Ibsa Ejjannoo Walgahii Addaa TBOJ

Nuti miseensonni Tokkummaa Barattoota Oromoo Biyyaa Jarmanii (TBOJ) walgahii addaa kan gafa Bitooteessaa 02, bara 2014 magalaa Nürbergittii adeemsifanne irratti dhimmoota wa’ee haala ijjaarsa keenyaa fi kan Qabsoo Bilisummaa Oromoon har’aa keessaa jiruu ilaallattan irratti maree bal’oo taasisuun murtee addaa addaa dabarsuun xummuurratneerra. Walgahii kanaa irratti baruumsaa fi haala yeroo ilaalchissee Miseensii Gumii Sabaa ABO J/Dr. Shigut Galata  dhaaba ABO bakka bu’un nu giddutti argamuun ibsa bal’aan nu keennamee jira. Haala amma TBOJ Keessaa jiruu ilaalchissee karaa Dura ta’aa fi Barreessaa Damee Würzburg fi nannoon   J/Gamachuu Fayyisaa  fi J/Obsa Adam  wal duraa duubaan ibsaa  kennameera.

Itti aansuunis walgahichi dhimmoota armaan gaditti  irratti murtee dabarsuun xummuurame:-

1.     Deeggarsa QBO irratti

Nuti miseensonni TBOJ Walgahii kanaa irratti qooda fudhannee QBO kan kallacha qabsichaa ABOn hoogganamu of qusannaa tokko malee kan  ca’aa tokko irra eegamuuu maraan kan cinaa dhaabbannu ta’uu ammas irra deebinee waadaa seenne haaromsina. Sochii Qerroo kano bifaa fi haala qindoomina haaraatiin finiinaa jiruu fi Waligalaa kan dhaabnii ABO kallachumman gaggeessaa jiru jabinaa fi murannoon wan dandeenyuu maraan kan deeggarru ta’uu beeksifna. Gachannii Ummataa Oromoo, WBOn, daran tarkanfii isa akka cimsaatuu wan qabnuu fi dandeenyuu maraan biraa dhaabbannaa.

2.     Balaaleffannaa Mootummaa Impayeeraa Ityophiyaa kan ABUT-tin Hogganamtu

Miidhaa Mootummaan Impayeeraa Ityophiyaa  kan ABUT-n hogganamutuu uummata keenya irraan gahaa jiru ni balaaleffanna, ni mormina, kara dandeenyu maras  dura dhaabbannaa.

Akeekaa fi karooraa duguuggaa sanyii (policy of Genocide)  ummataa keenyaa fi uummatoota cunqurfatamtoota addaa addaa irratti Mootumman TPLF geeggessaa jiru  ni balaalleeffannaa. Yakkamtoonni sirna wayaanee miidhaa akkasii qaqabsiisan hatattamaan akka seeratti dhiyaatanii  itti gaafataman Biyyootiin Demokratawwaa fi Jarmooleen mirgaa dhalaa namaaf falmaani akka dhiibbaa godhaan ni gaafanna.

3.     Hariiroo mootummaa TPLF fi kan biyyoota Ollaa ilaalchisee

Biyyoonnii ollaa Itiyoophiyaa  tokko tokko hariiroo mootummaa Wayaanee faana qaban hal duree tarkaanfii fi sirna mootummichaa kan hin xiinxaalle tahuu irran kan ka’ee Waligaltee idilee adunyaa tokko tokko caabsuun midhaa dangaa hinqabnee geessaa jiru.

Keesumaayyuu mootummoonni biyyoota akka Somaliland fi Keeniyaa Waligaltee Adunyaan qabduu faalleessaa yeroo yerootti baqaataa Oromoo dabarsaanii Mootumaa TPLF-tti keennun badhii tahuu hubataanii fuulduraaf  dalaga akkasii irraa akka of qusatan cimsinee gaftnaa.

4.     Waamicha

Tokkummaan Barattoota Oromoo Biyya Jarmanii diina miidhaa fi jibbiinsi isaa saba keenyaaf daangaa hin qabneef hojjattanii fi akkasumas bira dhaabbattan, dalagni keessan uummata keessaniif miidhaa ammamii fi akkamii akka qabu xinxaltanii hubachuun harka diinaa jalaa of baaftanii gara mooraa QBOtti akka deebitan waamicha keenya cimsinee isiniif dhiyeesina.

Tokkummaan humnoota QBO yoom iyyuu caala barbaachisaa fi murteessaa ta’uun isaa hubatamaa dha. Kanaafuu  araaran moraa qabsoo Bilisummaa Oromoo gabisuuf tokkummaan  jarmoolee kan kayyoo irratti hunda’ee kan kanaan dura jalqabame jiruu xumuraa itti gochaa kan hafeess fuulduratti akka cimee itti fufuu fi babal’atu qaamota dhimmi kuni isaan ilaalu maraaf waamicha keenya ammas irra deebinee dabarsina.

Dhuma irrattis tumsii fi tokkummaan saboota cunqursaa jalatti kufanii argamanii kan galii kaayyoo qabsoo isaanii as dhiyeessu akkasumas kan diina immoo naasisuu fi bir’uu guddaa irraan ga’u ta’uu isaa hubatamee, Hariiroon tarsimoo irratti akeekkatee akka cimu qaamonni dhimmi isaa isaan ilaalu akka irratti hojjatan waamicha keenya dabrsinaaf. Baruumsa barbaachisu kennuu fi haala gamtaa akkasii mimijeessu bakka hundattii fi qaama hundaan akka irratti hojjatamu jechuun ergaa keenya dabrfanna.

Injifannoon Uummata Oromoof!

Hirmatootaa Walgahii addaa TBOJ, Nürnberg, Bitooteessaa 02, 2014

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Remembering P.T.W. Baxter, renowned anthropologist and pioneer of Oromo studies

By OPride Staff

(OPride) – Paul Trevor William Baxter, who spent nearly six decades studying the Oromo, has died this week in a hospital in Stockport, England, his grandson Mark Baxter confirmed to OPride on Tuesday.

Baxter is survived by his loving wife of 69 years, Pat, his son Adam as well as four grandchildren and three great-grandchildren.His elder son, Tim, unfortunately predeceased him.

Baxter began his anthropological study in the early 1950s as a graduate student, combining academic analysis, field research and unconventional insights about imperial Ethiopia into his work. In 1978, Baxter published his seminal article “Ethiopia’s Unacknowledged Problem: the Oromo” in the esteemed British JournalAfrican Affairs. As his long time friend and colleague Bonnie K. Holcomb, Senior Research Associate at George Washington University’s Institute for Communitarian Policy Studies explains, “with that act, he lent his intellectual and moral support as an established and respected scholar to those of us who were struggling to be heard as we confronted Ethiopianist scholarship which was exceedingly resistant to Oromo studies in those days.” Baxter’s undeniable arguments solidified the exigency of Oromo scholarship and marked a turning point for scholars focused on this systematically ignored group.

Born in 1925, Baxter studied at Cambridge and Oxford Universities. His interest in studying the Oromo, Ethiopia’s single largest ethnic group, dates as far back as 1952 when he first sought permission from Emperor Haile Selassie’s regime to conduct research on the Gadaa system. When Ethiopia, whose policies systematically repressed the Oromo, denied him permission, Baxter went to Northern Kenya, where he spent two years studying the social organization of the Borana Oromo. His 860 page dissertation, “The Social Organization of the Oromo of Northern Kenya”, which became an indispensable resource was published in 1954.

