Friday, January 24, 2014

The marks of Aannolee, Azulee, and Chalanqoo/Calanqoo cannot be erased from the memory of Oromo generations

By Leenjiso Horo



The marks of Aannolee, Azulee, and Chalanqoo Cannot be erased from the memory of successive Oromo generations and from the history of the Oromo people. These marks are incorporated into our collective memory. For this, centuries may pass, generations may come and go but the crimes of Abyssinia-the mutilation of breasts of women and girls and of the right hands of men and boys at Aannolee and the mass massacres at Azulee and Chalanqoo will not be erased, will never be diminished, and never be forgotten.
Menelik II’s mutilation of breasts of women and girls and of hands of men and boys is the first one in warfare throughout written history-from antiquity to modern times, unless proven to the contray. Those who support Menelik’s genocide at Aannolee, Azulee, and Calanqoo as a “holy war” or as a war of “reunification of Ethiopia” should hold full entitlement to it.
During the campaign of colonization of the south in the late nineteenth-century king Menelik II of Abyssinia exterminated the Oromo population by 50%, Kaficho by 75%, Gimira by 80% and Madii by over 90% (Radio Simbirtu interview with Prof. Mekuria Bulcha, 19 December 2013, part 2). These are genocides of highest proportion. The basic argument of the Abyssinian genocide denials has, however, remained the same as always—it never happened, the term “genocide” does not apply-it is a “reunification of Ethiopia.”  Recently, the tactics of denial of genocide has been shifted from “reunification of Ethiopia” to “holy war.”
Abyssinians always avoid public discourse of the genocide at Aannolee, Azulee, and Chalanqoo believing that sooner or later in the course of time that generation would pass from the scene and their children would become acculturated and assimilated in the Abyssinian way of life and Abyssinian political thought and then the issue of genocide dies out and will be forgotten. However, what the Abyssinians forgot or failed to understand is that the genocide at Aannolee, Azulee, and Chalanqoo shapes not only the outlook of the immediate victims of the generation of the time but also of subsequent generations of the future. It is very important for the descendents of the perpetrators- the deniers of Oromo genocide to engage introspection to face and learn from their own history. It is time for the Nafxanyaas-the deniers of genocide to ask themselves question as to how that gross mass genocide could have occurred, instead of denying it and trying to maintain a false righteous self-image.
The Abyssinians are unable or unwilling to deal with the truth.  They have always refused to recognize the crimes committed against the peoples of the south, Oromo included as genocide.  Instead they elevated it to the level of a “holy war/qidus xorrinnat”; then took pride in it; identified with it, enthusiastically embraced it, glorified and glamorized it. This campaign is in support of their political and religious elites, scholars, governments, institutions, and individuals those who have been preaching genocide committed against Oromo and the south as a “reunification of Ethiopia.”
The Oromo Genocide and Tigrayans’ attempt to deny it
Today, the Tigrayan regime is behind the discussion of the past genocide to divert attention from itself, while it is committing genocide itself more dangerous than that of the past ones.  It has undertaken open and total war campaign against the Oromo people. It is vitally important, therefore, that we should focus our attention on current genocide the Tigrayan regime is committing, while at the same time reminding ourselves the genocide that the Amhara regime of Menelik II committed a century ago. The Amharas have been denying the genocide against the Oromo and other southern peoples that their regime of Menelik II committed and now the Tigrayans are also denying the genocide that their regime is committing.
The Amharas are simply dancing and singing to the ghost of Menelik II but they do not possess the means and capabilities to commit anther genocide. Today, it is the Tigrayan regime led by TPLF that is committing genocidal mass murder against the Oromo people; it is this regime that possesses the means and capabilities to commit genocide.  Its means are the army, paramilitary unit, the police force, special police or Liyyuu police, secret state agents, Death Squads, the bureaucratic and judicial system. All of these are already fully utilized for this purpose.
The sudden descend of the Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) upon Oromiyaa in 1991, set in a rapid motion a process to eliminate any opposition to its rule that culminate in the arrests, tortures and killings. Then since 1992, it has been carrying out a systematic, methodical, pre-planned, and centrally-organized genocidal mass murder against the Oromo people. Meles Zenawi was the notorious architect and organizer of policy of the Oromo genocide with his culprits and other thousands of perpetrators of genocide who are still implementing his policy after his death. His brutality against Oromo people has surpassed that of all his predecessors combined. His regime has erected concentration camps across Oromiyaa, camps such as Hursoo, Bilaattee, Dhidheessaa, Zuwaay, and Qalittii are the well known ones. But numerous other clandestine prison cells where the victims are eliminated have been established across the empire. The regime has openly undertaken a major Oromiyaa-wide persecution of Oromo. Hence Ordinary people, for the first time, being rounded up and sent to these clandestine centers for interrogation through torture. In the torture, few survived and many perished.
The pattern of destruction has been repeated over and over in different parts of Oromiyaa. Many of these repetitive destructions are far from the major cities; such repetition are a centrally design one. Further, reward structure set in place.  That reward is geared towards those who implement the policy. The regional governors and officials who refuses to carry out orders to annihilate the Oromo are summarily replaced as disloyal and OLF agent. Community leaders are arrested and persecuted. Many of women, children, and elderly run into forests and deserts to escape slaughter. Today, the Oromo people are in violent historical moment. They are the target of Tigrayan regime for physical extermination and forcible removal from their lands.  Hundreds of thousands have been killed; millions have been forced out from their lands and their lands haven been sold or leased to local and multination land-grabbers.
The Tigrayan regime has fully undertaken the implementation of the policy of Oromo extermination since 1992. The Amhara genocidal denialists are fully subscribed to this policy.  In the Tigrayan regime’s jails millions of Oromo perished as the result of starvation, disease, the harsh environment, and physical extermination.
We are the nation of heroes, heroines and victims. We were the victims of genocide yesterday and we are the victims of genocide today.  Yesterday, we were victims of genocide under Amhara successive regimes and today, we are victims of genocide under the Tigrayan regime. Indeed, we are a wounded and bled nation in our country by another nation- the Abyssinian nation.
We oftentimes say, never again to genocide in Oromiyaa. We say, the seeds of Aannolee, Azulee, and Chalanqoo must not be allowed to sprout again in Oromiyaa. And yet it has already sprout; violence is again around us; violence of genocide is still consuming our people. Menelik’s genocide at Aannolee, Azulee and Chalanqoo is reconstructed and renewed by Meles Zenawi and implemented Oromiyaa wide. Hence, the past genocide has now become the present new genocide. Hence, the dead Oromo are still dead; more are still dying; expropriated Oromoland is still expropriated; The pillaging of Oromiyaa is at its height and the colonized Oromiyaa is still colonized.
The way forward
The way forward is Oromo nationalists’ unity and the fight against occupation. For this, it is important to rebuild the Oromo Liberation Army (OLA) as superior mighty force both in quantity and quality to protect the population and secure liberation. This enables the nation to drive out the Tigrayan regime and establish independent Democratic Republic of Oromiyaa. Again, it is vitally important to remove Menelik’s statue from Oromiyaa; establish National Genocide Memorial Day for the victims of Aannolee, Azulee and Chalanqoo.  This Oromo Genocide Memorial Day should be established and observed annually while we are still fighting for independence. The date and the month must be different from Oromo Martyrs Day/Guyyaa Gootoota Oromoo.
No one escapes from the history of one’s people. For this, we should and must not allow the past to rest and to be forgotten.  Every generation must teach the succeeding generation about the past history, their heroes and heroines.  The past, the present as well as the future belong to the succeeding generations. Each new generation hold the entitlement of the past and the present. For this, the establishment of the Oromo Genocide Memorial Day is the order of the day that the marks of Aannolee, Azulee, and Chalanqoo Cannot be erased from the memory of successive Oromo generations.

