonize Menilik’s war against the then sovereign nations in today’s southern Ethiopian empire. One who had witnessed this stance might be embarrassed when they watched such a paradigm shift by an EPRDF-controlled media outlet, just after a week of the #BoycottBedele victory.

The reason why I wasn’t surprised by such notorious double-standard activities of Woyane’s media outlets is the point to be raised in this short piece. Take a look at what EBS TV means, and why it was launched in the first place. This is a TV channel that runs for 24 hours from its two studios – one from the home (Finfinnee/Addis Ababa) and the other from Washington DC.  So many talk shows, music selections, interviews, documentaries, fashion shows, movies, etc. are produced or prepared for airing from both studios. The main objective of this TV station is supposedly to be an entertainment media outlet for all. Although it is one of the government-controlled media outlets, the editorial policy under which the TV operates is quite different from the rest of its sister media outlets. Designed merely to focus on Amharic and Amhara related productions, the TV has no airtime to entertain the rest of the 80 nations-and-nationalities in Ethiopia in terms of their national rights enshrined in the Constitution. Let alone reaching the 80+ nations-and-nationalities, two of the three most spoken languages (Afan Oromo, Amharic and Tigrigna) – which even theDerg regime had recognized during its era, were not fairly integrated in the 24-hour showtime of EBS.

Although Tigrigna songs and dances are obviously depicted in the show to some extent after Amharic, Afan Oromo, the first most spoken language in Ethiopia (Encarta Encyclopedia 2007), and other Oromo related features are wittingly ignored. Guragigna and other Amharo-Southern ‘unethically hybridized’ songs sung by Amharas or some Amharanized Southern singers have relatively much better airtime than Afan Oromo ones. The bizarre is, no pure (linguistically and culturally native and ingenious) Southern, Beni Shangul, Gambela, Afar, Somali, Agaw or Kunama songs are played on this TV station – except Guragigna. Though the Gurages seem to have survived this mushrooming of the re-Amharization of recordings, the hybridization of the Southern and other non-Habeshanational languages with Amharic through music is posing a considerable threat on the future identity of the rest of defenseless Southern nations, nationalities and peoples. This worrying trend is observed not only on EBS, but also on every other media outlet controlled by the regime.

In case of Afan Oromo, a year ago – songs like “Ayyaan-laallattuu” by Abdi Nuressa and a couple of songs of Taddele Gemechu were played rarely, but today, it’s difficult to find a single Oromo video out of tens of daily Amharic and Amharic-hybridized songs on this TV. Among a number of talk-shows incorporated on this television, one is a show in English that is hosted by an Oromo model Nunu Waqo. In her previous shows, Nunu, the taboo breaker on EBS, had had the courage to invite music stars like Abdi Nuressa and other talented Oromos in the Diaspora – connecting them back to their rural origins in Oromia. Today, her show does not run regularly due to unidentified reasons.

As a piece of confidential information leaked from inside the media circle of the regime, the reason why the EPRDF government launched EBS some three years ago was apparently revealed. Woyane had two prime objectives in launching that TV. The first was to counter ESAT (Ethiopian Satellite TV), a Diaspora-based opposition media outlet which was broadcasting most significantly to reach its Amhara audience. Before its jamming from satellite, ESAT had posed a higher threat to the regime by putting alarming impacts in some areas, such as the Amhara Region and some urban centers with Amhara dwellings across the country. Thus, beside its efforts to jam ESAT, the regime had hastily reached on a decision to eliminate this threat by launching a counter-ESAT, but still an Amhara and Amharic glorifying media out – aka EBS.

The second objective behind the launching of EBS was to keep the young generation inactive by means of addictive TV entertainments, such as the youth generation does not have the time and courage to consider political activities in favor of the oppositions. They have every interesting new song and other entertaining video to watch on this TV. In almost all of the talk-shows, artistes and other famous individuals admired by the youth are invited to share their experiences and life styles. While traditional farming activities are boringly depicted on the rest of the government media channels (particularly on the Oromiyaa-Television – TVO) the whole 24 hours, EBS entertains with its selected well modernized areas of productions predominantly in Amharic. Thus, entertainment starved audiences are expected to switch off the boring channels, such as TVO, and switch on the ‘attractive’ and addictive EBS Amharic ‘melody’ – thereby hating their own languages for the sake of better amusement. Consequently, the number of Amharic lovers is expected to grow dramatically. Besides, what is well observed in its almost every Amharic and English production is the endeavor to revive the Habesha domination over the rest of identities.