“He was one of the first brave and courageous intellectuals who put the Oromo nation on the intellectual map of the world and opened the door for Oromo studies in the Diaspora,” said Dr. Asafa Jalata,  a professor of Sociology at University of Tennessee in Knoxville. “We can say that all Oromo scholars are his students in indirect ways. He remains an intellectual model for Oromo scholars and others who do not bow down for powerful elites and states to receive benefits and prestige in the mainstream institutions.”

His commitment to telling the Oromo story has inspired a generation of Oromo social scientists. Being and Becoming Oromo, a book edited by Baxter in the 1996 remains a fundamental text on Oromo identity, culture and political consciousness. The book is one of the earliest on the topic and provides the most extensive coverage of how sociopolitical shifts within Ethiopia continue to influence identity and belonging. What is evident in Being and Becoming is that even when he disagreed with Oromo scholars on the relationship between identity and political consciousness, Baxter respected their scholarly interpretations and allowed for a multitude of perspectives to be present in the text.

Baxter was also a loyal friend to all who knew and worked with him. “Paul Baxter was the quintessential "gentleman and scholar."  His warmth, humanity, humility, and compassion made him a wonderful, approachable person and generous friend,” Holcomb told OPride in an email.  “Those qualities were matched by intellectual courage, superb teaching, brilliant insights and meticulous scholarship. I met Paul Baxter in 1972 in Manchester England where he was full professor of anthropology.  I had spent one year in Oromia and was preparing to return for a second year.  He encouraged me to continue to focus on the Oromo, pointing out the challenges that anyone involved in Oromo scholarship would face.  He was right.”

His grandson Mark who says, “he was one of my guiding lights,” remembered Baxter as  always reassuring, honest and reliable. “Together with my grandmother Pat, they made a difference in this world, not by grandiose gestures or political statements, but by simply caring for those they met and welcoming anyone who needed it into their home,” he told OPride from London.   

Baxter began his work when it was unpopular to undertake scholarly studies on the Oromo. He faced persistent opposition from two major sources, on the one hand, the Ethiopian State, which “criminalized the production and dissemination of knowledge on the Oromo” and on the other, Ethiopian scholars who disapproved Baxter’s focus on “studying and sympathizing with this downtrodden and hidden people” in the words of Jalata. Baxter remained connected to the Oromo; living among the Borana, Arsi, Ittu and Karrayyu tribes during a long academic career that spanned half a century.

Baxter’s academic work irreversibly challenged official Ethiopianist hagiography. He called into question the Amhara cultural dominance that was taken for granted, and the monolithic portrayal of Ethiopia’s diverse peoples in the image of it’s socially and politically dominant minority. In his seminal article, he argued, “much of the history of Ethiopia can be viewed as a struggle between the Amhara and the Oromo and if the Oromo, almost certainly the largest ethnic group in Ethiopia, were able to realise their own cultural and political aspirations, the balance of power in Ethiopia would be completely altered.” Baxter’s writings remain as important today as ever before.

In recognition of Baxter’s enduring legacy and tireless contribution to Oromo studies, the Oromo Studies Association bestowed its highest honor, OSA's Lifetime Achievement Award, on him in 2010.  

A generation of scholars have been and will continue to be inspired by Baxter’s dedication and unrelenting spirit. In the words of Holcomb, “those of us who had the great privilege of collegial and personal relationship with Dr. P. T. W. Baxter, who we knew as simply "Paul," mourn his passing with a profound sense of loss.  At the same time we celebrate with great joy and gratitude that he turned his talents toward breaking down walls and creating open doors for rigorous scholarly study of the Oromo -- a people for whom he held enormous affection and respect throughout his long lifetime.  Among his many other accomplishments it should not be forgotten that Paul Baxter was a pioneer and a champion of Oromo studies at an exceedingly difficult time.  He was truly a great man.”

In a statement released to OPride.com, his family said, “we are touched and humbled by the number and warmth of messages of condolence that have already arrived from across the globe, particularly from the Oromo diaspora that he so enjoyed working and living alongside as he recorded their culture and tradition for posterity.”

Baxter has left an indelible mark on scholarly knowledge about Horn of Africa’s largest ethnic group. His legacy will live on in the work of those who will build upon what he and others began so long ago. Baxter will forever remain a scholar who affirmed, in the words of Arundathi Roy, that “There's really no such thing as the 'voiceless'. There are only the deliberately silenced, or the preferably unheard.”

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*  Dr. P.T.W. Baxter's photo from the late 1980s, taken at the University in Leipzig in Germany. Courtesy of Baxter's family.  

=>opride

የማንነት ፖለቲካ፣ የኣንድነት ኣቀንቃኞች ስላልፈለጉ ወይም ስለጠሉ ሊጠፋ ኣይችልም።

በቀለ ጅራታ ከስዊድን*

“ኢትዮዽያ፣ የቀበሌዎቿና የህዝቦቿ ጠቅላላ ድምር ናት። ግዛቷ ካልተከፋፈለ፣ ህዝቦቿ ካልተገነጣጠሉ በቀር ይህ ትርጉም ሊዛባ ኣይችልም። ዛሬ፣ ኢትዮዽያ የሚለው ቃል ገዥውን ብቻ የሚመለከት ሆኗል። ኢትዮዽያዊ ባህል ሲባል፣ የሚነገረው የዚሁ ወገን ባህል ነው። ሃይማኖት ሲነሳ፣ የሚነገረው ኢትዮዽያ የኣንድ ሃይማኖት ተከታዮች ኣገር ሆና ነው። ስለቋንቋ ሲወሳ፣ ኢትዮዽያ ልዩ ልዩ ቋንቋዎች የሚነገሩባት ኣገር መሆኗ ፈጽሞ ተክዶ ነው። የዛሬዪቱ ኢትዮዽያ ህልውና የህዝቦቻችን ባህሎችና ቋንቋዎች ተደምስሰዉ፣ የገዥዉን ወገን ባህል፣ ሃይማኖትና ቋንቋ እንድንወርስ ይፈለግብናልን? ያንድ ህዝብ ውበትና ጌጡ፣ በነዚህ ነገሮች ኣንድነት ማግኘቱ ኣይደለም። ጌጡና ውበቱ እንደምንነቱ ተከባብሮና ተቻችሎ፣ በማይፈርስ ጽኑ ኣንድነት በነጻነት ተሳስሮ መኖሩ ነው።”

ከላይ የኣንድነት መሰረቱ ምን እንደሆነ በማያሻማ ቋንቋ ሰፍሮ የሚገኘዉ “ግዝትና ግዞት” በተባለዉ የአቶ ኦላና ዞጋ መጽሐፍ ዉስጥ ሲሆን፣ ያሰፈሩትም ከሃምሳ ዐመት በፊት እነ መቶ ኣለቃ በቀለ ሰጉና ኮሎኔል እምሩ ወንዴ የተባሉ የሃይለ ስላሴን መንግስት ከገለበጡ በኋላ በረዲዮ ለህዝብ ለመግለጽ ኣዘጋጅተውት በነበረው የፖለቲካ ማኒፌስቶዋቸው ውስጥ ነው።