Oromiyaa Shall Be Free!


Ethiopia changes its tune in Somalia

Simon allison


Last year, Ethiopia wanted to get out of Somalia as quickly as possible. It didn’t. This year, it has renewed its commitment to the beleaguered country – although, as usual, Ethiopia has its own interests at heart. By SIMON ALLISON.

In April last year, Ethiopian Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn was unequivocal in his intentions when it came to Somalia. Speaking to his parliament in Addis Ababa, he complained that Ethiopian troops had spent long enough across the border, and that it was time for them to come home. “The main issue now is to accelerate our complete withdrawal towards our border. This is what we are fulfilling,” he said.
This was more than just talk. In March, frustrated that no one was relieving them of their duties, the Ethiopian army withdrew from the town of Hudur, which it had captured from Al Shabaab just a few weeks before. Mere hours after the Ethiopian withdrawal, Al Shabaab were back in charge in Hudur.

The withdrawal was the geopolitical equivalent of going on strike: a pointed warning that Ethiopia’s contributions in Somalia could not be taken for granted.

Despite all this, Ethiopia did not withdraw from other parts of Somalia under its control, and, as the year progressed, Desalegn’s administration began to change its tune. By June, foreign minister Tedros Adhanom was saying that there was no need for a full withdrawal; by November, Desalegn himself was promising to increase Ethiopia’s involvement.

This position is now official: Ethiopia’s 4,395-strong contingent has been formally absorbed into the African Union Mission in Somalia (Amisom). For the first time in Ethiopia’s many years of meddling in the internal affairs of its neighbor, Ethiopian soldiers will be in Somalia with an internationally-recognised mandate.

Naturally, Amisom – always crunched for resources – is delighted. “It is obvious if we have more troops and especially the Ethiopians are a bit familiar with the region, we will be moving forward easily and our priorities will be getting more areas and liberating more towns,” said Amisom spokesman Colonel Ali Aden Humad. According to reports, the Ethiopian soldiers will be used to secure existing Amisom positions, freeing up other soldiers to launch another ‘big push’ against Islamist militant group Al Shabaab.

“The Ethiopians will be based in Baidoa, about half way between Mogadishu and the Ethiopian border. It has been heavily defended since being taken over a year ago by Ugandan troops in the Amisom force. Al-Shabab has significant positions in the area and attacks Amisom garrisons almost every day,” reported the BBC’s Mark Doyle. “Amisom intends to reshuffle its forces now the reinforcements have arrived. There has long been talk of a big Amisom offensive.”

It’s less certain that Somalis themselves will be particularly thrilled that Ethiopia is staying put. Although the transitional government welcomes the arrangement, it has no choice but to: Amisom is the only thing keeping it in power. Elsewhere in Somalia, Ethiopia is viewed with inherent suspicion, and there is a danger that an increased Ethiopian presence could increase public support for Al Shabaab. This has happened before.

