Wednesday, April 9, 2014

ክፍት ደብዳቤ ለኣሜሪካ ድምጽ ሬድዮ ኣማርኛ ፕሮግራም ማኔጂንግ ኤዲተር ወ/ሮ ትዝታ በላቸው

ከያህያ ጀማል*
በቅድሚያ ይድረስ የተከበረ ሰላምታዬ ለወ/ሮ ትዝታ በላቸው። ከሰላምታዬ በማስከተል ይህን ክፍት ደብዳቤ ለመጻፍ ወዳነሳሳኝ ፍሬ ጉዳይ ልዝለቅ። ወ/ሮ ትዝታ ቢያንስ ከ20 ኣመታት በላይ በኣሜሪካ ድምጽ ሬድዮ ኣማርኛው ፕሮግራም ላይ የማውቅሽ ሚዛናዊ የሆኑ ዝግጅቶችን ስታቀርቢ ነው። በተለይም በፖለቲካ ነክ ጉዳዮች ዙሪያ እንግዶችን ጋብዘሽ በምታዋይያቸው ወቅቶች ሁሉ ተገቢና ፍትሃዊ ጥያቂዎችን እየፈለፈልሽ በመሰንዘር የኣድማጮችሽን የልብ ትርታ ማዳመጥ የምትችይ የቱባ ጋዜጠኝነት ልምድ ባለቤት መሆንሽን ነበር የማውቀው። በዚህም የቪኦኤን ኣማርኛ ፕሮግራም ማድመጥ ከጀመርኩበት ወቅት ኣንስቶ ከሞላ ጎደል ኣድናቂሽ ሆኜ ቆይቻለሁ።
ዛሬ ግን ይህን ክፍት ደብዳቤ እንድጽፍልሽ ያነሳሳኝ ጉዳይ በቅርቡ በተከታታይ ክፍሎች የቀረበውንና ሶስት ምሁራንን በማሳተፍ ኣንቺው ራስሽ ባወያየሽው በኢትዮጵያ የታሪክ ጭብጦች ላይ ያተኮረ ወይይት ይዘት ነው። በዚህ ውይይት ውስጥ ለረጅም ጊዜ የማውቅሽ የወ/ሮ ትዝታ በላቸው ሚዛናዊ ኣወያይነትና ጠለቅ ያለው የጋዜጠኝነት ጥያቄ ኣጠያየቅ ልምድሽ የት እንደገባ ኣልተረዳሁም። ውይይቱ ኣንድን ወገን ኣስደስቶ ሌላውን ያሳዘነ ሆኖ ሳለ ይባስ ተብሎ እየተደጋገመ ኣየር ላይ ሲውል ታዝቤያለሁ። በዚህ ክፍት ደብዳቤዬ ቢያንስ በሁለት ዋና ዋና ምክንያቶች እንዳዘንኩብሽ ለመግለጽ እገደዳለሁ።
ገና ሲጀመር በኢትዮጵያ የታሪክ ጭብጦች ዙሪያ ከተጋበዙት ሶስቱ ምሁራን መካከል ኣንዱ የተመረጡበት መስፈርት ምን እንደሆነ ለኔ ግልጽ ኣይደለም። የታሪክ ምሁር በመባል የሚታወቁት ዶክተር ጌታቸው ሃይሌ በታሪክ ጉዳይ ላይ የራሳቸውን ኣቅዋም እንዲያንጸርባርቁ መመረጣቸው ለኣንድም ሁለት ወይም ሶስት ምክንያቶች ተገቢ ሆኖ ይታየኛል። እሳቸው በሞያ የታሪክና የቁዋንቁዋ ተመራማሪ ከመሆናቸው በተጨማሪ በራሳቸው ስም ኣልፎ ኣልፎ በድረ-ገጾች ላይ በሚያሰራጯቸው ታሪክ ነክ መጣጥፎች ይዘት ዙሪያ ለበርካታ ጥያቄዎች ምላሽ መስጠት የሚጠበቅባቸው ‘ተጠያቂ’ ምሁር ናቸው። በግጭት ኣስወጋጅነት ምርምር ስራ ላይ የተሰማሩት ዶክተር ብርሃኑ መንግስቱም ቢሆኑ በታሪክ ሂደት ውስጥ ስለተከሰቱ ግጭቶች የምናወጋ እስከሆነ ድረስ ውይይቱ ሊመለከታቸው ይችላል። ለነገሩ ዶክተር ብርሃኑ በዚህ ውይይት ውስጥ እንዲጫወቱ የተፈለገው ሚና ኣስታራቂ ሃሳቦችን በማንሸራሸር ሁለት ጽንፈኛ ኣመለካከቶችን ለማቀራረብ ታስቦ ቢሆንም እሳቸው ግን በዚህኛው ውይይት ውስጥ ስልታዊ በሆኑ ቃላት የዶክተር ጌታቸውን ኣቁዋም በመደገፍና በማዳበር ሶስተኛውን ተወያይ እያጠቁ ማንበርከካቸውን ነው ለመረዳት የቻልኩት።
በዚህ ታሪክ ነክ ውይይት ላይ የተጋበዙት ሶስተኛው ሰው ዶክተር በያን ኣሶባ ግን በምን መስፈርት ለዚህ ውይይት ብቁ ተደርገው እንደተመረጡ ነው ያልገባኝ። ውይይቱ የታሰበው (ከመንደርደሪያ ሃሳቡም ኣንዳደመጥነው) ሁለቱን ተጻራሪ የታሪክ ጭብጦች (የኣማራ ልህቃንና የኦሮሞ ልህቃንን በመወከል) ኣገናኝቶ ለማወያየት እስከሆነ ድረስ ኦሮሞን ወክለው የሚቀርቡት ምሁር ልክ እንደ ኣማራው ዶክተር ጌታቸው ሁሉ በታሪክ እውቀት የተካኑና ውሃ መቁዋጠር የሚችል የክርክር ነጥብ የማንሳት ኣቅም ያካበቱ መሆን ይጠበቅባቸው ነበር። ዶክተር ጌታቸው የወዲያኛውን ጽንፈኛ ኣቁዋም ወክለው እንዲቀርቡ ከተመረጡ ዘንዳ የወዲህኛውን ‘ጽንፈኛ’ ኣቁዋም መንስኤ ማስረዳትና መከራከር የሚችል ተመጣጣኝ የታሪክ ምሁር መመረጥ ነበረበት። ዶክተር በያንን እስከማውቃቸው ድረስ ግን እሳቸው የኣንድ ፖለቲካ ድርጅት ኣመራር ኣባል እንጂ በኢትዮጵያ ታሪክ ዙሪያ ከተቀሩት ሁለቱ ምሁራን ጋራ የሚመጣጠን የታሪክ ትምህርት እውቀት ያካበቱ ኣይመስሉኝም። ባልሳሳት እሳቸው በሞያ የህግ ምሁር እንጂ እንደ ተቀሩት ሁለቱ ሰዎች የታሪክ ወይም የታሪክ ወለድ ግጭቶች ኣወጋገድ ሊቅ ኣይደሉም። በዚህ ረገድ ሲታይ ታሪክና ፖለቲካ ለየቅል መሆናቸውን ልብ እንላለን። ፖለቲካ ሳይንስም ኣርትም ነው። ኣርቱ ካለው ማንኛውም ሰው ብድግ ብሎ ፖለቲከኛ ሊሆን ይችላል። ከዚህም የተነሳ ብዙ የማህበራዊ ሳይንስ ያላጠኑ የተፈጥሮ ሳይንስ ምሁራን ሃይለኛ ፖለቲከኛ (technocrats) በመሆን ኣገር ሲመሩ በኣለም ዙሪያ እናያለን። ነገር ግን ታሪክ ለታሪክ ኣጥኚዎች (historians) ብቻ የሚተው ጉዳይ ነው። የዚህኛው ውይይት ጭብጥም ታዲያ ህግ ነክ ወይም ወቅታዊ ፖለቲካ ሳይሆን ታሪክና ታሪክ ነክ ጉዳይ ነው።