ይህንን ሃሳብ ለመውስድ የፈለኩበት ምክንያት ዛሬ ያለማቋረጥ ስለኢትዮዽያ ኣንድነት የሚያዜሙ ወገኖች ኣሁን የሚታየዉ የፖለቲካ ቀውስ የተፈጠረው ለህዝቦቻቸው መብትና ነጻነት ለመታገል የተደራጁ የብሄር ድርጅቶች ያመጡት እንደሆነ በማስመሰል የህዝቦችን ማንነት ለማራከስ የሚፍጨረጨሩት የችግሮቹ ዋናው ምንጭ እነሱ፣ ለመመለስ የሚታገሉለት የተዛቡ የቀድሞ ኣገዛዞች መሆናቸውን ከዚህ በፊት ኣልተረዱ እንደሆነ፣ እንዲረዱ ለማስገንዘብና ከላይ እንደተጠቀሰው ለኣንድነት ጽኑ መሰረት ለሆነው የህዝቦችን ማንነት እንደምንነቱ ማክበርና ለእውነተኛ የህዝቦች ኣንድነት ከሚታገሉት ጋር ተባብረው ቢሰሩ ከማንም የበለጠ እነሱን እራሳቸውን የሚጠቅም መሆኑን ለመምከር ነው።

በኢትዮዽያ ኣንድነት ስም ብዙ ተነግዶበታል። በዚህም ከገዥዎች ወገን ያልሆኑ የኢትዮዽያ ህዝቦች ብዙ ዋጋ ከፍለውበታል። ከእንግዲህ በዚያው መንገድ ለመቀጠል መሞከር የቆጡን ኣወርድ ብላ የብብቷን ኣጣች ኣይነት ኣባባል ሊሆን ይችላል። የኢትዮዽያ ህዝቦች በተለይም የኦሮሞ ህዝብ እንደብዛቱና በሚያበረክተው የኤኮኖሚ ኣስተዋጽኦ መሰረት ይህቺን ሃገር በደማቸውና በኣጥንታቸው ጠብቀው ለዚህ ያደረሷት መሆኑ ተረስቶ እነሱ እራሳቸው ለኣንድነቷ ኣስጊ ናቸው መባሉ እራሱ እጅግ የሚያስገርም ከመሆኑም በላይ እንደዚህ ዓይነት ኣስተሳስብ ህዝቦችን ከመናቅ የሚመነጭ ኣጉል ትምክህተኝነት ነው።

እነዚህ ህዝቦች ባለፉት ዘመናት የተፈጸሙባቸውን በድሎችና ግፎች ምን ጊዜም የማይረሱት ቢሆንም እነዚያን ለታሪክ በመተው ለወደፊቱ ኣብሮነት በተለያየ ጊዜና መንገድ መፍትሔ ለመፈለግ ብዙ የደከሙና አሁንም እየደከሙ ቢሆንም ዛሬም እኩልነትና መከባበር ክብራቸውን የሚነካ እንደሆነ ኣድርገው የሚገምቱ የባዶ ኣንድነት ኣቀንቃኞች ካለፉት ስተቶች ለመማር ባለመቻላቸዉ ለመተባበር ፈቃደኞች ሆነ ኣልተገኙም። ካለፈው ኣንድ ኣመት ጀምሮ ኣንጋፋ የኦሮሞ ፖለቲከኞች የኢትዮዽያን የዘመናት የፖለቲካ፣ እኮኖሚና ማህበራዊ ችግሮችን ሊፈታ የሚችል ማንኛውም ቅን ኣሳቢ የሆነ ግለሰብም ሆነ ቡድን ልቀበለው የሚገባ ኣዲስ ሃሳብ ማቅረባቸው ይታወሳል።

እነዚህ የእድሜኣቸውን ኣብዛኛውን በትግል ያሳለፉ ፖለቲከኞች ዛሬም ደከመን ሰለቸን ሳይሉ ለዘመናት በፈላጭ ቆራጮችና በኣምባገነኖች የግፍ ኣገዛዝ ስር ለማቀቁትና እየማቀቁ ላሉት የኢትዮዽያ ህዝቦች ሰላም፣ ብልጽግና፣ እኩልነት፣ የመከባበርና የመደጋገፍ ስርኣት እንዲዘረጋ በመጣር ላይ ናቸው። የኦሮሞ ፖለቲከኞች ለሃገሪቷ የፖለቲካ ችግሮች የበኩላቸውን መፍትሔ መፈለግ የጀመሩት ዛሬ ኣይደለም። ኦነግ በ1991 ከሌሎች የፖለቲካ ቡድኖች ጋር በመሆን የሽገገር መንግስት በማቋቋም ህደት ውስጥ ስፊ ተሳትፎ ኣድርጓል። የኦሮሞ ህዝብ ኮንግሬስና (ኦህኮ) የኦሮሞ ፌደራሊስት ዲሞክራሲያዊ ንቅናቄ (ኦፌዴን) ቀድም ሲል ለየብቻ በኣሁኑ ጊዜ ደግሞ ተዋህደው በኦሮሞ ፈደራሊስት ኮንግሬስ (ኦፌኮ) ስም ለሁላችንም የሚትሆን ኢትዮዽያን እንፍጠር በማለት ትግል ከጀመሩ ኣመታት እየተቆጠሩ ነው።

በኣንጻሩ ለኢትዮዽያ የግዛት ኣንድነት እንጂ ለህዝቦች አንድነት ነጻነትና እኩልነት ደንታ የሌላቸው የቀድሞ ኣገዛዞች ናፋቂዎች የብሄረሰቦችን ማንነት በመናቅ በኢትዮዽያ ስም ካልተደራጃችሁ የኢትዮዽያ ኣንድነት ኣይጠበቅም እያሉ እራሳቸውን ብቸኛ የሃገር ኣንድነት ጠበቃና ፖሊስ ኣድርገው በመቁጠር የመተባበር ፍላጎት ለማሳየት ኣለመፈለጋቸውን በተለያየ መንገድ ሲገልጹ ድፍን ሃያ ሁለት ኣመታት ኣልፈዋል። “የኢትዮዽያ ኣንድነት ጠበቆች” ነን የሚሉ የፖሊቲካ ፓርቲዎች ከብሄር ፓርቲዎች ጋር ግንባር ፈጥረው ለዘመናት መላ ላጣው የሃገሪቷ የፖለቲካ ችግር መፍትሄ ለመፈለግ ከልብ ከመስራት ይልቅ ጸረ የህዝቦች ማንነት ኣቋም በማራመድ ላይ ይገኛሉ። የህዝቦችን ፍላጎት በመናቅና በማራከስ የብሄር ብሄረ ሰቦችን የፖለቲካ ኣደረጃጀት “የጎሳ፣ የዘርና የመንደር ፖሊቲካ” እያሉ ባገኙት ኣጋጣሚና መድረክ በማጥላላት ላይ ተሰማርተዋ ል።ኢትዮዽያ የህዝቦችዋና የቀበሌዎችዋ መሆኑን በመካድ ወይም ባለመቀበል በውስጥዋ የምገኙት ህዝቦች እራስን በራስ የማስተዳደር ጥያቄ ሃገር የማፍረስ ኣላማ እንዳላቸው እየቆጠሩ የህዝቦችን ማንነት በኣደባባይ ስቃወሙ ይታያሉ።