“…by joining AMISOM, this I think is going to revive the Ethiopian intervention more broadly in Somalia that they engaged in from the very beginning of 2007 through January of 2009, particularly their engagement in Mogadishu. And that did not end well,” observed David Shinn, former US ambassador to Ethiopia, speaking to VOA.

That’s an understatement. Ethiopia’s last major intervention in 2007 ended catastrophically. It was designed to rid Somalia of fundamental Islam by removing the Islamic Courts Union from power. Instead, the US-backed invasion merely empowered the more radical elements of the group, which reconstituted as Al Shabaab, and sidelined the moderates who had held sway (and had provided one of Somalia’s few periods of relative stability in the last few decades).

Al Shabaab, as the only resistance to Ethiopia’s foreign invasion, was able to recruit with ease, and went from strength to strength – eventually overthrowing the Ethiopian-backed government in Mogadishu with ease. Amisom, of course, was formed to then overthrow Al Shabaab – a vicious circle of violence from which Somalia has yet to escape.

In this context, Ethiopia is merely trying to finish the war it started in 2007. But again, its motives must be questioned: why is it staying put in Somalia, after saying last year it wanted out?

There are two main theories. The first is that Ethiopia never had any intention of completely withdrawing from Somalia, but was fed up that it was receiving no international support for its commitment. As part of Amisom, the costs of Ugandan and Burundian troops are sponsored by the international community; likewise Kenya receives financial aid for its presence. Ethiopia, acting outside the Amisom mandate, received nothing. Its threats to withdraw may have been a form of gentle diplomatic blackmail, designed to force the international community to foot at least some of the bill. Although nothing has been released publicly, it is highly likely that Ethiopia’s acceptance into Amisom comes with some kind of financial strings.

The second theory is that the fight against Al Shabaab did not go quite according to plan in 2013. In 2012, Al Shabaab was pushed out of many of its major strongholds, including its de facto capital Kismayo. The idea was that by the end of 2013, it would be a defeated force, and Somalia’s transitional government would be in control. This has not happened. Amisom found it difficult to consolidate its gains, and Al Shabaab remains popular in some areas – of all Somalia’s various political groupings, it still has the best record when it comes to the delivery of services such as healthcare and education (rudimentary as these may be). For the Ethiopian government – which views the rise of fundamentalist Islam in Somalia as a direct threat, weary of it spreading to its own large Muslim population – this is perhaps sufficient rationale to stay involved. They want to make sure the job is done before retreating.

Whatever the reason, Ethiopia is all set to stay put in Somalia for the forseeable future. DM


=>dailymaverick

Obbo Lenco Lata’s party is registered for 2015 election

Rundassa Asheetee


There is no doubt that CIA is crowing victory by obbo Lenco Lata’s party returning to Finfinnee.  Mean time, the TPLF bosses too will be satisfied by the pleasure they harvest from Lenco Lata’s return to Finfinnee.  For the CIA, it is a matter of botching an unprecedented opportunity to control the horn of Africa, and for the TPLF, the return of Lenco Lata’s party is a matter of gaining more legitimacy that it is a democratic government with an Oromo president and a Walayita prime minister.  Obviously no other governments of empire Ethiopia had ever installed two fake men in power, one from the marginalized majority Oromo, and the other from the most demeaned and looked down upon small tribe known as Walayita. 
Certainly, the TPLF will win the election and declare that every thing is working as planed, while  it’s victory would give all those who are robing the country a new chance of five more years of profit making venture.  Yet, no body would be more glad than abba Biyyaa and Dima Nogo, men who have worked hard for this day to come. On the other hand, the OPDO will not be pleased to see Lenco  returning home, of course unless Lenco’s return wold zero-out the influence of the Blue and Madirek parties propaganda, provided an agreement is reached that the ODF would be OPDO’s Trojan Horse.  What is sure however is that all nations who bought lands and business in Oromia will back the TPLF and continue to fund it’s military and spying networks.
What about Eritrea and the oppositions supported by it?
Lenco’s returning to Finfinnee will not leave the Eritrea based opposition groups in the cold because now they understand that procrastinating the liberation process will only hurt them as the ODF destruction grow and as challenges become colossal.  Nevertheless, ODF’s influence is not going to be enormous as it may have been hopped to be, especially if it’s ineffective movement gradually dies off following the process that suffocated those of the likes of Licho Bukura, who became the Tigre regime’s shoe shine boys. Over whole, obbo Lenco’s party participation in the TPLF election changes nothing for Dr. Marara since his party has already been dead.
Interestingly, the TPLF regime will ratcheting up it’s violence against the Oromo people as the OLF intensifies it’s military operation and accomplish two tasks at one time, i.e undermining the ODF in the process of renewing effective military operation against the OLF.
As to the CIA and the west, they will step up their assistance to the the TPLF as long as the Tigreans are willing to enjoy power and wealth creation for themselves quietly, still allowing fake president and prime ministers.
The good thing is that the OLF and other armed groups stationed in Eritrea will no longer live in an illusion if their objective remains to fulfill what they’ve promised their respective ethnic groups.  Most likely, they will sign agreements to help each other out against the distraction of the TPLF. The Ginbot 7, the Arbanyoch Ginbar and the Tigre opposition groups may want more from the OLF and from Ogadenia liberation fronts, however, they have no choice but accept these two fronts demands of accepting Oromia and Ogadenia as semi independent states.  Without this, there will be little prospect for any of them to win against the TPLF on their own.
If the ODF happen to gain popularity and wins a respectable seat in the Tigreans parliament, the slave-minded OPDO will be pushed to the sidelines as it’s prominent leaders retire with large sum of money in their pockets. Basically, like those Tigre generals, few OPDO generals too will  become business men who would supply money and information to the younger TPLF bosses and protect their businesses interests.  The question here will be, would the OLF get well organized this time around  or it will remain to be a loosely organized entity.  Perhaps the most promising  step that the OLF can take is take new organizational rapprochement and transition itself real quickly if it wants to become an effective organization. Otherwise, obbo Lenco will succeed.

