Wednesday, April 23, 2014

The Guji and Lagatafo Oromo Killer Alamudi to Bring His Blood-Soaked Soccer to Minneapolis, Minnesota

By Observer
Alamudi is the tycoon at the center of the 21st-century re-annexation of Oromiyaa by Abyssinian elites.
He was probably the first to snatch lands from Oromo farmers near Lagatafo, in the so-called CMC area, in the mid-1990′s. Since then and with the impending annexation of Lagatafo by the “Addis Ababa” Habeshagovernment, Lagatafo is quickly becoming a de-Oromonized region within Oromia.
In addition, Alamudi – together with TPLF rulers and ex-Neftegna tycoons of the Ethiopian empire – steals a “staggering 4.5-ton of gold every year” from Shakiso ores in the Guji zone of Oromiyaa. The money from this very gold has been then used to buy bullets to kill the very Guji and Borana Oromo youths who are protesting against the gold theft (heist) by Alamudi, TPLF rulers and ex-Neftegna tycoons. While Alamudi and his Habesha“investors” are swimming in millions of stolen dollars, the rest of the Guji Oromo in Shakiso do not have enough food to support their families that they rely on food-aid from humanitarian organizations to fed and survive their children and themselves. In order to facilitate their gold heist, Alamudi and Co. have been at the center of fueling the recent conflict between the Guji and Borana Oromos.
What’s more, Alamudi is the serial thief of the resources of Oromiyaa – such as cement deposits, skins and hides, and so on. As a result, he’s the one of the wealthiest men in Africa. Though Alamudi is the cover, he does not act alone. He has the full backing of TPLF rulers as well as connections with ex-Neftegna tycoons. In other words, Alamudi is not a one-individual show, but a coordinated cover for the complete re-annexation of Oromiyaa by Abyssinian elites.
Alamudi – together with EFFORT – control the entire economy of the Ethiopian empire. There are some allegations that Alamudi is for ex-Neftegna tycoons while EFFORT is for the current Tigrayan tycoons. It is to be remembered that Alamudi had been the top financier of the right-wingNeftegna groups until recently.
Gadaa.com
And, this Alamudi is bringing his Soccer Game to Little Oromia in the United States – the Twin Cities: Minneapolis and St. Paul, MN, this summer in early July 2014. The man – whose hands are drenched with the blood of Guji and Lagatafo Oromo – is coming to “entertain” the Diaspora in Minnesota.
Gadaa.com

Hidhamuu Barattoota oromoo Yuuniversitii Jimmaa Irraa

Yakka tokko malee barattoota oromoo gaaffii mirgaa miidhaa uummata oromoof jecha gaafataniin barattoota hidhaman maqaan isaanii armaan gaditti tarreeffamanii fi kannee hordofamaa jiran ammo hedduudha ammallee itti fufiinsaan kan nu gahu siif dhaama kan hidhamani jiran kunooti.
1.Darragaa Abdiisaa-Civil Engineering waggaa 3ffaa
2.Kaneeddin-Civil Engineering waggaa 3ffaa
3.Abdii Turaa-Low waggaa 5ffaa
4.Dhaabasaa Jaatamaa-Veternary Medicine waggaa 6ffaa
5.Mo’iboon Baqqalee-Health Officer waggaa 2ffaa
6.Leejjisaa Alamaayyoo-Water Engineering waggaa 3ffaa
7.Derejjee Teffaayee-Chemistiry waggaa 3ffaa
Isaan kuni kan hidhaman yoo tahan barattootni oromoo jilmaatti hordofamuudhaan poolisa wayyaaneen qabamaa jiru,gaaffiin barattootaa fi diddaan jabatee kan itti fufee jiruudha,sochiileen yuuniversitii Mattuu,Wallaggaa,Amboo,Adaamaa fi Haromayyaatti jabaataa jira,haalli jiru baayee sodaatamaadha,kan barattoota Adaamaa gaaffiin keenya yeroo darbee nuuf deebi’aa hin jiru jedhuun ammoo hirira itti fufuudhaaf qophii irra jiru,barattootni oromoooo magaalaa Adaamaa mana barumsaa sadarkaa 1ffaa fi 2ffaa akkasuma qophaayinaa baratan gaaffiin barattoota oromoo yuuniversitii irraa gaaffii keenya jedhanii barattoota mooraa yuuniversitii duukkaa hiriiruuf waraqaa garagaraa barreessuun mana barumsaa adda addaatti maxxansaa jiru itti fufeen siif dhaama haala jiru.
Ni Moona!