ከሃገርና ከህዝቦች ሃላፊነት ኣንጻር በማሰብ እራሳቸውን መለወጥ ያልቻሉ፣ ከተጨባጩ የሀገሪቷ የፖለቲካ ኣሰላለፍና የህዝቦችን ፍላጎት ለማክበር ዝግጁ ሳይሆኑ በኣየር ላይ ኣንድነት ለመገንባት የሚጥሩ ኣዋቂዎች ሳይሆኑ የዋሆች ብቻ ናቸው። እነዚህ ወገኖች በኣሁኑ ወቅት በሃገሪቷ ስለደረሰው የፖለቲካ ቀውስ የኣሁኑ ገዢ መንግስት ያመጣው ጣጣ ነው ብለዉ ሌሎችን ሳይሆን እራሳቸውን ብቻ በማታለል ላይ ይገኛሉ። እዉነቱ ግን ሀገሪቷ ከተመሠረተችበት ጊዜ አንስቶ ሲንከባለል የመጣ ስለመሆኑ ከላይ በእነ በቀለ ሰጉ የተገለጸዉ በቂ ምስክር ነዉ።

“የኣንድነት ጠበቆች” ባለፉት ሃያ ሁለት ኣመታት ከተጨባጩ የሃገሪቷ የፖለቲካ ሁኔታና ኣደረጃጀት ጋር የማይሄድ ብቻ ሳይሆን ከእራሳቸዉ በስተቀር ኣድማጭ የሌለውን ባዶ ጩሄት ስያሰሙ ከርመዋል። ይህ የሃገሪቷን ተጨባጭ ሁኔታ ሆን ብሎ ወደ ጎን በመተው ከእንግዲህ በምንም ሁኔታ ወደኋላ መመለስ የማይቻለውን የፖሊቲካ ህደት መቃወምና መናቅ ከትምክህት የሚመነጭ ካልሆነ ሌላ ትርጉም ልሰጠው ኣይችልም። ሌሎች በእኩልነትና በመከባበር ኣብረን የምንኖርባት ዲሞክራሲያዊት ኢትዮዽያ ለመመስረት በጋራ ለመታገልና ለመስራት ጥሪ ስያሰሙ “እኛ የጎሳ ፖለቲካ ኣናካሄድም” በማለት ለብሄር ብሄረ ሰቦች ያላቸውን ንቀት ያለሃፍረት ስያቀነቅኑ መቀጠላቸው ያለ ምንም ጥርጥር ኢትዮዽያን የሚያፈርስ መሆኑን ልያውቁት ይገባል። በዚህ እራስ ወዳድነትና ኣጉል ትምክህታቸው ከቀጠሉ ወደፊት ሊከሰት ለሚችለው የመበታተን ኣደጋ ተጠያቂዎቹ እራሳቸው መሆናቸውን ከኣሁኑ ሊያውቁት ይገባል።

በሃገር ውስጥ በፖለቲካ ፓርቲ ስም የተደራጁት እንደ ኣንድነት ለፍትሕና ዲሞክራሲ (ኣንድነት) ያሉ “የኢትዮዽያ ኣንድነት ብቸኛ ተቆርቋሪ እኛ ነን” የምሉ ለስሙ ከብሄር ፓርቲዎች ጋር ለመስራት የሚፈልጉ መስለው የማታለልና የህጻን ጫወታ ለመጫወት ሲሞክሩ እንደከረሙ የኣደባባይ ምስጢር ነው። “ኣንድነት ሃገር ኣቀፍ ፓርቲ” ነው እያሉ በባዶ ሜዳ መመጻደቅ በምንም መልኩ ሃገር ኣቀፍ ፓርቲ ሊያደርግ ኣይችልም። ምናልባት ይህ የሚጠቅመው የፓርቲዎቹን ኣመራሮች ዝናና ከዚያም ኣልፎ ከኣርባና ሰላሳ ኣመታት በፊት ሃገሪቷን ጥለው በወጡና የሃገሪቷ የፖለቲካ ሁኔታ እነሱ ትተውት በሄዱበት ዘመን ያለ እየመሰላቸው ገንዘባቸውን የሚያፈሱ ዲያስፖራዎችን በማታለል የግል ጥቅማቸውን ለማርካት ነው። በርግጥ ኣንድነት ኣመራር የሚያገኘውም ከዲያስፖራው በመሆኑ ሊፈረድበት ኣይገባም። ሆኖም ከመድረክ ጋር የቆሙ ለማስመሰል የራሳቸዉንም ሆነ የሌሎችን ጊዜ በከንቱ ሲያባክኑ ከቆዩ በኋላ ቀናቸው ደርሶ ከመድረክ ኣባልነታቸው ተባረዋል። በባዶ ሜዳ ሃገር ኣቀፍ ፓርቲ ነን ማለት ብቻውን ሃገር ኣቀፍ ፓርቲ ሊያደርግም ሆነ የ ሕዝብ ድምጽ ሊያስገኝ እንደማይችል የኣንድነት መሪዎችም ሆኑ መመሪያ ሰጭ ዲያስፖራ መገንዘብ ኣለመቻላቸው በጣም ያሳዝናል።

ከብሄር ብሄረሰቦች ጋር መደራጀት ክብራቸውን የሚነካ በመሆኑ በሰማይ ላይ ለመደራጀት የሚጥሩም ተፈጥረዋል (ሰማያዊ ፓርቲ)። “የብሄር ፖለቲካን” በመሬት ላይ ሆነው ለማጥፋት ስላልቻሉ ከወደ ሰማይ ለመምጣት ጥረት እያደረጉ ይገኛሉ። እንኳን በሰማይ በጨረቃ ላይ ቢደራጁ የህዝቦችን የማንነት መብት ሊያስቀሩ ኣይችሉምና ብዙ ባይለፉ መልካም ነው።

ስለዲሞክራሲና ሰብአዊ መብት እየጻፉና እየለፈፉ ዞር ብለው እነዚህኑን መብቶች ሲቃወሙና በተቃራኒው ሆነው ሲታገሉ ማየት በእጅጉ ከማሳዘኑም በላይ የእነዚህን ወገኖች ኣስተሳሰብ ለመረዳት ያስቸግራል። የኢትዮዽያ ብሄር, ብሄረ ሰቦች ዲሞክራሲያዊ ስራት እንዲመሰረት የምያደርጉትን የመብት ትግል መቃወም ማለት ህዝቦች ከሰቆቃ፣ ከኑሮ መጎሳቆልና ኋላ ቀርነት እ ንዳይላቀቁ ከመፍረድ ሌላ ትርጉም ሊሰጠው ኣይችልም። እነዚህ ወገኖች በኢትዮዽያ የተለያየ ባህልና ቋንቋ ያላቸው ህዝቦች መኖራቸውን ኣይክዱም። ሆኖም እነዚያን የማንነታችውን መገለጫ ጥለው “ኢትዮዽያዊ የሚለውን ካባ” ብቻ እንዲደርቡ ለማስገደድ ይሞክራሉ። በእነሱ አስተሳሰብ ኣንድ ሰው ኦሮሞ፣ ወላይታ፣ ሶማሌ ወዘተ ሆኖ ኢትዮዽያዊ መባል ኣይችልም።