Rundassa Asheetee


Thursday, January 23, 2014

South Sudan rivals sign ceasefire agreement

Government soldiers rest in Malakal, South Sudan - 21 January 2014
The UN estimates that considerably more than 1,000 have been killed in South Sudan over the last month



South Sudan's government and rebels have signed a ceasefire agreement after talks in Ethiopia.
Under the deal, signed in a hotel in the Ethiopian capital Addis Ababa, the fighting is due to come to an end within 24 hours.
In the past week, government forces have recaptured the two main cities under rebel control.
More than 500,000 people have been forced from their homes during the month-long conflict.
What started out as a political dispute between President Salva Kiir and his former deputy Riek Machar on 15 December escalated into full-scale conflict, with reports of ethnic killings.
South Sudan rebels grant BBC rare access
A ceremony to mark the signing of the agreement on the "cessation of hostilities and the question of the detainees" took place at the hotel where the talks were hosted.
The agreement is thought to address the issue of 11 detainees whom the rebels wanted freed, and whose fate had previously left the talks deadlocked.
The detainees - allies of Mr Machar and prominent political figures from a faction of the governing SPLM party - were taken into custody when Mr Kiir first made the allegations of an attempted coup - which Mr Machar denies.
Another key rebel demand was for Ugandan troops fighting alongside the government forces to be withdrawn.
Last week, the UN human rights chief said both government soldiers and rebels had committed atrocities in South Sudan, one of the world's poorest countries.
More than 70,000 civilians are seeking shelter at UN bases across South Sudan and the UN estimates that considerably more than 1,000 have been killed.
Following the outbreak of hostilities, it was agreed to boost the UN force and an extra 5,500 peacekeepers are being deployed to South Sudan, to bring its strength up to 12,500.
=>bbc





Egypt may take Nile dam dispute with Ethiopia to UN

The Renaissance Dam is constructed in Guba woreda, Ethiopia, June 28, 2013. (photo by REUTERS/Tiksa Negeri)

After negotiations broke down between Cairo and Addis Ababa regarding the Ethiopian Renaissance Dam, the Egyptian government is considering internationalizing the issue through filing a complaint with international bodies.

AUTHORWalaa Hussein

TRANSLATOR(S)Al-Monitor


After all attempts to solve the Egyptian-Ethiopian crisis over the Renaissance Dam at the negotiating table ended in failure after a third round of negotiations on Jan. 4, with Egypt withdrawing from the discussions and conferences being held in Khartoum, there is now talk at the governmental level about internationalizing the issue. At the same time, Egypt is witnessing rising popular demands to resort to the UN Security Council to establish Egypt’s right to veto the establishment of the Renaissance Dam, given the potential danger it represents to Egyptian water security.