Ethiopia's 'villagisation' scheme fails to bear fruit

Residents say government has not delivered on resettlement promise of land, clean water and livestock

William Davison  in Gambella



MDG:  Ethiopia's forced villagisation scheme in Gambella province
In the village of Elay, people are defying the government and returning home. Photograph: William Davison
The orderly village of Agulodiek in Ethiopia's western Gambella region stands in stark contrast to Elay, a settlement 5km west of Gambella town, where collapsed straw huts strewn with cracked clay pots lie among a tangle of bushes.
Agulodiek is a patch of land where families gradually gathered of their own accord, while Elay is part of the Ethiopian government's contentious "villagisation" scheme that ended last year. The plan in Gambella was to relocate almost the entire rural population of the state over three years. Evidence from districts surrounding Gambella town suggest the policy is failing.
Two years ago people from Agulodiek moved to Elay after officials enticed them with promises of land, livestock, clean water, a corn grinder, education and a health clinic. Instead they found dense vegetation they were unable to cultivate. After one year of selling firewood to survive, they walked back home.
"All the promises were empty," says Apwodho Omot, an ethnic Anuak, sitting in shade at Agulodiek. There is a donor-funded school at the village whose dirt paths are swept clear of debris, and the government built a hand pump in 2004 that still draws water from a borehole. Apwodho's community says they harvest corn twice a year from fertile land they have cleared. "We don't know why the government picked Elay," she says.
Gambella region's former president Omod Obang Olum reported last year that 35,000 households had voluntarily moved from a target of 45,000. The official objective had been to cluster scattered households to make public service delivery more efficient. Critics such as Human Rights Watch said the underlying reason was to clear the way for agricultural investors, and that forced evictions overseen by soldiers involved rape and murder. The Ethiopian government refute the allegations.
Last month the London-based law firm Leigh Day & Co began proceedings against the UK Department for International Development (DfID) at the high court after a man from Gambella alleged he suffered abuse when the agency supported the resettlement scheme. Since 2006, DfID and other donors have funded a multibillion-dollar programme in Ethiopia that pays the salaries of key regional government workers such as teachers and nurses through the Protection of Basic Services scheme.
A DfID spokesman said: "We will not comment on ongoing legal action, however, the UK has never funded Ethiopia's resettlement programmes. Our support to the Protection of Basic Services Programme is only used to provide essential services like healthcare, schooling and clean water."
Karmi, 10km from Gambella town, is a newly expanded community for those resettled along one of the few tarmac roads. Two teachers scrub clothes in plastic tubs on a sticky afternoon. A herd of goats nibble shrubs as purple and orange lizards edge up tree trunks. There is little activity in the village, which has bare pylons towering over it waiting for high-voltage cables to improve Gambella's patchy electricity supply.
The teachers work in an impressive school built in 2011 with funds from the UN refugee agency. It has a capacity of 245 students for grades one to five – yet the teachers have only a handful of pupils per class. "This is a new village but the people have left," says Tigist Megersa.