የኢትዮዽያ ህዝቦች በጋራ ኣብረው መኖር የምችሉት ሙሉ መብታቸው ስክበርና የእኔ ኣውቅልሃለው ኣስተሳሰብ ሲወገድ ብቻ መሆኑን ተረድቶ በዚህ መንፈስ እራስን ማዘጋጀትና መደገፍ ኣማራጭ የሌለው ነው። “የኣንድነት ጠበቆች” ለሃያ ሁለት ኣመታት ያለ ማቋረጥ የሚያወግዙት “የጎሳ፣ የዘር ወዘተ ፖሊቲካ” እነሱ ስላልፈለጉ ሊጠፉ ወይም ሊቀየሩ እንደማይችሉ መታወቅ ኣለበት። “ፌደራሊዝምን እንቀበላለን ግን በቋንቋ ላይ የተመሰረተን ፌደራሊዝም ኣንቀበልም” ሚባለውም የቁራ ጩሄት ከመሆን የዘለለ ፋይዳ ሊኖረው ኣይችልም። ኣንድ ቁዋንቁዋ፣ ኣንድ ባህል፣ ኣንድ ስነልቦናና በኣንድ ክልል የሚኖርን ህዝብ በኣምስት ቀጠና ከፋፍሎ ለመግዛት መሞከርና ማሰብ የማይቻል መሆኑን መረዳት ያስፈልጋል። ቅንጅት የተባለው ኢትዮዽያን በኣምስት ቀጠና ከፋፍሎ ገዢዎችን መሾሙ ይታወሳል። ወራሾቹም ያንኑ የሚያስቡ ከሆነ ለቅንጅትም ኣልበጀምና ሳይዘገይ እራሳቸውን ኣስተካክለው የብሄር ፖለቲካ ድርጅቶችን ይቅርታ ጠይቀው ኣብረው ለመስራት ቢወስኑ ይሻላቸዋል ብቻም ሳይሆን ግዴታቸው ነው። ኣለበለዚያ እንደኣባታቸው ቅንጅት በነፋስ ተጠርገው ይጠፋሉ። ያኔ የኢትዮዽያ ህዝቦች ተባብረው መብታቸው የተከበረባት ኣዲሲቷን ኢትዮዽያ ይመሰርታሉ።

በየፓልቶኩና ድህረገጾች በማንነት ላይ የተመሰረተን ፌደራሊዝም (ethnic federalism) ማውገዝ ህዝቦች የበለጠ ለማንነታቸው በርትተው እንዲሰሩና የበለጠ እንዲያጠናከሩ ከማድረግ በስተቀር ኣንድነት ሊያመጣ እንደማይቻል መገንዘብ ብልህነት ነው።

ወጣቱ የፖለቲካ ኣናሊስት ጀዋር መሃመድ “እኔ በመጀመሪያ ኦሮሞ ነኝ” በማለቱ የኣንድን ግለስብ መብትና ነጻነት እንኳን ለመቀበል ዝግጁ ያልሆኑ ወገኖች ያደረሱበት ውግዘት ሚሊዮኖች የኦሮሞ ተወላጆች “እኛም በመጀመሪያ ኦሮሞ ነን” በማለት በመላው ኣለም ስፊ እንቅስቃሴ እንዲካሄድ ምክንያት ሆኖኣል። ይህ ደግሞ የሚፈለገውን የህዝቦች ኣንድነት ለማምጣት የሚያግዝ ኣይደለም።

በመሰረቱ ጀዋር የተፈጠረው ኦሮሞ ሆኖ በመሆኑ “መጀመሪያ እኔ ኦሮሞ ነኝ” ማለቱ በምንም መልኩ ማንንም ሊያስቆጣ የሚችል ጉዳይ መሆን የለበትም። የፈለገ ዜግነቱን መቀየር ቢችልም ማንነቱን መቀየር ኣይችልም። ኦሮሞነትም ሆነ ኣማራነት ወይም ጉራጌነት ዘር እንጂ ዜግነት ኣይደሉም። ሰው ዜግነቱን ቀይሮ የትም መኖር ይችላል። ዘሩን ወይም ደሙን መቀየር ግን ኣይችልም። እነዚህ የትም ቢሆን ኣብረውት ይገኛሉ። ኢትዮጵያዊነት ዜግነትን እንጂ ዘርን ወይም ማንነትን አይገልጽም።

የሚገርመው ደግሞ በጀዋር ላይ የውግዘት ዘመቻ የከፈቱት “ለግለሰብ መብት” እንጂ የወል መብትን ኣንቀበልም በማለት ላለፉት ሃያ ሁለት ኣመታት የብሄር የፖለቲካ ድርጅቶችን ሲያውግዙ የኖሩት ወገኖች መሆናቸው ነው። እነዚህ ወገኖች የምታገሉለት ከዚህ የበለጠ የግለስብ መብት ምን እንደሆነ ብያስረዱ ጥሩ ይሆናል። ምክንያቱም እኔ እከሌ ነኝ ቢሎ ኣንድ ሰው እራሱን መግለጹና መወሰኑ የግለሰብ ሙሉ መብት መሆኑን የማይቀበል የፖለቲካ ኣቋም ምን ኣይነት የግለሰብ መብት ለማስክበርና ለማክበር እንደሚታገል ለማወቅ ኣይቻልም። ኣንድ ሰው እራሱን በፈለገው ስም የመጥራት መብት የዲሞክራሲ ግንባር ቀደም መርህ ነው። ይህንን የማይቀበል ወገን ፈጽሞ ስለዲሞክራሲ መጻፍም ሆነ መናገር የሚችል ኣይመስለኝም። ስለ ዲሞክራሲ እየሰበኩ ዲሞክራሲን መቃወም ማለት መሆኑን እንኳን ኣልተረዱትም። ኣንድ ሰው ኣንተ ማን ነህ ተብሎ ቢጠየቅ ኣማራ ነኝ፣ ትግሬ ነኝ፣ ከምባታ፣ ሃዲያ ወላይታ ወዘተ ቢሎ መልስ ቢስጥ ወንጀሉ የቱ ላይ ነው? በኢትዮዽያ ውስጥ ሰማኒያ የምደርሱ የተለያዩ ህዝቦች መኖራቸው የሚታወቅ ሲሆን “ኢትዮዽያ” የሚል መጠሪያ ያለው ብሄር ብሄረሰብ ወይም ህዝብ የለም። ኣንድ ሰው ማነህ ሲባል እከሌ ነኝ ቢሎ ማንነቱን መግለጽ በምንም መልኩ ሊያበሳጭ ኣይገባም።ኣንድነትንም ከማራቅ ይልቅ ኣያቀርብም።

በዚህ ኣይነት ገታራ ኣቋም በህዝቦች የነጻነት ፣ የዲሞክራሲ፣ የእኩልነትና የእድገት ፍላጎት ላይ እንቅፋት በመሆን የስቆቃ ኑሮው እንዲራዘም ማድረግ ግን ግብዝነት ካልሆነ በስተቀር ሌላ ትርጉም የለውም። በኣጠቃላይ ያለፉትም ሆኑ የዛሬዎቹ ለኢትዮዽያ ኣንድነት እራሳቸውን ብቸኛ ተቆርቋሪ ኣድርገው የሚገምቱት የፈጸሙትና እየፈጸሙ ያሉት እውነተኛ የኢትዮዽያ ህዝቦች ኣንድነት እንዳይመጣ ከፍተኛ እንቅፋት ሆነው ቆይተዋል።