Khalid Wasif, the official spokesman for the minister of irrigation and water resources, revealed to Al-Monitor that Egypt has “begun to explore international channels for setting up alternative diplomatic and political tracks to ward off the dangers that might afflict the country if the Renaissance Dam is built, in light of the announced specifications of the dam.” He emphasized, “Egypt will not allow the dam to be built and will move to rally international pressure to prevent it from being funded. Moreover, Cairo will work [to secure] a public declaration by the international community rejecting the dam’s completion, in the absence of [Ethiopian] guarantees that Egypt and Egyptians will not suffer any loss in water security, nor will the other states of the Nile Basin. Egypt has rights guaranteed by international law and agreements, which the Ethiopian side is not respecting.”
Wasif added, “According to existing agreements governing the river — which require upriver states to notify Egypt in advance and obtain its consent prior to embarking on any projects that would affect the Nile sources — Egypt’s is the stronger legal position. Yet, Egypt has nevertheless insisted upon resolving the issue in a friendly manner, through reciprocal dialogue with the Ethiopian side, devoid of any escalation. But the government in Addis Ababa has shown no appreciation for this fact. Thus, Egypt has refused to continue the latest Khartoum meetings, given Ethiopia’s insistence on not providing the necessary guarantees that Egypt’s share of the water supply will remain secure.”
Rida al-Dimak, the director of the Center for Water Projects at Cairo University's Engineering College, told Al-Monitor, “The development of alternative supplies of water must be accelerated, to replace the water that will be lost as a result of the construction of the Renaissance Dam. Foremost among these alternative sources is the exchange of wellspring [water] with the [Democratic Republic of the] Congo, transferring water from the Congo River to the Nile, so as to guarantee that the amount of water available to Egypt remains constant.”
Dimak warned against the completion of the Renaissance Dam according to its current specifications, stating that it would constitute a violation of human rights. The social and environmental effects, he explained, must be taken into consideration whenever a new water project is built, in accordance with inviolable international conventions. Some international reports have confirmed that the Ethiopian dam will result in a shortage of drinking water and destruction of a great deal of Egyptian agricultural land. This, he states, provides the foundation for Egypt’s right to object to the dam in international forums.
For his part, former Minister of Irrigation and Water Resources Muhammad Nasr al-Din Allam said in an interview with Al-Monitor that the Egyptian government no longer has any alternative but to move quickly to take steps toward international escalation. The first of these, he states, should be to lodge an official protest against the government in Addis Ababa, formally declaring Egypt’s rejection of the project.
“This right is guaranteed to us by old agreements signed and recognized internationally, and which were conditioned upon notifying Egypt in advance before any Nile-related project was established. This protest ought to be followed by the lodging of an official complaint with the UN to establish Egypt’s position and [remonstrate against] Ethiopian intransigence, as well as to formally demand the formation of an international fact-finding committee to study the points of disagreement between Egypt and Ethiopia. These points include the dam’s capacity, the period of time needed to fill it, [details concerning its] operation, the project’s unsound and unsafe construction and the lack of rigorous Ethiopian studies demonstrating that the dam is not vulnerable to collapse, something that would have disastrous consequences for both Egypt and Sudan,” Allam noted.
Allam stressed the need for Egypt to demand that construction on the Ethiopian dam be halted at once, until the fact-finding committee completes its work. According to Allam, this would require “a period of, at most, three to six months.” Moreover, he added, “A copy of the committee’s report should be brought before the UN, to demonstrate the damage that the dam would wreak upon Egypt, which should then head to the Security Council.”
In an interview with the daily El Fagr on Jan. 9, Ayman Salama, an Egyptian expert in international law, stressed that the Egyptian government would be justified in taking its case to the UN Security Council, even though “one cannot adopt international arbitration to settle the crisis, since that would require the assent of both parties to the conflict to adopt this formulation of crisis resolution. The Ethiopian government has indicated that it will be highly intransigent on this issue. International arbitration has therefore become extremely unlikely. But Egypt might be able to turn to the Security Council. This, however, would require the preparation of a file containing documented facts of legal and material evidence of the harm that this dam would incur, both to Egypt and to its vital interests. The issue must be shown to threaten the peace and security of the two countries. [If successful], a number of measures could then be taken by the Security Council to compel Ethiopia to meet Egyptian demands.”
Egypt’s National Defense Council has already held an emergency session on Jan. 8, headed by President Adly Mansour and dedicated to reviewing internal developments and the domestic Egyptian security situation. With the irrigation and water resources minister in attendance, the council also examined the latest developments concerning Ethiopia’s Renaissance Dam and the steps being taken on that front to preserve Egyptian water security. It also noted the steps devoted to reducing or eliminating any negative effects that the soon-to-be-built dam might have on Egypt or the other states of the Nile Basin. The council also stressed that Egypt’s water rights must not be squandered, and that it would not accept any undermining of Egyptian national security.
These steps, and Egyptian moves toward international escalation and the internationalization of the Renaissance Dam crisis, follow years of Egyptian insistence upon solving the crisis through mutual dialogue at the negotiating table.


=>al-monitor



Ethiopian AMISOM Membership Scrutinized

Joe DeCapua


A former U.S. ambassador to Ethiopia says he thinks it’s a “mistake” for Ethiopian troops to join the AMISOM force in Somalia. AMISOM is the African Union Mission in Somalia.

David Shinn is an adjunct professor at the Elliott School of International Affairs at George Washington University. He said it could be of particular concern “if Ethiopian forces are expected to go beyond the immediate Ethiopia / Somalia border area. Everyone knows that they have been crossing the border into Somalia for some time now confronting al-Shabab forces or any hostile forces for that matter.”

AMISOM has driven al-Shabab from the capital Mogadishu, but the militant group still controls areas of the country.

Shinn said the Ethiopian incursions into Somalia of late have been “fairly low key and hasn’t drawn a lot of attention. But it’s all been done in the context of a bilateral action obviously with the support of the Somali government. But by joining AMISOM, this I think is going to revive the Ethiopian intervention more broadly in Somalia that they engaged in from the very beginning of 2007 through January of 2009, particularly their engagement in Mogadishu. And that did not end well.”

At the time, Ethiopian forces helped drive out the Islamic Courts Union, which had imposed Sharia law in the country. The relationship between Ethiopia and Somalia over the years has included conflict.

Shinn said the Ethiopian decision move could allow al-Shabab to use it as a “rallying cry” to recruit new members.

He said that it’s unclear what Ethiopia would gain by joining AMISOM, aside from possible reimbursement for its military operations in Somalia. It’s currently funding those operations itself. He said that the move probably would not enhance Ethiopia’s border security, which is already “pretty good.” 