ዶክተር በያን በውይይቱ ላይ ሲጋበዙ የኦሮሞ ልህቃንን በመወከል በኢትዮጵያ ታሪክ ጭብጥ ላይ እንዲወያዩ ታሳቢ ተደርጎ ይመስለኛል። እንደዚያ ከሆነ ደግሞ ከዶክተር በያን ይልቅ ልክ እንደ ዶክተር ጌታቸው ሃይሌ ሁሉ በታሪክ ወይም በቁዋንቁዋ ጥናት Ph.Dያቸውን ከሰሩ የኦሮሞ ተወላጅ ምሁራን መካከል ተፈልጎ መጋበዝ ነበረበት። ከተቃራኒው ጫፍ ለሚነሱ ታሪክ ነክ ማብራሪያዎች ተመጣጣኝ የሆነ ታሪክ ነክ የመከራከሪያ ምላሽ መስጠት የሚችል የኦሮሞውን የፖለቲካ ጎራ የሚወክል የታሪክ ምሁር መጋበዝ ፍትሃዊነት ይኖረው ነበር። ወ/ሮ ትዝታ ይህን ማድረግ እየቻልሽ ሳታደርጊ በመቅረት ኣድሎኣዊነት የሚንጸባረቅበትን ውይይት/ክርክር ማቅረብ በመምረጥሽ በጣም ካዘኑብሽና ከታዘቡሽ የኦሮሞ ተወላጆች መካከል ኣንዱ መሆኔን እገልጽልሻለሁ።  (በነገራችን ላይ ኣብዛኞቹ የኦሮሞ ብሄረተኞች የቪኦኤ ኣማርኛ ፕሮግራም የመከታተል ፍላጎት የላቸውም። ምክንያቱ ደግሞ ኣብዛኛውን ጊዜ በሚቀርቡት እንዲህ ባሉት ኣድሎኣዊነት በሚያጠቃቸው ዝግጅቶች በመሰላቸትና በማዘን ነው። ኣሁን ስለምናወራው ውይይትም በተመለከተ ብዙ የማውቃቸውን ሰዎች ጠይቄ ኣብዛኞቹ እንዳልተከታተሉት ነግረውኛል።)  ከኦሮሞው ወገን በዚህ ዘርፍ ምሁር ተፈልጎ የታጣ ይመስል የታሪክ ጉዳይ የማይመለከታቸውን ዶክተር በያን ላይ የሙጥኝ በማለት እሳቸውን ኣግባብቶ ለማቅረብ የሳምንታት ጊዜ እንደወሰደ ሳስታውስ የውይይቱ ኣዝማሚያ ወዴት እንደሆነ ኣስቀድሞ የሚጠቁም ነበረ። የውይይቱ ኣላማም የሁለቱን ጫፍ ኣመለካከቶች በቅንነት ለማስታረቅ ሳይሆን የኦሮሞውን የፖለቲካ ማህበረሰብ የታሪክ ግንዛቤን በስህተትነት ለመፈረጅና በተለይም ባሁኑ ወቅት በወጣቱ ትውልድ መካከል የሚታየውን የኣባቶችን ታሪክ መሰረት ባደረገ የፖለቲካ ኣመለካከት ውስጥ የኦሮሞውን ወገን ኣፍ ለማስያዝ ታስቦ መሆኑን ከውይይቱ ኣጀማመርና ኣጨራረስ በቀላሉ መረዳት ይቻላል። ለዚህም ነው ከውይይቱ ፍጻሜ በሁዋላ በቀረቡት የኣድማጮች ኣስተያየት የኣንዱ ፖለቲካ ማህበረሰብ (የኣማራው ወገን) ኣባላት ብቻ በውይይቱ መደሰታቸውን ሲገልጹ ከሁለተኛው (ከኦሮሞው) ወገን ግን ዝምታ የተመረጠው።
ወ/ሮ ትዝታ ሌላው ያዘንኩብሽ ምክንያት ደግሞ ከላይ እንደጠቀስኩት በሳልና ፍትሃዊ የሆነው የኣወያይነት ልምድሽ በዚህኛው የውይይት ሂደት ከቶ ስላልታየኝ ነው። ይሄን ሳነሳልሽ የግድ ስለ ዶክተር ጌታቸው ሃይሌ ጽንፈኛ ኣቁዋም ከዶክተር በያን ኣሶባ ውሱን የሆነ የታሪክ እውቀት ጋር እያነጻጻርኩ መናገሬ የግድ ይሆናል። እንደምትረጂው (ኣንቺም እንዳነበብሽው በውይይቱ ወቅት ጠቅሰሻልና) ዶክተር ጌታቸው ሃይሌ ለዚህ ውይይት ከመቅረባቸው ጥቂት ቀናት ኣስቀድሞ ‘እርቅና ሰላም፣ የህይወት ቅመም’በሚል ርእስ ያዘጋጁትን ኣንድ ጽሁፍ በተለያዩ ድረ-ገጾች ላይ ለንባብ ኣውለውት ነበር። ዶክተር ጌታቸው በዚህ ኣርእስቱ እንደ ቂቤ በለሰለሰና ይዘቱ ግን ኣንደ ጩቤ በሰላ ግጭት ሰባኪ ጽሁፋቸው ኦሮሞና እስልምናን በኢትዮጵያ ጠላትነት በመፈረጅ እስከሚበቃቸው ድረስ ዘልፈዋል፣ ረግመዋል። ኦሮሞን በሚመለከት በጽሁፉ ውስጥ ኣንዲህ ብለዋል። ‘ኦሮምኛ የሚናገሩ ጎሳዎች የእስላሞቹ ኣመጽ በተገታ ማግስት ፈልሰው ከእስላሞቹ የተረፈውን የስልጣኔ ምልክት ጠራረጉት…ጋዳ በሚሉት (ገዳ ማለታቸው ነው) ሁሉን ለጦርነት በሚያሰልፍ የማፊያ ስርኣት በውትድርና ተደራጅተው፣ በግብርና፣ በንግድ፣ በድብትርና የሚተዳደረውን ሰላማዊ ህዝብ ኣረዱት፣ ንብረቱን ኣወደሙት።…’ እያሉ ጠብ ጫሪ የተረት ተረት ትረካቸውን ይቀጥላሉ። ዶክተር ጌታቸው እንዲህ ያለውን በኣደገኛ ጽንፈኝነት የተጠናወተ ወገንተኛ ኣቁዋም ይዘው ሲጽፉ ኣቁዋማቸውን በሚደግፉት ወገኖች ዘንድ ኣንቱ የሚባሉ ምሁር እንደመሆናቸው መጠን ‘የኢትዮጵያ ስልጣኔ ባልቤት ነኝ’ ብሎ ራሱን የሚጠራው የፖለቲካ ማህበረሰብ በኦሮሞ ላይ ምን ያክል በዘረኝነት የተሞላ ጥላቻ እንዲያድርበትና ብሎም የሩዋንዳውን ኣይነት ጭፍጨፋ ሊጋብዝ የሚችል ቡራኬ እያሰሙ ስለመሆናቸው ግልጽ ነው።