ህዝቦች ለምን በክልላቸው ስም ይጠራሉ ወይም ለምን የኦሮምያ ፣ የኣማራ፣ የትግራይ ወዘተ ክልል ተባሉ በማለት ስያወግዙና ስተቹ ዛሬ ድረስ ቀጥለዋል። በኔ ግምት በኢትዮዽያ ማምጣት የሚፈለገው ኣንድነት የህዝቦች ኣንድነት እንጂ የግዛት ኣንድነት ኣይደለም። ምክንያቱም ከላይ በመግቢያዬ ላይ እንደተጠቀሰው የዛሬ ሃምሳ ኣመት ገደማ ለውጥ ፈላጊ ኢትዮዽያውያን እንደጠቀሱት የጠፋው ለኣንድነት መሰረት የሆነ የህዝቦች በእኩልነት ላይ የተመሰረተ ኣንድነት ነው እንጂ የኢትዮዽያ የግዛት ኣንድነት ኣይደለም። ያለፉት የኢትዮዽያ ገዢዎች ስለግዛት ኣንድነት እንጂ ስለ ህዝቦች ኣንድነት ደንታ ኣልነበራቸውም። በመሆኑም የህዝቦችን መብት በማፈን በጭካኔ ስገዙ እንደኖሩ ይታወቃል። ኣፈናና ጭቆና ዉሎ እያደረ ተቃውሞ በመቀስቀስ ኣገዛዞቹን ተራ በተራ ኣስወገዳቸው። ያኔ ልቦና ሰጥቶኣቸው የህዝቦችን መብት በማክበር በእኩልነት ላይ የተመሰረተ የኣስተዳደር ስርአት ቢመሰርቱ ኖሮ የሃገሪትዋ የፖለቲካ ሁኔታ ከኣሁኑ የተለ በሆነ ነበር።

ይህ ዛሬ በኣንጻራዊ መልኩ የተለያዩ ብሄር ብሄረሰቦች እራሳቸውን በኣራሳቸው የማስተዳደር መብቶች የተገኙት በቀላሉ ኣይደለም። ብዙ ዋጋ ተከፍሎበት እንደሆነ የሚስተው ያለ ኣይመስለኝም። ታዲያ ይህንን ብዙ ዋጋ የተከፈለበትን በቀላሉ ለመቀልበስ የሚቻል የሚመስላቸውና ገንዘባቸውን፣ እውቀታቸውንና ጊዜኣቸውን የሚያጠፉ መኖራቸው ያስገርማል።

የኣሁኑን ኣገዛዝም የሚቃወሙትና የሚታገሉት በጨቋኝነቱና በኢ-ዲሞክራሲያዊነቱ ሳይሆን ለብሄር ብሄረ ሰቦች እውቅና በመስጠቱ ብቻ እንደሆነ በግልጽ ለመናገር ይቻላል። ይህ ባይሆን ኖሮ ህዝቦች በፈለጉት ኣይነት ተደራጅተው ይመቸናል ያሉትን የኣስተዳደር ስርአት የመዘርጋት ሙሉ መብት ያላቸው መሆናቸውን በተቀበሉትና በደገፉት ነበር። የኢትዮዽያ ህዝቦች በተፈጥሮ በሰፈሩበት ክልል እየኖሩ መሆናቸው እየታወቀ ለምን በክልላቸው ስም ይጠራሉ ብሎ መከራከርና ጊዜን ማጥፋት ለምን እንዳስፈለገ ለእነሱ እንጂ ለማንም ሊገባ ኣይችልም። እነሱ እንደምፈልጉት ኢትዮዽያ በኣምስት የፌደራል ቀጠና ቢትከፋፈል የማንን ቋንቋ በመጠቀም ለማስተዳደር እንደሆነ ለመረዳት ብዙም ኣያስቸግርም። በቀላሉ ኦሮምኛ፣ ሱማልኛና ወላይተኛ ወዘተን በማጥፋት በኣማርኛ ለመተካት መሆኑ የኣዳባባይ ሚስጢር ነው። የክልሎች ስም የተጠላበት ዋናው ምክንያት ይሄ ነውና፣ የምቻል ከመሰላቸው በጣሙን ተሳስተዋልና ሳይመሽ መንቃት ኣለባቸው።የኢትዮዽያ ልዩ ልዩ ቋንቋዎች ተደምስሰዉ ኣንድ ቋንቋ ኣማርኛ ብቻ የሚነገርባት ሃገር ለማድረግ የሚደረገው ሙከራ ጊዜው ያለፈበት መሆኑን ዛሬም ያልተረዳ ካለ ጤነኛ መሆኑ ያጠረጥራል።

የኢትዮዽያ ኣንድነት ኣቀንቃኞች በማንነትና በቋንቋ ላይ የተመሰረተ ፌደራሊዝም የዜጎችን በፈለጉት አካባቢ ተዘዋውረው የመስራትና የመኖር መብትን ይገድባል ብለው ለመከራከር ይሞክራሉ። በመሰረቱ ኣውቆ የተኛን ቢቀሰቅሱት ኣይሰማም እንደተባለው ካልሆነ በስተቀር ኣብዛኞቹ በፈደራል ስርአት የምተዳደሩ ሃገሮች በዋናነት በቋንቋ ላይ የተመሰረቱ መሆናቸው ግልጽ ነው። ለዚህ ምሳሌ ካናዳና ስዊዜርላንድን መጥቀስ ይቻላል። በካናዳ የክቤክ ግዛት በፌደራል ኣስተዳደር እንዲተዳደር የተደረገው ኣብዛኛው ህዝብ ፈረንሳይ ኛ ተናጋሪ በመሆኑ ነው። ህዝቡ ሙሉ በሙሉ ፈረንሳይ ኛ ተናጋሪ ሆኖ ሳይሆን ኣብዛኛው በመሆኑ ያ መብት ተከብሮለታል። ዲሞክራሲ የብዙሃን ኣስተዳደር የኣናሳዎች መብት ማስከበር የተባለውም ለዚህ ነው።

በስዊዘርላንድ ኣራት በቋንቋ ላይ የተመሠረቱ ክልሎች ኣሉ። እያንዳንዱ የስዊዘላንድ ዜጋ ከኣራቱ ኣንዱን የመማር ግዴታ ኣለበት። በመሆኑም የስዊዘርላንድ ህዝብ ባለ ሁለት ቋንቋ ተናጋሪ (bilingual)እንዲሆን ኣስችሎታል። እነዚህ ሃገሮች በኣለም ላይ በዲሞክራሲ፣ በሰላምና፣ በእድገት በግንባር ቀደምት ነት የምጠቀሱ ወይም የምታወቁ ናቸው። ባለብዙ የስራ ቋንቋ ባለቤት መሆናቸው ከማንኞቹም የኣለም ሃገሮች ኣንድነታቸው የጠበቀና በእድገት ቀዳሚ እንዲሆኑ ኣደረጋቸው እንጂ በኣንድም ወቅት ለኣንድነታቸው ስጋት ሆኖ ተሰምቶ ኣይታወቅም።ታዲያ ኦሮሞው፣ ሱማለው፣ ኣፋሩ፣ ኣማራው ፣ ትግሬው፣ ወዘተ በቋንቋ ላይ የተመሰረተ ፌደራሊዚም ኣስተዳደር ብኖራቸው ለኢትዮዽያ ኣንድነት እንዴት ስጋት ሊሆን ይችላል? መብታቸውስ ኣይደለምን?