For someone who watches EBS regularly, there is no rift between the Tigrayan and Amhara mentalities. Even flags carrying the Lion of Judah, which is said to be banned by the current regime, are viewed without any editorial restriction. Praising Emperor Haile Silassie, the king who was responsible for the death of millions and latter overthrown by the popular revolution of 1974, is common in Amharic music videos aired on this channel under the guise of ‘singing Reggae’ or ‘pro-Rastafarianism.’ This is how the TV was designed to be as the “first-class TV show” in the country – under its advertisement motto of “Your #1 Choice.”

Is there a need for an ‘Oromo version EBS’ by the government?
Oh, this may sound a bit funny for the adversaries of the Oromo nation. Yet, it is unnecessary for the regime to launch such a TV for the Oromo audience. Of course, the immediate need of the Oromo is not to have an entertainment media outlet owned by the alien regime. Though the need for a powerful TV media is unquestionable, such a needed demand should be met by a collective effort of our own, not by the charity of our oppressors. Energizing our struggle in every corner is the universal solution. The more our struggle gains momentum, the more the enemy camp tries to appease us in different mechanisms. Perhaps, launching an Oromo version EBS could be one of the means of the appeasement. However, not bowing for any cheap appeasement by the enemy, the struggle should continue vigorously until every negative form of Abyssinian influences in Oromia are effectively eroded off. It is such a determined and drastic move that leads us to witness how the regime will be forced to negotiate respecting our prime interests or be collapsed by the popular movement altogether.

While we are discussing this issue, there is a must emphasized truth not to be left aside. By launching EBS for Amhara separately, the Woyaneregime is approving its historical, religious, cultural and linguistic alliance with them. Definitely, this is a form of sympathy for the Amhara to endorse them recapitalizing their century-old authorized language and culture in the battle to suppress new blossoming potential identities like that of the Oromo at the national level. So, the role of EBS in this case is one of ultimate efforts of waging the psychological war against non-Amhara nations-and-nationalities, particularly the Oromo. Although the current government in Ethiopia is led by the Tigray-based TPLF, the linguistic and cultural dominance of the Amhara is still virtually on its same old position. As Amharic has remained to be the single national working/official language and a medium of instruction in cities like Finfinnee/Addis Abeba, Dire Dhawaa and many elementary schools of Southern nations, its edifice quota in the so-called ‘language equality’ still remains securing the lion’s share.

The TPLF-led government has never made a meaningful effort to lessen the dominance of Amharic in the regions out of its home – the Amhara Kilil(Region). The regime has never bothered to impose its language Tigrignaon others, because it knew that, substituting the century-old Amharic domination with Tigrigna could not be possible in the era when every national identity is blossoming by eroding the supremacy of the past system’s identities in its respective region. The TPLF has left crying for ‘language supremacy’ for those whom they regard as foolish criers. Rather, their most priority was to control the country’s key political, military and economic power while simultaneously making sure that Tigrigna is the only influential language in Tigray, both in urban and rural areas. Today, more than two decades since the regime changed from Amhara’s hegemony to Tigrayan hegemony, more than 90 percent of the national press and broadcasting media (including the so-called free press and free FM radios) coverage is in Amharic. Even in Oromia, the largest and most populous region where Afan Oromo has been declared as the region’s official language, urban areas are still under heavy Amharic influences. The reason is crystal clear. Most of the cities and towns (ketema’s) in Oromia and other non-Amhara and Tigray regions were established as military garrisons during the Menelik’s invasions. The military garrisons were the settlement sites for the Abyssinian Amharic-speaking invaders. They then expanded their oppression economically, militarily, politically and culturally in their ketema’s throughout the last century, pushing the native societies away from urban areas and restricting them in mere rural lives. Despite few developments, this wrong urban demography has not changed effectively in the last two decades.

To summarize, what I have tried to say above is not emanated from hatred or chauvinism. I do not have a problem with the coexistence of Amharic with other languages, including Afan Oromo. I am not preaching hate against the Amhara people for tit for tat strikes. However, as far as I am concerned, the attempt to revive the old Abyssinian chauvinism in collaboration with the current regime is dangerous and unacceptable – at least in Oromia. As Oromos, we have no intention to impose our language and identity on the Amhara or others in their respective regions. We are on the struggle to set the record straight in our own sovereign state. One who tries to antagonize us for our just struggle should blame him/her-self. We are watching every action of the enemies – which are intended to keep us under their yokes. Not only watching, but also we are on a tremendous historic move to stop that against all odds. Oromia is for the Oromo. No more humiliation in our homeland, Oromia. Our united stamina is more than enough to end the century-old Abyssinian and the new Woyaneprejudice against our nation in Oromia. The glorious action taken by tens of thousands of Oromo youth on the eve of this year 2014 was a simple test to show to the die-hard Neftegna – who we are and what we are perfectly capable of doing in the future.