=>voanews

Wednesday, January 22, 2014

GOOTUMMAA QOFAATU BILISUMMAA MIRKANEESSA !!!! – kutaa 2ffaa

SEENAA Y.G (2005)


Gootichi Afriikaa Kibbaa Maandeellaan, Daandiin Bilisummaa dheeraadhaa fi Sirna Appaartaayidii dhabamsiisuuf adeemsa ykn hojii yeroo dheeraa nu gaafata jedhee ganamumaa yaaduu isaa yennaa dinqisiifannu, irraas haa barannu wayita jennu, maal jechuu keenyadha ? Qabsoon Oromoo waggoota 30 ol lakkoofsise, Namoota akkas yaadan hin qabu jechuu keenyadhaa ? moo, hubannoon ykn jechii isaa kun, garii keessa jiraatee cichoominaan isa dhaabuu fi garii ammo cichoomiina sana of keessaa dhabee daandii salphinaatti makachuun, miidhama keenyaaf bu’ura ta’uu wal hubachiisuf itti fayyadamna laata? Qabsoon Oromoo jabaachuu fi dhiisuu isaa abbootii dhimmaa kanneen taane irra, diinatu guyyu lallaba. Dhimmi Oromoo har’a addunyaaf mata duree kan ta’e, lubbuu godhatee ka’ee of himate odoo hin taane, cichoomiina Maandeellaa sana kan qaban nuffii fi mo’amiinsa yeroo keessa dhuftuun odoo hin daddaaqamne warra hojjataniin ta’uu hubachuun dansaadha.maaliif yeroo fudhatee ? kan jedhuuf garuu , hubannoo ga’aa argchuun hegareef nu fayyada. Kanas qalbii bal’aan ilaalu feesisa.
Haqi haalamu hin dandeenye, Daandiin Bilisummaa dheeraa ta’uu qofa odoo hin taanee, daandii dheeraa kana keessa, bu’aa ba’ii jiru dursanii hubatanii sammuu ofii amansiisanii murannoon hojjachuu dhabuun nu miidheera. Cichoomiinaa fi murannoo dhabuun bakka meeqa akka nama dhaabdu argineerra. Galgala Goota jennee kan faarsine, ganama dabeessa ta’ee kan  argame seenaan galmeesseera. Kaleessa Sabboonaadha kan jenne dhaadheessine,har’a halgaatti maxxanee dhabamtan malee nuun jedheera.  Daandiin Bilisummaa dheerachuu Maandeellaan baanu kana faa’aa of keessaa qaba. kan diinni akka ati hin mooneef sirratti hojjatu akkuma daandii Bilisummaa dheeressuu, kan qabsoo keessatti umamus qabsoo dheereessa jechuudha. Addatti diinnis nama irratti hojjatee haa ta’uu, kan cichoomiina dhabee dhaaba keessaa yennaa ganee ba’u, Qabsoo Ummata sanii hangam akka gaaga’u waan walitti himan miti. Yaadoota lameen, (dheerachuu fi gabaabbachuu) kana kan araarsu, gufuuleen lameen kun akka jiran hubatanii, of qapheessuudha. Kun akka sibiilaa nama jabeessa. Dhalooti itti aanus kana hubachuu qabu kanadha. Gootummaan kana of keessaa qaba.
Gaaffiin Ummati tokko qabu , Daandii Bilisummaa dheeressuus gabaabsuus danda’a. kana irratti ammoo , gaaffii kee irratti humnoonni addunyaa ilaalchii fi ejjannoon isaan qaban dhiibbaa ni qabaata. Dantaan isaanii keessa jiraannaan karaa sii tolchan. Hin qaban taanaan karaa sitti cufan. Ammas, Qabsoo ati gaggeessitu, keessaan hojjadheen sirna jirun kuffisa , jettee kan irratti hojjattuu fi Qawweemaan wareegama kafaleen kuffisa jettee kan filattu Daandii Bilisummaa dheeressuu fi gabaabsuu ni danda’u. egaa Maandeellaan Daandiin Bilisummaa dheeraa ta’u dubbachuun isaa kana hundaa hammata.
Kana tilmaama keessa kan hin galchine, biraa harca’anii hafaniiru. Harca’uun namoota muraasaa garuu guyyaan Bilisummaan itti  dhuftu hin dhorgine. Kunis barnoota .Seenaa Qabsoo keenyaa keessa kun illee ni jira. Gantummaa lakkoofsa hin qabne raawwatamus , qabsoon sabichaa daran jabaataa jira. barruun kun addatti dhaloota har’af bu’ura ta’a. dhalooti kun waan gaafatamuuf maraa deebii quubsaa mataa isaa qabaachuu qaba. daddaaqamuu hin qabu. Gootonni isaa lallabdootaan maqaan isaanii boora’uu hin qaban.sammuu bal’ifatee , yaada bal’aa qabaatee tarkaanfannaan, akkasumas, adeemsa qabsoo dhaalsifamaa jiruf kabaajaa qabaannaan Gootummaa Ummata Afriikaa Kibbaa waan hin dabaliniif hin jiru. sochiin amma argaa jirru marti, wareegama baayyee booda kan dhufeedha. Wareegamni kun hundi Qabsoo Oromoo fi gaaffii Oromoo har’aan ga’eera. Wareegamni kana boodaa Kan Bilisummaa mirkaneessu ta’u qaba.