የዜጎችን የመዘዋወር መብት ይገድባል የሚባለውም ከእውነታ የራቀ ምክንያት እንጂ ተጨባጩ ሁኔታ ያንን ኣያመለክትም። የፌደራል ኣወቃቀሩ ያስቀረው ነገር ቢኖር በመቶ ሺዎች የምቆጠሩት ሰዎች ከሰሜኑ ከልል ወደ ኦሮምያና ሌሎች ክልሎች ኣምጥቶ ማስፈርን ነው እንጂ ዜጎች በግላቸው የትም ክልል ሄደው ሰርተው የመኖር መብታቸው ኣልተገደበም። በመንግስት ስራ ላይ ተሰማርቶ ለመስራትም እንደ ስዊዜርላንድና ሌሎች ሃገሮች ባለ ሁለት ቋንቋ (bilingual) መሆን ያስፈልጋል። ለዚህ ደግሞ ከክልሎች ቋንቋ የፈለጉትን መርጦ መማር ብቻ በቂ ነው። በመሰረቱ ኣንድ ሰው የክልሉን የስራ ቋንቋ የማይችል ከሆነ ህዝብ ለማገልገል ኣይችልም። ምክንያቱም የመንግስት ስራ ህዝብን ለማገልገል ስለሆነ ነው። ኣንድ ሰው ለመኖር መስራት ኣለበት ሰርቶ ለመኖር ደግሞ የሚሰራበትን ክልል የስራ ቋንቋ መቻል ሃላፊነቱ የራሱ ነው እንጂ የክልል ሊሆን ኣይችልም። ፈረንጅ ሃገር ስራ ፍለጋ የምሄድ ሁሉ የተሰደደበትን ሃገር ቋንቋ ለመማር ያልተቸገረ የራሱን ሃገር ወገን ቋንቋ ተምሮ ለመስራት ኣለመፈለግ እራሱ የሚያስተዛዝብ እንጂ የሚያሳዝን ፈጽሞ ልሆን ኣይችልም።

በመጨረሻም የአንድነት አቀንቃኞች ተጨባጩን የወቅቱን የህዝቦች የፖለቲካ ኣሰላለፍ ሳይወዱ በግድ እየመረረም ቢሆን በመዋጥ የህዝቦችን ማንነትና ፍላጎት በማክበር እውነተኛ የሆነ ኣንድነት ለመመስረት እንዲቻልና ሃገሪቷ ከገጠማት የፖለቲካ ኣጣብቂኝ ተላቃ ወደ እድገት ጎዳና እንዲታመራ ለዚህ ኣላማ ሌት ተቀን ከሚለፉት ጋር የበኩላችሁን ቢታበረክቱ ከታሪክ ተጠያቂነት ትድናላችሁ። ይህ ካልሆነ ምናልባት በእናንተ ገታራና እራስ ወዳድነት ምክንያት የመበታተን ኣደጋ ከመጣ ግንባር ቀደም ተጠያቂዎቹ እናንተ ትሆናላችሁ። በኔ እምነት በመላ ሃገሪቱ የሚገኙ ወረዳዎች የየእራሳቸው ባንዲራ ቢያውለበልቡ ለኢትዮዽያ ኣንድነት ጽኑ መሰረት ይሆናሉ እንጂ በምንም መልኩ ስጋት ኣይሆኑም።

የሰውን ልጅ በፍቅር እንጂ በ ጉልበት የመግዛት ዘመኑ ካለፈ በርካታ ኣመታት የተቆጠሩ ስለሆነ ከዚህ በኋላ ያለፈውን መናፈቅ ህልም እንጂ እውነት ልሆን ኣይችልም። የማንነት ፖለቲካም የኣንድነት ኣቀንቃኞች ስላልፈለጉ ወይም ስለጠሉ ሊጠፋ ኣይችልም።

* በቀለ ከስዊድን: bji2050@yahoo.com

=>gadaa

Q&A: Ethiopian journalists languish in prison

Government in Addis Ababa refuses to release award-winning journalists jailed under Anti-Terrorism Proclamation.

Eskinder Nega (L) is serving an 18-year jail term under the 2009 Anti-Terrorism Proclamation [MLDI/Al Jazeera]

As Al Jazeera presses ahead with its campaign to free its journalists detained in Egypt, nine Ethiopian journalists who are receiving less attention continue to languish in prison, held on trumped-up charges of terrorism, according to the New York-based Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ).

To mark the 900th day of the imprisonment of award-winning journalist Eskinder Nega, who is serving an 18-year jail term, and the 36th birthday of Woubshet Taye, jailed for 14 years, Al Jazeera speaks to Nani Jansen of the Media Legal Defence Initiative, a London-based NGO that helps journalists around the world defend their rights.

Al Jazeera: What are the charges Woubshet Taye and Eskinder Nega are facing?

Nani Jansen: Eskinder Nega, Woubshet Taye and many other journalists in Ethiopia, such as Reeyot Alemu, have been charged and convicted under Ethiopia's 2009 Anti-Terrorism Proclamation, a deeply flawed law that is being used by the Ethiopian government to systematically suppress free speech in the country.

Because of their work as a journalist, they were deemed to be "participating in a terrorist organisation". In fact, Eskinder was explicitly said to have "used his right to free expression as a cover for terrorism" and most of the so-called evidence presented in the criminal proceedings against them consisted of their journalistic writing.

AJ: What kind of legal assistance are they receiving?

NJ: Mr Nega is currently representing himself, having decided after his initial conviction that he was better off that way. He filed for an appeal in cassation (the last possible resort in Ethiopia) in May 2013 - he is still waiting for a hearing date.

Mr Taye decided not to appeal his conviction and has been hoping for a pardon. So far, the government has refused to grant him one.

AJ: What has MLDI done or is doing to have these journalists freed?

The Media Legal Defence Initiative has started several international legal proceedings to get Eskinder, Woubshet, and a number of their colleagues released from prison. A series of complaints has been filed with a UN body that has competence to address violations of the right to free speech. The procedure is confidential, I'm sorry; I cannot say which UN body.

More importantly, a complaint has been filed at the African Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights on behalf of Eskinder Nega and Reeyot Alemu, challenging the 2009 Anti-Terrorism Proclamation as such. In their complaint, Mr Nega and Ms Alemu not only present their own case, but demonstrate that there is a pattern of prosecution of journalists under the law.

They have asked the Commission to refer the case to the African Court, which can issue a binding decision saying that Ethiopia's laws violate international law. This would be an important step for all journalists in Ethiopia. MLDI is representing Mr Nega and Ms Alemu in these proceedings, together with the US-based NGO Freedom Now.

AJ: Ethiopia is notorious for persecuting and jailing critical journalists. Tell us about the working environment for journalists in Ethiopia.

NJ: Based on the number of cases we have been supporting in the country and the overview of prosecutions we documented for our complaint at the African Commission, I would say that there is virtually no free space left for independent journalism in the country.

Over the past few years we've slowly seen the last independent publications get shut down, their editors jailed and dissenting voices silenced. Consequently, self-censorship is all-pervasive amongst the remaining press. The situation is really very bad.

AJ: In an article published by Ethio-Mihidar newspaper, Woubshet Taye said some inmates have died in jail because they have been denied medical treatment. Does the MLDI have information on the circumstances of their detainment?

NJ: I can say that our female client in the African Commission case, Reeyot Alemu, has received severely inadequate treatment for the fibroadenoma she was diagnosed with. She has had surgery without anaesthesia, has been left with surgical stitches in her breast for over a year and never received proper aftercare. One of the requests we submitted to the African Commission is that she receive proper medical care as soon as possible.