Kolo Cham grows sorghum and corn near the Baro river, a 30-minute walk from his family home at Karmi. The area saw an influx of about 600 people at the height of villagisation, says Kolo, crouching on a tree stump, surrounded only by a group of children with a puppy. Families left when they got hungry and public services weren't delivered. "They moved one by one so the government didn't know the number was decreasing," he says.
The Anuak at Karmi have reason to fear the authorities, particularly Ethiopia's military. Several give accounts of beatings and arrests by soldiers as they searched for the perpetrators of a nearby March 2012attack on a bus that killed 19. The insecurity was a key factor in the exodus, according to residents.
As well as the Anuak, who have tended crops near riverbanks in Gambella for more than 200 years, the region is home to cattle-herding Nuer residents, who began migrating from Sudan in the late 19th century. Thousands of settlers from northern Ethiopia also arrived in the 1980s when the highlands suffered a famine. The government blamed the bus attack on Anuak rebels who consider their homeland colonised.
David Pred is the managing director of Inclusive Development International. The charity is representing Gambella residents, who haveaccused the World Bank of violating its own policies by funding the resettlement programme. An involuntary, abusive, poorly planned and inadequately funded scheme was bound to fail, he says. "It requires immense resources, detailed planning and a process that is truly participatory in order for resettlement to lead to positive development outcomes," he adds.
Most of flood-prone Gambella, one of Ethiopia's least developed states, is covered with scrub and grasslands. Inhospitable terrain makes it difficult for villagisation to take root in far-flung places such as Akobo, which borders South Sudan. Akobo is one of the three districts selected for resettlement, according to Kok Choul, who represents the district in the regional council.
In 2009, planners earmarked Akobo for four new schools, clinics, vets, flourmills and water schemes, as well as 76km of road. But the community of about 30,000 has seen no change, says 67-year-old Kok, who has 19 children from four wives. "There is no road to Gambella so there is no development," he says. One well-placed civil servant explains that funds for services across the region were swallowed by items such as daily allowances for government workers.
A senior regional official says the state ran low on funds for resettlement, leading to delivery failures and cost-cutting. For example, substandard corn grinders soon broke and have not been repaired, he says. The government will continue to try to provide planned services in three districts including Akobo this year and next, according to the official.
However, the programme has transformed lives, with some farmers harvesting three times a year, says Ethiopia's ambassador to the UK, Berhanu Kebede. The government is addressing the "few cases that are not fully successful", he says. Service provision is ongoing and being monitored and improved upon if required, according to Kebede.
At Elay, Oman Nygwo, a wiry 40-year-old in cut-off jeans, gives a tour of deserted huts and points to a line of mango trees that mark his old home on the banks of the Baro. He is scathing about the implementation of the scheme but remains in Elay as there is less risk of flooding. There was no violence accompanying these resettlements, Oman says, but "there would be problems if the government tried to move us again".