‘ፕሮፈሰሩ’ እዚህ ላይ ቢያቆሙ ደግ ነበር። ግን ቀጠሉ። ‘እስላሞቹ የክርስቲያኖቹን ስልጣኔ ኣጥፍተው በራሳቸው ስነ ፅሁፍ ሊተኩት ኣስበው ነበር። ኦሮምኛ ተናጋሪዎቹ ግን እረኞች ስለነበሩ ስልጣኔን በስነ ጽሁፋዊ ስልጣኔ የመተካት ግዴታ ኣልነበራቸውም…’ ኣያሉ ከኣንድ ፕሮፌሰር የማይጠበቁ ትምክህተኝነትን የሚያቀነቅኑና በንቀት የተሞሉ ቃላትን እየተጠቀሙ ኦሮሞን ተሳድበዋል። የወቅቱን የኦሮሞን ህዝብ እንስሳት ኣርቢነት ህይወት ለመግለጽ ፈልገው ባልጠፋ ቃል ‘እረኞች’ የሚለውን የዘለፋ ቃል መርጠው መጠቀማቸው የነፍጠኝነት ትምክህታቸው እብጠት ዛሬም ገና ኣለመተንፈሱን ያስረዳናል። ከዚሁ ጋርም ኣያይዞ እሳቸው የሚወለዱበት ብሄር ወይም የፖለቲካ ማህብረሰብ በስልጣኔ የመጠቀና ኦሮሞው ግን ስልጣኔ ኣልባ ወይም በሳቸው ቃል ‘እረኛ’ መሆኑን ለማስረዳት ሞክረዋል። ይህ ብቻም ኣይደለም። ኦሮሞን እንደ ኣንድ ብሄር ‘ኦሮሞ’ እያሉ መጥራትን ተጠይፈው ‘ኦሮሚኛ ተናጋሪዎች’ የሚል ኣገላለጽ ሆን ብለው ሁሉም ቦታ ላይ ተጠቅመዋል። ዶክተሩ በታሪክ ምርምር ሃቅ ላይ ተመስርተው የጻፉ ቢሆኑ ኖሮ ገዳን የመሰለ ኣገር በቀል የኣፍሪቃ የደሞክራሲ ባህል ቅርስን ኣንደ ኣንድ የኦሮሞ ህዝብ የስልጣኔ እሻራ ኣንጂ ‘የማፊያ ስርኣት’ እያሉ በመጥራት ባልተሳደቡ ነበር።
ግለሰቡ በዚህ ጽሁፋቸው ማሳረጊያ ላይ ‘ለእርቅና ሰላም’ (ድንቄም እርቅና ሰላም) ያሉትን ሶስት ትምክህታዊ ውሳኔዎች ኣሳልፈዋል። ኣንደኛው ‘…የመጀመሪያው እርምጃ ኣባቶቻችንን እንወክላለን የሚሉ እስላሞችና ኦሮሞዎች… በኢትዮጵያ ላይ ላደረሱት…ጥፋት የኢትዮጵያን ህዝብ ይቅርታ ይጠይቁ…’ የሚል ነው። (ኦሮሞዎችና እስላሞች ዛሬም ‘የኢትዮጵያ ህዝብ’ ኣካል ሳይሆኑ ‘የኢትዮጵያን ህዝብ’ ይቅርታ መጠየቅ የሚጠበቅባቸው መጤዎች መሆናቸውን እየነገሩን ነው።) ሁለተኛው መፍትሄያቸውም ‘ኣጼ ምኒልክና ራስ ጎበና ዳጬ የተበታተኑትንና እርስ በራሳቸው የሚባሉትን ኦሮምኛ ተናጋሪዎች ኣንድ ያደረጉበትን ቀን…ኦሮምኛ ተናጋሪዎች…በጨፌኣቸው ወስነው በያመቱ ማክበር ኣለባቸው’ የሚል ነው። ሶስተኛው እርምጃ ያሉት በግልጽ ማንን እንደሚመለከት ባይቀመጥም (ነገር ግን ከግለሰቡ ትምክህታዊ ኣቁዋም ኣንጻር ለኦሮሞው ወይም ለህዝበ ሙስሊሙ ሊሆን ኣንደሚችል ይገመታል) ‘ኣስተሳሰባቸውን ከሰብኣ-ትካት (primitive) ወደ ሰብኣ-ዘመን (modern) ኣስተሳሰብ መቀየር ኣለባቸው’ የሚል ቀጭን ትእዛዝ ኣስተላልፈዋል። ዶክተር ጌታቸው ሃይሌ ስለሚባሉት ግለሰብ ማንነት ከላይ የተጠቀሱት ሶስቱ ትምክህታዊ ‘የመፍትሄ’ ሃሳባቸው በቂ ምስል ያሳያሉና ሶስቱን ነጥቦች እየተነተንኩ ኣንድ ባንድ መተቸት የሚያስፈልገኝ ኣይመስለኝም።
ክብርት ወ/ሮ ትዝታ ሆይ!
ይህን የመሰለ ጠብ ኣጫሪ ጽሁፍ ያቀረቡትን ግለሰብ በራዲዮው የውይይት መድረክ ላይ ስትጋብዢ ዶክተሩ በጽሁፋቸው ውስጥ ስለተጠቀሟቸው ጠብና ቁርሾን የሚቀሰቅሱ፣ ባለፉት የታሪክ ቁስሎቻችን ላይ እንጨት እየሰደዱ የሚያደሙንን ተንኩዋሽ ቃላታቸውን እየጠቃቀስሽ በተለመደው ሞያዊ ብቃትሽ ተፈታታኝ ጥያቄዎችን ትሰነዝሪላቸዋለሽ የሚል ግምት በተወሰነ ደረጃ ኣድሮብኝ ነበር። በውይይቱ ወቅት የታዘብኩት ግን ተቃራኒውን ነበር። ዶክተሩ በጽሁፋቸው ውስጥ ከእባብ በከፋ መልኩ የተፉትን መርዝ ለማለባበስ ኣፋቸውን ቂቤ ቅብተው በውይይቱ ላይ ሊያሞኙን ሲታትሩ ሰማሁኣቸው። በጽሁፋቸው ውስጥ ኦሮሞውን ‘እረኛ’ ኣያሉት ድንቅ የስልጣኔ ኣሻራው የሆነውን የገዳ ስርኣቱንም ‘የማፊያ ስርኣት’ እያሉ እንዳልተሳደቡ ሁሉ በራድዮው ውይይት ላይ ደግሞ መርዛቸውን ምላሳቸው ስር ቀብረው ኦሮሞን ጭራሽ የኣቢሲኒያ ገዢዎች ኣካል ኣድርገው ለማቅረብ ሲሞክሩ ሳቅሁባቸው። በ’ዶክተርነታቸውም’ ኣፈርኩባቸው። በጽሁፋቸው የተናገሩትንና ራድዮ ላይ በሚያቀርቡት ሃሳብ መከከል የሚታየውን እንደ ተራራ የገዘፈ የምሁራዊ ስነ ምግባርና የኣቅዋም ልዩነት ኣጋልጦ ግለሰቡን ማፋጠጥ ያንቺ የጋዜጠኛዋ ስራ ኣልነበረምን? ዶክተሩ በጽሁፋቸውን ውስጥ ስላስቀመጧቸው ሶስቱ መፍትሄ ተብዬ ‘ትእዛዞች’ በራድዮው ወቅት ቢደግሙት መልካም ነበር። እሳቸው ለመድገም ፍላጎት ከሌላቸው ደግሞ የመፍትሄኣቸውን ኣነጋጋሪነት ማጋለጥና ማስተቸት የማን ድርሻ ነበር? የዶ/ር ጌታቸውን ኣቅዋም በተመለከተ ኣድማጭ ግለሰቡ ኣስቀድመው የጻፉትን ይመን ወይስ ራድዮ ላይ የተናገሩትን?
በመሰረቱ ይህንን የዶ/ር ጌታቸውን መንታ ምላስነትና ጠብ ኣጫሪ ኣቁዋም በዋናነት ማጋለጥ የነበረበት በውይይቱ (ውይይት ሳይሆን ክርክር መባል ነበረበት) ውስጥ በባላንጣነት የቀረቡት ዶ/ር በያን ኣሶባ ናቸው። ዶክተር በያን ግን ይህንን መዘዘኛ ጽሁፍ ኣስቀድመው ኣግኝተው ያነበቡትም ኣይመስለኝም። ዶክተር በያን በዚህ ውይይት/ክርክር ላይ ፈቃደኛ ሆነው ለመቅረብ እስከወሰኑ ድረስ ደግሞ የባላንጣቸው ጠንካራና ደካማ ጎኖች ምን ምን እንደሆኑና የተፈታታኝነት ልካቸውስ ምን ያህል እንደሆነ ኣስቀድመው ተረድተው የመከራከሪያ ኣቅማቸውን ማጎልበት ነበረባቸው። የዶክተር ጌታቸውን መርዘኛ ቃላት ከጽሁፋቸው እየጠቀሱ በራድዮው ውይይት ላይ ከተናገሩት ጋር በማገናዘብ ማፋጠጥ ከማንም በላይ የርሳቸው ድርሻ ነበረ። እሳቸው ግን በሚያሳፍር መልኩ ጭራሽ ወረዱና የዶክተር ጌታቸው ‘የታሪክ ተማሪ’ እስከመሆን ድረስ የዘቀጠ ተረቺነታቸውን ኣስመስክረው ዶክተር ጌታቸውን ‘ለታሪክ ትምህርታቸው’ ኣመስግነው ኣረፉት። የኦሮሞ ኣብራክ ኣገር ቤትም ሆነ በዳያስፖራው ኣያሌ የታሪክ ምሁራንን እንዳላፈራ ዛሬ በዶክተር ጌታቸው ‘ሌክቸር’ ኣማካኝነት የታሪክ ሀሁን እየቆጠሩ መሆናቸውን በነገሩን በዶክተር በያን ኣሶባ ኣንዲያፍር ተፈረደበት። ዶክተር በያን ለዚህ ትችት ላለመዳረግ ሲባል ኣስቀድመው እንዲህ ባለው የታሪክ ጉዳይ ላይ ኣለመቅረብን መምረጥ ነበረባቸው።
ኣንደዚህ ኣይነቱ የኣንዱ ተወያይ ብቃት ጥያቄ ምልክት ውስጥ ሲገባ ኣወያዩ ጋዜጠኛ የራሱን ኣስተዋጽኦ ማድረግ ይችል ነበር። በተለይም ወ/ሮ ትዝታን ከጥንት ጀምሮ ስናውቅሽ በዚህ ኣይነቱ የጋዜጠኝነት ችሎታ የተካንሽ መሆንሽን እናስታውሳለን። በዚህኛው ውይይት ላይ ግን ሞያሽን በፍትሃዊ መልኩ ገቢራዊ ያደረግሽው ኣልመሰለኝም። የዶክተር ጌታቸውን ጠብ ኣጫሪ ጽሁፍ ኣስቀድመሽ ኣንብበሽ ኣያለ በተጠቀሟቸው ቃላት ላይ የጥያቄ ናዳ ልታወርጂባቸው ሲገባ ኣለባብሶ ማለፍን መረጥሽ። ኣለባብሶ በማለፍ ደግሞ ኣለመግባባቶች ጭራሽ ይብሳሉ እንጂ በሃሳብ መቀራረብ ወይም እርቅ ሊመጣ ኣይችልም።
በዚህ ክፍት ደብዳቤዬም ይህንን ትዝብቴን እንድትረጂልኝና ይህ ትዝብት ደግሞ የኔ ያንድ ተራ ግለሰብ ብቻ ሳይሆን፣ ትቂቶች ቢሆኑም ውይይቱን የተከታተሉት የሌሎች ወገኖቼ ትዝብትም መሆኑን ላስገነዝብሽ እፈልጋለሁ። ቢያንስ ለወደፊቱ ራስሽ በምታዘጋጂኣቸው ወይም ባንቺ ማኔጂንግ ኤዲተርነት ሌሎች የስራ ባልደረቦችሽ በሚያቀርቧቸው መሰል ውይይቶች ላይ የኦሮሞ ህዝብ የምሁር መካን ኣለመሆኑን ተረድታችሁ ለሚዛናዊ ውይይት ተገቢ ምሁር መርጣችሁ በመጋበዝ እንድታወያዩ በቀረችኝ የተስፋ እንጥፍጣፊ ለማስታወስ እወዳለሁ። ካልሆነ ግን የኣሜሪካ ድምጽ ራድዮ ኣማርኛው ፕሮግራም ዛሬም በትምክህተኛ ኣቁዋም ደጋፊነቱ እንደሚታማው ሁሉ ይህንን ኣይነት ኢፍትሃዊና በኣድልኦ የተሞላ የውይይት ፕሮግራምም ሆን ብሎ የሚያሰናዳው መሆኑን እንገነዘባለን።
ወ/ሮ ትዝታ ስለጊዜሽ በጣም ኣመሰግናለሁ!
ቸር እንሰንብት!
ያህያ ጀማል: Gulummaa75@gmail.com