* The author, Yahya Jamal, can be reached at: gulummaa75@gmail.com

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New report calls on Ethiopia to reform repressive anti-terror law

VIENNA, Jan 14, 2014 (IPI) – Ethiopia’s use of sweeping anti-terrorism law to imprison journalists and other legislative restrictions are hindering the development of free and independent media in Africa’s second largest country, according to a report published today by the International Press Institute (IPI).

Dozens of journalists and political activists have been arrested or sentenced under the Anti-Terrorism Proclamation of 2009, including five journalists who are serving prison sentences and who at times have been denied access to visitors and legal counsel. The report, “Press Freedom in Ethiopia”, is based on a mission to the country carried out in November by IPI and the World Association of Newspapers and News Publishers (WAN-IFRA).

“Despite a strong constitutional basis for press freedom and freedom of information, the Ethiopian government has systematically used the anti-terrorism law to prosecute and frighten journalists, which has put a straight-jacket on the media,” IPI Executive Director Alison Bethel McKenzie said. “Our joint mission also found a disturbing pattern of using other measures to control the press and restrict independent journalism, including restrictions on foreign media ownership and the absence of an independent public broadcaster.”

The report urges the Ethiopian government to free journalists convicted under the sedition provisions of the 2009 measure. These journalists include Solomon Kebede, Wubset Taye, Reyot Alemu, Eskinder Nega and Yusuf Getachew. Mission delegates were barred access to the journalists, who are being held at Kaliti Prison near the capital Addis Ababa.

The report urges the 547-member lower house of parliament to revamp the anti-terror law to ensure that it does not trample on the rights of freedom of speech and assembly provided under Article 29 of the Ethiopian Constitution and further guaranteed under the African Charter on Human and People’s Rights and the U.N. Human Rights Covenant, which Ethiopia has ratified.

In addition, the report:

- Recommends that Ethiopian lawmakers review laws that bar foreign investment in media, measures that inhibit the development of an economically viable and diversified market.

- Urges the courts to ensure that rulings restrict press freedom only in cases of intentional incitement or clear participation in acts of terrorism, and that judges act independently to protect the public’s right to be informed about political dissent and acts of terrorism.

- Urges Ethiopia’s journalists and media owners to step up cooperation to improve professionalism and independence, and to form a unified front to defend press freedom.

The joint IPI/WAN-IFRA mission was carried from Nov. 3 to 6, just ahead of the African Media Leaders Forum (AMLF) in Addis Ababa. The organisations’ representatives met with more than 30 editors, journalists, lawyers, politicians and bloggers, as well as associates of the imprisoned journalists. The delegation also held meetings with the ambassadors of Austria and the United States, a senior African Union official, an Ethiopian lawmaker and government spokesman Redwan Hussien.

The organisations urged Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn to free the imprisoned journalists, some of whom are suffering from deteriorating health. In a joint statement issued immediately following the mission, IPI and WAN-IFRA also expressed their commitment to helping improve the professionalism, quality and independence of journalism in Ethiopia.

While the report highlights a long history of press freedom violations in Ethiopia, including a crackdown on journalists and opposition politicians following the country’s 2005 national elections, it notes that the 2009 anti-terrorism law has given the government expansive powers.

“The 2009 anti-terrorism law gave new powers to the government to arrest those deemed seditious, including journalists who step beyond the bounds of politically acceptable reporting or commentary,” the report says. “Armed with statutory authority, the government has not shied from using the laws to bludgeon opposition figures and journalists. Dozens of journalists have been imprisoned or accused of sedition or fomenting unrest, forcing many to flee the country.”

The report notes other forms of pressure by the government. Independent journalists recalled being the target of smear campaigns by state-run media, while editors recounted that managers of the government-run printing press refused to print editions of newspapers containing controversial articles.

The report does note positive developments, such as the growth in advertising and readership for some of the country’s leading independent newspapers. Journalists and newspaper publishers also expressed a desire to improve professionalism, quality and solidarity; although they added that government pressure and laws continue to create hurdles to self-regulation and cooperation.

“We came away from Ethiopia recognising the tremendous potential for a highly competitive, professional and successful media market in Ethiopia,” Bethel McKenzie said. “But to make this happen, the Ethiopian government must remove the roadblocks, starting with the release of imprisoned journalists and then conduct a thorough review of the laws to ensure that reporting on legitimate criticism or dissent is not grounds for prosecution.”

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