AJ: What kind of pressure can be brought to bear on the Ethiopian government to get the journalists freed given the fact that the government appears to have ignored appeals and condemnation from the international community?

NJ: Looking at it from the legal perspective, it would be important for the African Court to get the opportunity to speak out on Ethiopia's abuse of its anti-terror laws. The Commission has to refer the case to the Court, so we hope that they will do so soon so there is chance of a binding decision that would force Ethiopia to amend its legislation as well as the way it is using it to stifle dissent.

Generally speaking, it is important that the wider public becomes aware of the fact that these prosecutions under anti-terrorism laws to punish free speech are not isolated incidents in one or two countries, but part of a wider pattern taking place in many countries worldwide. It is important that each and every country employing these tactics, including Ethiopia, be held to account for this.

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Empire Federalization as a political scheme to undermine the Oromo struggle for independence

By Leenjiso Horo* | March 2014

Introduction
The purpose of this article is two folds.  On one hand, it is to make a distinction among the forms of federalism; and on the other, to underscore that federalism is a wrong political answer to a colonial question.  Hence, from the outset I would like to state that empire federalization is against the right of colonized nations to self-determination, and so it is against the colonized people’s legitimate yearning and aspirations for freedom, national independence, and statehood.  Federalism of the Empire-State of Ethiopia is hostile to the necessity of establishing independent Democratic Republic of Oromiyaa.  Hence, to suggest Ethiopian empire’s federalization, including colonized Oromo people in it, is tantamount to a roadblock in the path of the Oromo struggle for national liberation.

The federalization of empire approach to the colonized people’s struggle for independence is incompatible with the history of all societies hitherto known to history, and hence to suggest empire federalization is not only politics of bankruptcy, but it is also a political moral hazard.  Indiscriminate usage of the term federalism is to obscure the purpose it is intended to serve, and hence to invite confusion.  In history, federalism has never been sought as an answer to the people’s struggle for independence from empire.  Such question has never been raised in the history of people’s struggle against colonial occupation.  The former Oromo Dialogue Forum (ODF) and the now Oromo Democratic Front (ODF) has committed a political blunder and logical fallacy so as to present misrepresentation of historical facts.  Its Political Program says, “The ODF shall strive to establish a democratic federal republic in Ethiopia, where sovereignty shall be shared between states and the federal government.”  Ethiopia is an empire, and the campaign for empire federalization is the height of the ODF’s political absurdity.  In this case, its mystification of empire federalization is to engage in political sophistry in order to invite confusion, to neutralize and demobilize nationals, to produce paralysis and create capitulation.  In so doing, Ethiopian Empire’s federalization is intended as a means to undermine the unity of Oromo and their national liberation movement. And so, its argument of empire federalization has to be ditched in its entirety.  The purpose of this article is to demystify the politics of empire federalization by explaining what federalism is all about, and what purpose it is intended to serve.

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የኢህኣፓው አዛውንት ጌታቸው ኃይሌና መሰሎች ከቀደምቶቹ ደብተራዎች ልባወለድ ታሪክ አዙሪት መውጣት አልቻሉም። ክፍል አንድ

ከቃሉ ኩሳ

- ከቃሉ ኩሳ

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Oromo speaking people? Part 2

by Rundassa Asheetee Hundee | March 2, 2014

Convincingly, the Amharas had been the elites of empire Ethiopia, particularly, hateful men like Getachew Haile and the like were considered as senior civil servants who retained much power and influence well into the 1970s. Now this insane thug promotes unequivocally racist ideology targeting specifically the Oromo people by labeling them as uncivilized bad people not understanding that framing the nation state by having his tribe above every ethnic group in empire Ethiopia adds to the political turmoil that is engulfing the already sick empire.

To deny the existence of the Oromo people, Getacho Haile, a fluent afaan Oromo speaker and the citizen of Oromia, intentionally avoided the mention of name “Oromo” while listing the names of the Oromo tribes and clans whom he called the “Oromo speaking people.”  By using term “Oromo speaking people” Getacho has tried to do what his friend Dr. Asrat, who denied the existence of the Amhara people in 1991 did. All these efforts are made to justify their claim that the Ethiopians are ONE people who share Amharic and the Amhara culture. Getchao Haile also carefully dissected Guji from Borana, Arsi from Maccaa,Karrayyu from Hoborra etc to intentionally confuse the young generation that Guji or Arsi are not part of the Oromo nation but different people who were forced to speak afaan Oromo.  In his evil mind, doing so will eventually lead to the Guji to rise against the Arsi, and the Maccaa to rise aganist the Tulamaa etc.

Of corse, the TPLF has tried to cheat our people by using the same evil tactic when they tried to create a rift between the Oromo, on one hand, and the Caboo, Sooddo, Argoba, Hadaree, Isa and Afar on the other, though they failed after these people showed an emotional and psychological attachment to each other.Yet, this old Amhara racist Getacho Haile is working very hard to achieve his racist party objectives of reviving the evil wish of MORESH, by injecting his racist poison into the minds of the new Amhara generation. However, the new generation have already rejected such evil mindset and the authoritarian patterns of inhuman views produced by low level thinkers such as Getacho Haile.Starting from the days of Germamee Niway and Gen. Mangistu Niway, tens of thousands of Amhara youth have criticized the “feudalization” Getacho’s tribe, the Moojaa family, which was thought to have accepted not only it’s aristocratic dominance in the field of politics but also the Amhara aristocratic values and pride.

In fact, without the waging of a successful revolution led by Martha Mebratu, Walelinyi Mokonon, Nagada Gobaze and the like, confronting and dismantling the Amhara racist  political tradition and bureaucracy was unthinkable. Thanks to these and the generation after them, the Amhara racism is relatively weak now compared to 1960s or 1980s.What is strange about Getacho Haile’s racist view however, that he can’t recognize a highly successful liberation movements that led to the freedom of the Eritrean people and the looming socio-economic changes that is hoovering over empire Ethiopia.

Admittedly, the Oromo people’s liberation movements may have been temporarily slowed down but power relations among the Amhara racists and the Oromo people have been changed for ever and the Amhara racism is suffering a very unstable fate as internal tensions created by racist men like Getacho Haile continued to work to the advantage of the enslaved majority.  Basically, the Amhara racists have lost much of their former dominance and legitimacy as their old way of thinking is partly replaced by the emerging liberal democracy upheld by the new generation. That was the reason for the split of the racist Amhara party known as the “mellaa Amhara.”

It is recalled that the younger Amharas left the old Amhara racist party and joined the TPLF parliament to promote the idea of modern state though the TPLF failed them so misreably. But, now racist Getacho Haile argues that the Amharas old political legacy is better and must survive only to speed up the death of the already dying empire.

Looking at things from this particular angle, certainly Getacho Haile is losing the argument even when he remained hostile towards the Oromo people who greatly contributed to his upbringing by feeding him till the day he left the country for refugee life in America.  Needless to say, like any low level thinkers do, Getacho can continue to promote his hate filled views against the Oromo people but soon or later the Amhara youth will turn his racist views into resentment against him.   That means, what is at stake here is not the Oromo people’s freedom but Getacho Haile’s credibility.

Rundassa Asheetee

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The battle to keep racism alive!

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