Tuesday, April 8, 2014

SEENAA GABAABAA JAAL KABBADEE BUZUNESH (1908-1976)

Jaal Kabadaa Buzunesh Gurraandhala 7, 1908 Oromiyaa giddu gala, Meettaa Roobii, araddaa Gorsaa keessatti dhalatan.Umuriin isaanii barnootaaf akka ga’eenis maatiin isaanii abbaa lafaa waan turaniif salphaatti barnoota argachuu danda’anii jiru.
J/ Kabbadaa B (1908-1976)
Jaal Kabbadaa Buzunesh bara jireenya isaanii keessatti beekumsaa fi dandeettii qabaniin sadarkaa hogganummaa garaa garaan keessatti gahee isaanii gumaachanii jiru. Kanneen keessaas ministeera humna ittisa biyyaa ta’uu sadarkaa olaanaatti waggoota afuriif tajaajilaniiru.
Haa ta’u maleeuu, sadarkaa olaanaatti muudamuun kun Jaal Kabbadaaf milkii hin turre. Jaal Kabbadaan, waan namni biraa akka laayyootti hin  agarre, argaa ooluun isaanii immoo daran waan biraaf isaan kakaase. biyya cunqursaan keessatti hundee godhate keessatti qabsoodhaan malee hundee dhibdee san jigsuun akka hin danda’amen akak hubatan isaan gargaare. Sababa kanaan, sadarkaa olaanaatti hojjachuun kun ibidda bara baraan laboobaa jiraatu isaan keessatti qabsiise; isaan irraayis dhalootaa dhalootatti darbuu isaa itti fufe.
Jaal Kabbadaan aangoo mootummaan kenneefitti dhimma bahanii ummata isaanii hin mine. Bara san keessatti waan ta’ee hin beekne, aangoo mootummaa argatanitti dhimma bahanii ummata isaanii barsiisuuf kaka’an. cunqursaa fi dhiibbaa uummata oromoo irratti ga’aa jirus ifaan ifatti loluufis  qabsaa’ota Oromoo akka isaanii barbaaduu eegalan. Akkanaanis ijoollee Oromoo faana gurmaa’anii qabsaa’uuf Ebila 23,1962 gara Maccaa fi Tuulamatti makaman. Erga WMT makamanii boodas hojiilee garaa garaa hojjachuu dhaan uummata keessatti dammaqiinsa guddaa uuman
Jaal Kabbadaa Buzunash, hojiilee boonsaa Waldaa Maccaa fi Tuulamaa keessatti dalagan keessaas mudde 14,1967 Dheeraa irratti osoo Loltuu dhaan hordofamanii uummata kumaatamatti lakkaa’amu fuulduratti ba’anii dhiibbaa uummata Oromoo irratti ga’aa jiru ifatti uummataaf ibsan.
Hojii boonsaa kana waan raawwataniifis, dhiibbaa guddaan irra ga’e; maatii isaanii irraa addaan ba’an. Akkasumas hoggantummaan isaanii ministeera ittisa biyyaa irratti qaban irraa aryataman. Yeroo dhiibbaan itti baayyachaa dhufus hiriyoota isaanii kanneen akka Jeneraal Taddesee Birruu,Jeneraal Daawwit Abdii,Dr Morgaa Firrisaa,Obbo Baqqalee Mokonnin,Obbo Dajanee Booji’aa,Obbo Daadhii Fayyisaa,Obbo Tasfaayee Digaagaa,Koloneel Maammoo Mazaamiir waliin mari’achuu dhaan bosona seenan.
Jaal kabbadaan yeroo hamtuu san keessatti waggoota ja’aaf qabsoo bosonaa erga taasisanii boodas Fulbaana 06,1976 diinaan marfamanii qabsoo guddaa taasisan. Qabsoo kana keessattis waraana 200 hin caalle qabatanii waraana kumaatamaan lakkaa’amu faana qabsoo olaanaa taasisan. Haata’uutii, humni isaanii human diinaatiin walgituu hin dandeneye. Haguma humni diinaa itti jabaachaa dhufe, humni isaanii daran xiqqaachaa dhufe. Kana booda hireen isaan qaban lama: harka kennachuu yookaan immoo otuu falmanii wareegamuu ta’e. Jaal Kabbadaan garuu, harka kennachuu hin filanne; harka laachuun uummata Oromoof salphina guddaa akka ta’e barsiisuuf jecha Fulbaana 18,1976 osoo harka diinaa hin seenin meeshaa qabatanii jiraniin lubbuu isaanii tokkitti uummata Oromoof aarsaa godhanii darban!



AANOLEE: ‘A TRAGEDY ON WHICH ETHIOPIAN SOURCES ARE SILENT'