Jaallannus jibbinuus seenaa keessa dabarre, kan tolaas ta’ee badii , yoo irraa baranna jenne nuuf qoricha. Inni guddaan waan jiru hubatanii tarkaanfii ofii jabeessuu qofaadha. rakkoon dabre akka hin dabalamneef irratti hojjachuudha. Shira diinni nu qopheesseen xaxamuun ammallee akka dhaabbatuuf irrattii hojjachuun murteessaadha. Ergamtoota diinaafis ta’e of-jaallattotaaf bakka laachuu irra, suduudaan dhaabbadhu jedhanii itti himuudha. Sadarkaan irra jirru mirga sabummaa keenyaa kabachiisuuf eenyun olitti muuxannoo itti qabna. Dhaloota akkas ofii fi lammii isaatti boonu horannaan Fincillii Afriikaa Kibbaa nuuf salphaa ta’a.
Kana waliin kan ilaalamu qabu, Maandeellaan Appaartaayidii dhabamsiisuuf yeroo dheeraa fudhata jechuu  isaa keessaan waan ofii ilaalluun dansaadha. Appaartaayidiin jireenya hawaasummaa fi aadaa Ummata Afriikaa kibbaa guutummaatti dhabamsiiseera jechuutu danda’ama. Eenyummaa fi maalummaan ummatichaa aadaa warra dhihaan dhuunfatameera. Kana Ummata keessaa baasuuf waggoota dheeraa akka fudhatu shakkiin hin jiru. waan dhalootaan sirreefatanidha. Gama kanaan sirnoonnii nu gabroonfatan, gama kanaan miidhaan nu irraan ga’an salphaa miti. Aadaan wal nyaachuu isaanii nu keessatti saaree,  miidhaa nurraan ga’aa jiru argaa jirra. Wal kabajuu aadaan keenya nu badhaase gannee, wal tuffachuu isaanii dhaallee maal wal irratti akka raawwannee seenaatu hima. Ofittummaa fi gantummaan isaan irraa dhaalleen, hangam akka hammacamne walitti hin himnu.
Hanqinni kkf Biyya keessas alas ni jira. diinni of nu wallaalsisee aadaa isaa nu keessa kaa’eetti odoo hin dammaqiin, kan faranjii of irratti idaanee maal ta’aa akka jirru , warra ala jiraatantu beeka. Aadaan daboo, wal gaafachuu, kkf badanii hunduu qophaa haasa’aa deemuu dhageenya. Kan walitti dhufe ammo, Biyya keessatti yennaa aaran akkuma Afaan biraan wal cabsan, alattis Ingiliffaa fi qooqa biroon wal quncisuu jedhan. Kun hundi, dhiigaan Oromoo ta’uun keenya qofti, noormii Oromoo nu keessa akka jirutti yaannee jiraachuu irraa madda. Kana of keessaa baasuuf, duula ofirraa jalqabnee dhaloota itti aanu baraaru gaggeessuun beellamaa qabuufii hin qabnu. Bilisummaan inni adda duraa akka dhuunfaattu summii kana of keessaa dhabamsiisanii, Oromummaa isa dhugaan wal ijaaruudha. Yeroo sana wal ganuun hin jiru. wal caalchifachuun hin jiru.
Miidhaan kun salphaa miti. Ummata keenya keessaa baasuuf bara Bilisummaa kan itti eegnu miti. Ammumaa hojiin isaa eegalamuu qabna. hojiin isaa ammo of irraa eegala. Achii maatii ofii , itti aansee ollaa ofii jechaa itti fufu qaba. keessa ofii Oromummaan osoo of hin ijaarree, isa kaan komachuu akkamiin dandeenya?. Ta’anii argamuun waa guddaadha. Afaan Amaaraan yaadanii Afaan Oromoon dubbachuuf yaaluun waan fafaati. Haala kanaan qulqullaa’uu dhabuun, keessa keenya  hin miine yoo jenne , ammayyuu waan sirnoonni turan nu keessaa kaa’antu nu keessaa dubbata jechuudha.Oromoon Afuura Oromummaan dhaabbatee fi Oromoon Afuura halgaan dhaabbate gonkumaa walii galuu hin danda’u. Oromoon Oromummaan jiru,Oromoof gammachuu qabu, imimmaan cobsee mirkaneessuufii barbaada. Oromoon Afuurri halgaa keessaa hin baane, Ilkaaniin qofaa gammachuu isaa ibsaaf. Gama kanaan miidhaan walii keenya irraan geenye salphaa miti. kun hundi walitti ida’amee, tokkummaa keenyaaf gufu ta’ee nu rakkisaa jira. Tokkummaan Oromoo ta’uu keenya qofaan kan hundee godhatuu miti. Gandummaa fi Amantiin qofaa wal qooduun umameen hanqina qaba. afuurri hamaan kan irratti dubbachaa jirru hundee tokkummaa keenyaati. Afuura summaa’aa gubbaatti eerretu, Gandummaas, Amantiinis        akka wal qoodinu taasisa.   Aadaa warra safuu  hin  qabnee .!!!!!!!!!!!!!!
Odoo nuuti hin dhalatiin sirboonni tokkummaa keenyaaf sirbaman hanga har’atti hiika dhabanii dhaloota boriif illee sirbamuuf taa’an, aadaa fi hammeenya halgaan nu keessa dhaabe irraa of qulqulleessinee walitti dhufuu dhabuu keenya mirkaneessu. Keessattu ilkaaniin qofaa wal barbaachuu keenya dhugeessa. Lafee Gootootaan waliin kakatanii , kanneen ganan, Afuura summaa’aa halgaan nu keessatu salphina kanaan isaan ga’e jechuu dandeenya. Amalli fi aadaan habshootaa keessa keenyaa ba’uu qaba. Bilisummaan waa hundaa caalu isa kanadha. Maandeellaanis gocha diinaa himuun nama rakkisu sana hundaa balleessuuf yeroo fudhata jedhee dhalooti wal harkaa fuudhee akka irrattii hojjatu kan taasise kanaafi. kun nuuf barnoota. Kan boriif hin jedhamne.