U.S,UK plus EU and United Nations finally recognize the rights of Somali people in Ogaden Region

The PleaofSomaliOgadenvictimsjpg-3246720_p9

By Ahmed Abdi
The U.S House of Representatives and the government of United Kingdom plus EU Parliament and United Nations have recently stepped up a campaign to help Somalis from Ogaden region to realize that their voice has been heard by the International Community after decades of virtually silent.
As UK’s government recently released a report indicating allegations of abuses by the Liyu Police or “Special Police” ,which London expressed its concerns ,United States House of Representatives and EU Parliament have both sent strong messages to Addis Ababa,which was meant to open the Somali religion of Ogaden to the humanitarian agencies and International media to have free access to avoid further humanitarian crisis.
The U.S Congress issued a message which eventually published on Somalilandsun that reads :
The US House of Representatives has asked Ethiopia to Permit Human Rights and Humanitarian Organizations Access to its Somali region of Ogaden. The House informed (d) ETHIOPIA. "That Funds appropriated by this Act that are available for assistance for Ethiopian military and police forces shall not be made available unless the Secretary of State--
(A) certifies to the Committees on Appropriations that the Government of Ethiopia is implementing policies to--
(i) protect judicial independence; freedom of expression, association, assembly, and religion; the right of political opposition parties, civil society organizations, and journalists to operate without harassment or interference; and due process of law; and (ii) permit access to human rights and humanitarian organizations to the Somali region of Ethiopia; and (B) submits a report to the Committees on Appropriations on the types and amounts of United States training and equipment proposed to be provided to the Ethiopian military and police including steps to ensure that such assistance is not provided to military or police personnel or units that have violated human rights, and steps taken by the Government of Ethiopia to investigate and prosecute members of the Ethiopian military and police who have been credibly alleged to have violated such rights."http://somalilandsun.com/index.php/world/4945-make-ogaden-accessible-us-house-urges-ethiopia-
The EU's head of International Unit Party Socialist democrat ,Anna Gomes,MEP said "Ethiopia is one of the largest humanitarian and development aid receiver yet these donations are used incorrectly and corruptly. Western governmental Organizations and Western Embassies to Addis Ababa ignored the stolen donations and humanitarian aid that are being used as a political tool by the Ethiopian regime, which is contrary to EU rules on the funding".http://www.tesfanews.net/eu-holds-discussion-on-ethiopian-human-rights-crisis-in-ogaden-and-kality-prison/
Ulvskog, MEP,in her part when she was speaking about the steps needed to be taken in order to stop the human rights abuses that is being committed against Ethiopian and Ogaden civilians, she said that the EU could use sanctions or words against Ethiopia or follow up documents and information like the one provided by Ogadeni whistle-blower, Abdullahi Hussein,who smuggled out one-hundred-hours filmed footage, to show the reality in the ground.
The UK government's website said last week that there have been many reports of mistreatment associated with the Special police,including torture and executions of villagers accused of supporting the Ogade n National Liberation Front.
"The UK government and the UN have pressed the Ethiopian government to articulate a reform plan for the Special police.The Ethiopian government has agreed this is needed,so we will encourage them to take action",added the report. https://www.gov.uk/government/case-studies/country-case-study-ethiopia-justice-and-treatment-in-detention
The Rights Groups such as Human Rights Watch ,Amnesty International and Genocide Watch have accused of Ethiopia that it has committed war crimes and crimes against humanity in Ogaden region.The ONLF accuses Addis Ababa similar charges of egregious human rights abuses against Somali civilians in the region.
John Holmes, The highest UN Official to visit Somali Region of Ogaden in part of its fact finding mission,since the Ethiopian crackdown (2007) called on a further investigation,a plan to wait its implementation until now.
Somali people of Ogaden Region,who has been deplored the international Community's inaction and silence ,when it comes to human rights violations committed at Ogaden region could now feel that they have been heard as the International Community including U.S,UK,EU and United Nations are ready to take action against those committed war crimes and crimes against humanity yet believe that they can get away with 

Tuesday, April 22, 2014

Gaaffii Mirgaa Barattooti Oromoo Yuuniversitii Jimmaa Gaafataniif Deebiin Mootummaa EPREF Irraa Kenname Hidhaa fi Reebicha Ta’e.