Aanolee(OPride) – Hundreds of thousands gathered in Hetosa, Arsi zone of Oromia, the largest of Ethiopia's nine federal states, for the unveiling of the Aanolee Cultural Center on April 6, 2014, local media reported.
The cultural center houses the Oromo Martyrs’ memorial monument, an ethnographic museum and a mural. Standing several inches on top of a tomb, the monument shows a severed hand stretched upward holding a women’s breast, also severed. It is erected as a tribute to the Arsi Oromo whose hands and breasts were mutilated by 19th century Ethiopian emperor Menelik II. 
Located 150kms from the capital Addis Ababa, Aanolee is a site steeped in Oromo history. As Madda Walaabuu stood as the cradle and greatness of the Oromo, Aanolee came to represent its humiliation. For centuries, the Oromo were organized under an egalitarian Gadaa system. It was at Aanolee that power transfer took place among generations of Arsi Abba Gadaa leaders under Odaa Rooba, one of the five Gadaa Oromo assemblies.
In late 19th century, roughly at the same time as the scramble for Africa, emperor Menelik II set out to forcibly incorporate independent Oromo territories into his “nascent empire.” Having conquered the Wollo, Tulama and other Oromo tribes, Menelik faced a fierce resistance from the Arsi. 
The Arsi were not new to their Amhara neighbors to the north. In their encounters in battle, the Arsi did not consider their future nemesis to be much of a contender. The Arsi had, as they still do, much respect, both in war and in peace, for their southern neighbors – particularly the Sidama who are known for their fiercely warrior tradition. Besides, the Amhara did not then know how to ride horses, and the Arsi did not see any reason to be worried about loosing in battle to them. When news came that an invading army was arriving, the Arsi simply asked, "Is this the Sidama?" When told it was not, the Arsi scoffed, lowering their guards.  
When Menelik’s army of conquest, equipped with modern firearms acquired from western powers, arrived in early 1880s, the Arsi was in for a rude surprise. However, buoyed by a tradition that bestowed Wayyooma (an almost sacred high honor) accorded to those distinguished in war as in peace, the Arsi waged a valiant war of resistance. The Arsi repeatedly ambushed and kept Menelik’s forces at bay for six years between 1880-86 — winning all 38 running battles. In one instance, in 1885, after Arsi warriors wiped out his elite imperial guard in a nightly ambush at the battle of Doddota near Mount Albasso, Menelik was forced to flee for life, leaving behind his wife and Negarit (the imperial drum). Menelik'sremaining soldiers, awed by the bravery of their opponents, reportedly sung: Doddota ye wandoochu bootaa (Doddota land of the brave).
‎On Sep. 6, 1886, the ferocious Arsi fighters succumbed to Menelik's state of the art of the arts armaments with their spears and shields outmatched. An armistice was declared after an estimated 12,000 Oromo fighters, who faced off against a superior force led by general Ras Darge, perished in a single day battle. The Arsi “suspended their struggle to save whatever could be saved,” according to Oromo historian Abbas H. Gnamo, author of a recently published book, “Conquest and Resistance in the Ethiopian Empire, 1880-1974 – The Case of the Arsi Oromo.”
But the suspension of open hostility did not end Menelik’s appetite to crush and humiliate the Arsi. In 1887, Menelik's forces came back to avenge their repeated defeat at the hands of local Oromo fighters and to terrorize the remaining populace into total submission. Ahead of a scheduled Buttaa event, a power transfer ceremony under the Gadaa system, Ras Darge called for a meeting to “make peace” with the Arsi and “deliberate” on future administrative matters. Thousands gathered at Aanolee. Aanolee was strategically chosen because it was a symbolic site of Arsi power and what is reverently referred to as Arsooma, a custom by which the Arsi Oromo made laws, deliberated on war and peace, elected their leaders and settled their inter and intra clan disputes  the super glue that held the Arsi tightly together.
Menelik's scheme was to divide the Arsi so as to dismantle their Gadaa government structure and communal unity. Along with other Oromo speakers who served the system, the emperor enlisted local elders such as Tuke Mama and Bitee Dilaato. Mama was installed as the interim governor of sort. But the Arsi refused, not least citing the fact that Mama had outlived his Gadaa and was by then a Gadamojji (way past the retirement age under the age-based Gadaa grades).
The debate then centered on “qubaan moo lubaan bulla”  whether to accept Menelik’s rule or maintain their Gadaa structures. The proud Arsi chose the latter. Menelik himself then arrived to deliver the ultimatum that they would be annihilated if they don’t accept his rule. The Arsi was not ready to do so even long after accepting inevitable military defeat. The Arsi insisted on maintaining their Gadaa while accepting, even if begrudgingly, Menelik as a king. “Nugusummaa fudhannee, seeraa keennan bula,” they proclaimed according to local elders. 
In what was to go down in Oromo history as Harmaaf Harka Muraa Aannolee, Ras Darge and Menelik's army ordered those in attendance at the "peace" gathering to enter a narrow pass one by one. “The right hands of all male that entered were cut off on orders of Ras Darge. The Shoans tied the hand they cut to the neck of the victim. In the same manner, the right breasts of the women were also cut and tied to their necks,” according Gnamo. “As a further form of humiliation, fear and terror, the mutilated breasts and hands were tied around the necks of the victims who were then sent back home.”
As a result, all the men and women who went to Aanolee, the estimates ranging from a low of a thousand to thousands more, returned short of their right hands and right breasts.
That was not all. The local Abbaa Gadaas, the highest-ranking Arsi officials, including those in line to take the reign of power, were castrated. Menelik's soldiers cut the tongues of those who spoke out against Abyssinian invasion. They went door to door collecting cultural artifacts, including Boku, Caaccuu, waraana, wonte, Siinqee and other relics. In a bid meant to destroy and remove Oromo culture from the people’s psyche, the artifacts were torched. It burned for eight straight days, according to descendants of the survivors.
Arsi oral historiography is replete with the story of the tragedy of the cold-blooded massacre at Aanolee. Told and retold by grandmothers and grandfathers for generations since, Aanolee served to this day as a symbol of Oromo resistance against Abyssinian expansion and its continuing legacy of subjugation. The Arsi saga of the 1880s gave birth to two stories — that of Aanolee and Lenjisoo Diigaa. According to Gnamo, Leenjiso was instrumental in organizing the Arsi resistance against Menelik’s invading army.
Among the Arsi, mention the word Aanolee and the blood of the Arsi boils and its trauma curdles into a rock of determination to see to it that justice is restored. Talk about the bravery of Lenjisoo and the knowledge of the massacre of Aanolee becomes a clarion call for spirited action against injustice and the willingness to pay whatever cost is necessary to re-empower the Oromo and relive the glory of its past patriotism and bravery.
Lenjisoo’s bravery was so well known that one of his earliest Geerarsa's became part of the Arsi folklore. Gnamo writes,
Koloobni gadi gatee
Abeetni guddifatee
Waan boru biyyaa tayuu
Waan boru Arsii tayuu
Leenjoon ardhumaa mul’dhifatee.
Which means:
Forsaken by the Kollobaa, reared by the Abeeta,
 What he will do tomorrow for the country
 What he will do for the Arsi
 Leenjiso showed it all today.
The fall of the Arsi marked a turning point in Abyssinia’s southern conquest. Although Menelik's imperial army faced furious resistance at Cali Calanqo, in Eastern Oromia, by that time, a vast swath of the Oromo country was already annexed.
The Aanolee memorial was constructed with a cost of 20 million birr, according to the Oroma Culture and Tourism Bureau. The monument stands erect as a reminder of the tragedy about which, in the words of Gnamo, "Ethiopian history was largely silent.” Even today, some right-wing Ethiopianists, akin to holocaust deniers, claim the incident was a fiction. Aanolee stubbornly stands to remind Ethiopia's rulers, who refuse to deal with mounting Oromo grievances, that the Oromo issue remains an open wound, a latent volcano  with only the day and time of its eruption uncertain.

Ethiopia: Aster Mamo Becomes Deputy PM, Civil Service Minister

Aster Mamo, executive committee member of the Oromo People's Democratic Organization (OPDO),
one of the four member parties of the ruling party Ethiopian Peoples' Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), has been appointed by Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn to be the next Civil Service Minister and Good Governance and Reform Cluster Coordinator with the rank of Deputy Prime Minister.
While presenting her before parliament, Hailemariam said, "It gives me great pleasure to nominate the first woman for the position of deputy PM."
Aster was appointed on Tuesday and was sworn in before the House of Peoples' Representatives. This makes her the first woman to be appointed to serve with the rank of deputy PM. Prior to her appointment she was serving as advisor to the PM and Chief Government Whip.
Apart from her latest appointment, Aster was recently elected to be the deputy chairwoman of OPDO. Astet replaces Muktar Kedir, who was recently elected to be the chairman of OPDO and president of Oromia Refional State after the passing of Alemayehu Atomsa.

Monday, April 7, 2014

OPINIONETHIOPIA’S BORDERLESS CYBERESPIONAGE

OPINION

ETHIOPIA’S BORDERLESS CYBERESPIONAGE

UNICEF ETHIOPIA / SEWUNET
Chinese- and European-made spyware is enabling Addis Ababa to silence dissent