Daandiin Bilisummaa dheerachuu hubachuun duuba kan jiru immoo haa ilaallu. hubannoo kanaa qabaachuu fi of qopheessuun, Daandii Gootummaa Nama goonfachiisu keessa nama seensisu qalbeefachuun dansaadha. Qabsaa’oonni har’a cichoominaan Ummata isaaniif dhaabbatan hundi, Ummata isaaniif Goota. Gootummaa kana kabajuun ammo, Bilisummaa Ummataa labsuun nama ga’a. akka ejjannaa kiyyaatti, Qabsoon Oromoo sadarkaan inni irra jiru, rakko keessa isaatti umameen hin madaalamu. Garuu akka harkifatu taasise ta’a. Hojiin inni adda duraa waan dhumate fakkaata. Hojiin dhalootaan qabsoo itti fufsiisuu lafa qabateera. Yeroo amma keessa jirru kanaan wal bira qabnee yennaa ilaallu, dhimma dhala Oromoo Maraa ilaallatu tokko hanqina jechuu dandeenya. Yeroo kanatti sochii Qindoomiina qabutti ce’uutu nurraa eegama ture. Amala siyaasaa keessa yeroo eeggachuun murteessaa  waan ta’eef, haalli addunyaa, dammaqiinsa Ummata keenyaa , haala wayyaanee fi keessa ishee , Biyyoota ollaa kkf yoo ilaallee, BILISUMMAAN OROMOO ykn gaaffiin Oromoo  sochii nuuti akka dhuunfaattis ta’ee Ummataatti gaggeessinu irratti akka hundaa’u hubachuu nu barbaachisa.
Addunyaan kan humna qabuuti. Humnaan of mul’isuun dirqama dhala Oromoo hundaa ta’ee asi ba’eera. Kanatti dhimma ba’uuf Ilmaan Oromoo hundi waan dabree seenaaf dhiisanii Gootummaa Abbootii isaanii irra deebi’uu qaban.wal irraa qoollifachuu ykn qabsootti deebi’uun mo’amu nutti fakkaatee of keessa marannee taa’uu keenya irra, waan dabre seenaaf haa keenyu jedhanii gama kamiin akka wal tinnisuun danda’amu wal akeekuun gootummaadha. Kaayyoon ABO ganamaa kana uumuudha. Waan karaa ga’ee kana xumura itti gochuun , Fakkeenyummaa Maandeellaafaa dhugeessu ta’a. yeroo sana,dhugumayyuu Maandeellaan Gootummaa san isaan irraa baratee nu dhugeessa. Yoo kun ta’uu baate, seenaa warqaa irraa dhaloota dhaalsisuu ta’a. kun ammo…………………….
Maandeellaan Ashabbaarii jedhamaa jiraate fi dhiibbaan gara garaa irra ga’aa ture, humna isaa fi Ummata isaan Goota jedhameera. Ashabbaarii siin jechuu keenyaaf dhiifama. Sirraa waa hedduu baranne. Ati fakkeenya addunyaa kanaati jedhameera. Hundeen injifannoo kana hundaa garuu Fincila Ummata Kibbaa Afriikaati. Akka Ummata Gibtsi Fincila waggaa 2 wal irra hin cinnee finiinsanii furmaata maayyitti ba’uun filmaata yeroon nu dhiheessituudha. Akka Giddu gala Afriikaa humnaan Mootummaa hudhanii qabanii Angoo Irraa buusanii of kabachiisuunis akka jiru addunyaatu nutti himaa jira. Akka warra Kibba Sudaan dhageetti argachuuf murachuunis filmaata nu dhihaatteedha.Akka siiriyaa maalis ta’u maal humnaan biyya miila tokkon dhaabdee, Abbaa irreedha isa jettu mariif gadi teesisuudha. Murannoon kun hundi garuu, Bilisummaaf kan taasisameedha. Wareegamuun, qabeenyaan barbadaa’uun , gubachuun …..karaa Foddaa TV arginu sun hundi , Bilisummaa ofii kabachiifachuufidha. Mee murannoo kanaan of haa madaallu. Eessa jirra laata ?
Gootummaa kana keessatti hiriiruuf yoo of hin laatiin , Bilisummaa hawwuu fi qabsoo qeequu irraa dhaabbachuu qabna. Addunyaa kana irratti Bilisummaan manatti namaaf dhufte hin jirtu. Amma baayyinaa fi seenaa keenyaa hin hojjatiin jirra. Kun haqa. Kana jechuun humni hojjate hin jiru jechuu miti.
Bara injifannee waanuma dubbannu ykn kana gumaache jennu mee haa hojjannu. Oromummaa kiyyaaf kanan hojjadhe waan jennu, ykn waanuma br dhaloota keenyaatti himnu haa gumaachinu. Oromiyaa siyaasaan marfamtee jirtu BILISOMSUUN waan salphaa miti. Waan wal irratti dhiisanis miti. Diinni keenya kumaantama. Kana baayyina keenyaan dura dhaabbachuuf wal haa tumsinu.GOOTUMMAA QOFAATU BILISUMMAA MIRKANEESSA kanan jedheef kanaafi !!!!!!!!!!!! kutaa 3ffaa keessatti of kabachiisuuf , Fincilaa fi diddaa qindeeffachuun murteessaa ta’uu waliin ilaallee mata duree kana goolabna.
GALATOOMAA !!!!!!!!!!!!