I met Abdi (not his real name), a 32-year-old primary school teacher from Ethiopia’s Oromia region, last July while in Nairobi. Abdi had been arrested a year earlier in his hometown for organizing a protest against local government corruption. He was already under the eye of Ethiopian security officials because he refused to provide information on the activities of his students to local authorities.
Over the course of two weeks in detention, Abdi was repeatedly beaten and accused of belonging to the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF), which originated in nationalist movements fighting for increased autonomy in the 1960s. The Ethiopian government considers the OLF a terrorist organization and uses the threat of an armed struggle to justify repression of ordinary Oromos, who constitute Ethiopia’s largest ethnic group.
The harassment continued after Abdi was released. Eventually, like thousands of other Ethiopians, he felt compelled to flee to Kenya, leaving behind his wife and two children. After some time in Kenya he called home and spoke to his wife, who told him that security officials had been harassing her since he left. That was the last time he spoke to her.
Abdi later learned from neighbors that security officials came to their house hours after his call, demanding to know who was calling her from Kenya and accusing her of being in contact with rebel operatives there. He no longer calls Ethiopia and does not know the whereabouts of his family.
Abdi’s story is not unique. In the last two decades, tens of thousands of Ethiopians have fled their country because of government repression or limited economic opportunities. Most of these migrants, especially those living in neighboring African countries, fear that if they communicate with their families back home, their calls will be traced and their relatives will face repercussions. As new research by Human Rights Watch shows, their fears are well founded. The fear that permeates the lives of many inside Ethiopia has been successfully exported to other countries. 
Ethiopian expats, including those living in the United States, have become targets of Addis Ababa's global espionage. 
The state-run Ethio Telecom is the sole provider of phone and Internet services in Ethiopia. The Chinese telecom equipment and systems company ZTE is helping Ethiopia modernize its telecommunications infrastructure. The Ethiopian government uses a Chinese-developed telecom system to monitor and control the communications of its citizens and to silence dissenters both in Ethiopia and abroad. Security officials have unlimited access to the phone records of everyone in the country who owns a phone. During abusive interrogations, security officials often play back recorded phone calls to people in their custody. Those calling or receiving calls from foreign numbers are particularly at risk of reprisals by a government keen to punish those it considers a threat.
But Ethiopia goes even further to monitor dissenting voices outside its borders. The government has acquired and is using commercially available European-made spyware — namely the U.K.- and Germany-based Gamma International’s FinFisher and the Italy-based Hacking Team’s Remote Control System — to monitor dissenters in other countries, effectively extending its surveillance capabilities far beyond its borders. These tools provide security and intelligence agencies with full access to files and activity on an infected target’s computer. They can log keystrokes and passwords and switch on a device’s webcam and microphone, turning a computer anywhere in the world into a listening device. Ethiopian expats, including those living in the United States, the United Kingdom, Norway and Switzerland, have become targets of this global espionage.
In late 2012, security officials detained the wife of Yohannes Alemu, a Norwegian citizen and member of a banned opposition group, as she was visiting family in Addis Ababa. They questioned her about her husband’s political connections. Then the security officials demanded information from Yohannes via phone and email about his opposition party colleagues. He refused; after 20 days his wife was finally released and returned to Norway.
But the incident did not end there.
One of the emails he received contained an attachment infected with FinFisher spyware. Once he had downloaded this spyware, the Ethiopian security agencies had unfettered access to all the information on his computer.
While people around the world are right to be shocked by former National Security Agency contractor Edward Snowden’s revelations of mass surveillance by the U.S. government, they should also be concerned that repressive governments such as Ethiopia’s are purchasing and using advanced technologies to target independent voices beyond their borders. The export and use of these European-made commercial products remains virtually unregulated. This is particularly worrying given that evidence exists that similar technologies may be in the hands of authoritarian regimes throughout the world.
These technologies enable repressive governments to monitor dissenting voices in other countries — even in countries where privacy rights are stronger and legal protections are in place to limit state-sponsored surveillance.
The United States, European Union and other donors that together provide an estimated $4 billion in annual aid to Ethiopia should take concerted steps to stop this abuse. They should support global efforts to regulate the export and use of such technologies to governments with poor human rights records. African governments should also speak out and make it clear to Ethiopia that it is an infringement on basic rights to use these technologies to spy on citizens outside of Ethiopia’s borders — people who are all too often seeking protection from repression back home. 
Felix Horne is an Africa researcher at Human Rights Watch and co-author of a new report, “‘They Know Everything We Do’: Telecom and Internet Surveillance in Ethiopia.”

Dr. Negaso Responds Again

Dr. Gidada


Response to Ato Girma Kassa’s Response
Point 1 – On “Trying to have back the dead Kinijit is an illusion?”
Dr.Negaso Gidada former president of Unity for Democracy and Justice Party (UDJ),
Yes, I am sure that we are speaking of the same Kanji as the organization which was a coalition of four parties which was legally registered and participated in the 2005 election but which disintegrated latter. As an organization, it was born then and has died since.
For some Ethiopians Kinijit may be a symbol of a movement, as you say, “the movement of democracy, justice and Ethiopiawinet. It was a symbol of the ever growing thirst and hunger of the people to have its dignity, respect and freedom.” But I cannot exclude other Ethiopian organizations and movements which do have similar aims and goals. The Ethiopian people have been struggling for democracy, justice, to have their dignity and freedom respected. Different movements and organizations have taken up this aim and have struggled in their own way and are continuing to do so. I do recognize that there may be differences on the term “ETHIOPIAWINET” a term which is perceived differently as we observe in the current political debate.(I shiver and fear for the future of Ethiopia when observing the heated propaganda war now raging between the “ETHIOPIAWINET” and “OROMUMMAA” nationalists in the Diaspora and the social media)For some “ETHIOPIAWINET” means simply being an Ethiopian citizen enjoying the rights endowed to him/her by the constitution and obeying the laws and regulations of the country. For some however it means being born and living in the territory under the control of the Ethiopian state. (Some may live outside but still having some kind of emotional attachment to Ethiopia. Some may think that the physical outlook of the people who originate from this area is unique from others and have different culture, values, and history which are unique to them only and define this as “ETHIOPIANISM”. Some people have the wish that the different ethnic groups living under the rule of the Ethiopian state have the same origin, or are intermingled for centuries and the same identity and should keep and cultivate “ETHIOPIAWINET” AND UNITY. Still for some, “ETHIOPIAWINET” is brand of nationalism, which if not democratized could mean racist in relation to other Africans (for that matter to dark skinned people also living in Ethiopia) and white skinned people. (“Arab” or “Faranj”). Some people think that this identity, “ETHIOPIAWINET” is artificial and is propagated to deny and destroy the ethnic and linguistic identities objectively present in Ethiopia. Again for some “ETHIOPIAWINET” is the slogan of expansionists and restorationists. Not only that, some take “ETHIOPIAWINET” movement as a movement to restructure the Ethiopian state and recreate a centralized administration as opposed to t the federal decentralized administration.
Read More at oromowiki

OLF Statement on Current Situations of Oromo Refugees in Kenya: Baqataa Seerawaa Miidhuun Tarkaanfii Namoomaan Alaa fi Seera Addunyaa jiru Dhiitu Dha | Abusing Legitimate Refugees is Violation of Human Rights and International Conventions


Abusing Legitimate Refugees is Violation of Human Rights and International Conventions

OLF Statement Regarding the Oromo Refugees in Kenya
Citizens flee their own countries for different reasons. Some of the causes are short term incidents while others are long term, requiring radical solutions. Natural calamities like drought, flood, earthquake and the like; and man-made causes like civil war, economic and political crises can force people to flee their own countries. Everyone wants to return to one’s own country once the cause for the flight is solved. Of the huge number of the current refugee in the Horn of African countries the Oromo predominates. The majority of them fled their country for none other than a deep-rooted political crisis that cannot be solved overnight. They apparently began this flight, right after the conquest during the last century,to save their lives and human dignity. Thus the Oromos have managed to survive in all the neighbouring countries for a long time. The OLF likes to express its gratitude to the countries that had harboured these refugees for such a long time. However, some developments of the last two decades are worrisome.
After building special relation with the current regime in Ethiopia the neighbouring countries have repeatedly violated the rights of these refugees who are recognized by appropriate UN agencies to be accorded proper protection. The fact that such acts, which have been reported by different human rights agencies, are perpetrated by the security and armed forces of these countries, have spread terror among the refugees.
Out of hundreds of thousands of refugees registered by the UNHCR in Kenya, Oromos constitute a big chunk. Many of such legitimate refugees in general and the Oromo in particular have been constantly maltreated, forcefully returned to the regime that they fled, robbed of their belongings and shockingly harassed. A case in point is an incident on April 5, 2014 when Kenyan armed forces broke into the houses of Oromo refugees beat them up, robbed them of their properties and detained them in mass while many disappeared. No tangible effort of the UNHCR to protect these refugees was observed.
The OLF requests the Kenyan government to immediately halt this recurring vicious abuse of legitimate refugees in general and the Oromo refugees in particular, release those detained, return their robbed properties and provide them the protection they deserve. We implore the concerned UN agencies to pay attention to this ordeal of the Oromo refugees and make sure that they get appropriate protection as well as finding permanent solution to this endless saga.
Victory to the Oromo People!
Oromo Liberation Front
April 7, 2014

Baqataa Seerawaa Miidhuun Tarkaanfii Namoomaan Alaa fi Seera Addunyaa jiru Dhiitu Dha

Haala Baqattoota Oromoo Biyya Keeniyaa Laalchisee Ibsa Adda Bilisummaa Oromoo
Lammiileen biyyoota gara garaa sababoota adda addaan biyya isaanii keessa jiraachuu dadhabu irra abdii of jireessuun biyyoota ollaatti baqatan. Sababni ittiin baqatan gariin kan yeroo gabaabaa keessatti furmaata argatu tahuu danda’a. Rakkinni yeroo gabaabaa keessatti hin furamne yeroo dheeraa fi jijjiirama hundee barbaadus jira. Sababa umamaan rakkooleen dhalatan kan akka hongee, lolaa, kirkira lafaa fi kkf akkasumas, rakkoolee namootni dhalchan kan akka lola biyya keessaa, rakkina dinagdee fi rakkoon siyaasaa sababoota madda baqatummaa ti. Sababoota lammii biyya tokkoo biyya ollaatti baqachiisan keessaa garii wayta furamanitti kanneen qe’ee fi biyya isaanii irraa buqqa’an jireenya isaaniitti deebi’uu irraa rakkoon hin qaban. Kan biyyatti deebi’uu hin dandeenye kanneen mootummaa fi sirna jiru waliin wal dhabbii qabani dha. Ilmaan Oromoo baqa kana biyyii weeraraan qababuun booda Jaarraa tokkoon dura lubbuu baafatuu fi kabajaa namooma isaanii tikfatuuf jalqaban,
Yeoo ammaa kana biyyootni Gaanfi Afriikaa baqataa hedduu keessummeessaa jiran. Baqattoota biyyoota hedduu biyyoota Gaanfa Afriikaa gara garaa-tti baqatuudhaan baqattummaan jiraataa jiran keessaa tokko lammii Oromoo ti. Oromoo biyya isaa jiituu fi badhaatuu hojjatee keessa jiraachuu danda’u irraa kan isa baqachiisaa turee fi jiru rakkinni uumaa isa mudate jiraatee ykn jireenya isaa wayyeeffatuuf biyya isa irra kan biraa caalsifatee miti.
Baqataan Oromoo hedduun dirqamuu fi lubbuu isaaf sodaatuu irraa jireenya baqatummaa kan eegale gabrummaa jalatti kufuu irraa eegalee ti jechuun ni danda’ama. Akka kanaan baroota dheeraan durattii eegalee biyyoota ollaa isaatti argaman hunda keessa baqattummaan jiraatee lubbuu isaa dandamachiisuu danda’eera. Kanneen yeroo dheeraaf Oromoo akka baqataatti fudhatuun keessummeessaniif ABOn galata galchaaf.
Haa tahu malee waggoota digdamaa as haallan mul’atan kan duraan ture irra adda tahaa jiran. Keessattuu biyyootni ollaa sababa adda addaan mootummaa Wayyaaneetti michoomanii fi mararfatan baqataa baqattummaan isaa qaama seerawaan mirkaneeffamee jiru irratti deddeebi’anii miidhaa adda addaa irraan gahuu baay’inaan mul’ata. Tarkaanfii seera addunyaa cabsu kana baqattoota irratti kan raawwataa jiru qaama tikaa fi waraanaa mootummootaa tahuun ammo baqattoota kan yaaddessuu fi dhiphisu akka tahe hin gaafachiisu. Dalagaan seeraan alaa baqattoota irratti raawwatamaa tures irra deddeebi’ee kan ibsamaa fi jarmayaalee mirga namaaf falamaniin kan saaxilamaa ture tahuun hin dagatamu.
Keenyaan biyyoota gaanfa Afriikaa baqattootni kuma dhibboota baay’een lakkaa’aman keessa jiraatani dha. Lakkoobsi baqataa Oromoo Jaarmayaa dhimma baqataa Mootummoota Gamtoomaniin (UNHCR) galmaa’ee kan seeraan jiraataa jiru lakkoobsaan guddaa akka tahetti beekama. Haa tahu malee yeroo gara garaatti baqataa waliigalaa fi addatti Oromoo seeraan jiru, biyyatti deebi’uu kan hin dandeenye tahuun isaa beekamu irratti roorrifamuun, mootummaa baqatee dhufetti ukkaamsuun kennuu, saamuu fi miidhaan gara garaa deddeebi’amee haala sukanneessaa taheen irratti raawwatamaa jira. Haalli gaddisiisaa kun dhaabbatuu irra itti fufee Ebla 5, 2014 humni waraanaa mootummaa Keenyaa manneen baqataa Oromoo humnaan seenuudhaan qabeenya saamuu, baqataa reebuu, jumlaan hidhuu fi balleessuudhaan miiddhaa irraan gahaa jira. UNHCR kan baqattootaaf gaafatama qabu kana ittisuuf carraaqii mul’ataa godhu hin jiru.
ABOn gochaa waraanni mootummaa Keenyaa baqattoota sirnaa irratti garaa laafina tokko malee fi deddeebi’ee raawwatu kana daddaffiin akka dhaabu, qabeenya saamame akka deebisu, kanneen hidhaman akka hiikuu fi mootummaan Keenyaas rakkinoota baqataa waliigalaa, addatti haala baqataa Oromoo hubatuun tikaa fi eegumsa barbaachisu akka kennuuf gaafata. Jaarmayaan baqattootaa Mootummoota Gamtoomaniis miidhaa baqataa Oromoo irra geessifamaa jiru beekee tinnisaa fi kooluu (protection) barbaachisu akka godhuuf yaadachiisaa karaa itti rakkoon kun furamaata maayyii argatu irraatti akka faluuf ABOn yaadachiisa.
Injifananoo Ummata Oromoof!
Adda Bilisummaa Oromoo
Ebla 7, 2014