Ebla 21,2014 Gabaasa  Qeerroo Jimmaa

BilisummaaGaaffii Mirgaaf Deebii Hidhaa fi Ajjeechaa Keennuun aadaa Mootota Itiyophiyaati
  1.  Barataa Abdii Turaa mummee Seeraa waggaa 5ffaa mooraa Main Cumpass irraa,
  2. Barataa Moo’iiboon Baqqalaa , mummee health officer waggaa 2ffaa ”           ”
  3. Barataa Leejjisaa Alamayyoo muummee  water and environmental resource engineering waggaa 3ffaa  mooraa Saayinsii fi Technology kittoo irraa
  4. Barataa  keenediin Mummee Civili Engineering waggaa 3ffaa         ”                        ”
  5. Barataa Darragaa Abdiisaa , mummee civil Engineering waggaa 3ffaa    ”’             ”’
  6. Barataa  Dhabasaa Jaatamaa, mummee veterinary medicine waggaa 6ffaa mooraa Agriculture irraa.
Kanneen jedhanii fi barattooti lakkoofsaa 12 ta’an kaan humnaan diqisifamanii qabamuun Wajjiira Poolisii Magaalaa Jimma ganda o5 (Awweetuu Mandaraatti) hidhaman keessatti argamu.
Ebla 19–21/2014tti Waraannii fi Poolisiin Federaalaa Wayyaanees barattoota Oromoo karaa nagaa gaaffii mirgaa gaafatan humnaan mooraa yuunibarsiitii Seenuun gooluu fi konkolaataan ukkamsee hidhatti guuruu irratti argama, barattootni heddunis humna kanaan reebamanii akka malee midhamuun hospitalaa galuun gabaafamera, Barattoota hedduu humnaan ukkanfamanii qabamanii hidhaman keessa muraasa maqaan nu qaqqabee jiru:
Goototni Qeerroon dargaggoonni barattoota Oromoo Yuunibarsiitii Jimmaa gaaffii mirgaa karaa nagaan Gaafataniif Mootummaan abbaa irree Wayyaanee humna waraanaa fi humna poolisa Federaalaa mooraa Yuunibarsiitii Jimmaa arfan(kolleejjii Saayinsii fi Technology , Kolleejjii Qonnaa, Kolleejjii Economics and Business fi Mooraa main Campass Jimmaa)  galchuun barattoota karaa nagaa gaaffii mirgaa gaafatan goolaa jira, Diddaan barattoota Oromoo Yuunibarsiitii  Jimmaa humna Waraanaa fi Poolisoota Federaalaan dhaabbachuu hin dandeenye, guyyaa kaleessaa illee baratootni Oromoo Yuunibarsiitii Jimmaa Gaaffii keenyaaf deebiin nuf haa kennamu, hidhaa reebichi, barnoota irraa arii’amuun, humna waraanaa fi poolisa federaalaan dararaan nurraa dhaabbachuu qaba akeekni kun gaaffii uummataa dhaabuu hin danda’u jechuun sagalee isanii dhageesisuun itti fufee jira.
Gaaffiin keenya deebii argachuu qaba, barattootni nagaan seeraan ala qabaman kun hatattamaan hiikamuu qabu jechuun Goototni barattootni oromoo Yuunibarsiitii Jimmaa diddaa isaanii itti fufani jiru.

THE NEW MASTER PLAN (MASTER CLAN KILLER) OF FINFINNEE (ADDIS ABABA): Critique and Protest Against Utopian (Nowhere) Comprehensiveness and Physical (Tabula Rasa) Determinist Master Plan

TPLF to evict Oromo from Central Oromia with aim of dividing Oromia into two
By Gamsiis*
Introduction
The aim of this short essay is to protest and critique the newly declared Master Plan of Finfinnee (Addis Ababa), the central city of Oromia. Moreover, it is also aimed to advocate for and bolster the voice of the underrepresented Oromo communities living in around Fifinne – who are affected by this master plan.  The so called new master plan of the city of Addis Ababa (Finfinnee) is a top-down, utopian, physical determinist, a blue print production oriented plan, and filled with politically void terms, laden with hidden agenda that has a grand aim of disrupting the territorial integrity of the state of Oromia, and expanding federal government and the minority settlers whom it has been sponsoring for the last 23 years at the heart of Oromo land, Finfinne.
Prior to discussing the details of the so called master plan, this article will define and analyze three major planning and plan related issues. Here, we will discuss the theoretical and practical considerations in defining a city planning, and the legal frameworks surrounding city planning practices.
City planning (town planning) in general term is an activity that regulates the urban development to efficiently manage the urban land use in order to improve the lives of its community by creating safe, healthy, equitable, well situated, and attractive social and economic opportunities for the present residents without compromising the need and possible aspirations of future generations.
Therefore, master plans (comprehensive plans, general plans) should be aimed to create more development opportunity, better living conditions, healthy and livable places.  There are multiple outcomes that are expected from the genuine planning activity. Planning should focus on providing and creating better job opportunities for the community, build improved tax base for the city government, and facilitate the provision of better public services, such as transportation, supply, utility services, schools, safety services (policing, fire protection, etc.), recreations, and park services. Secondly, planning is aimed to facilitate economic development outcomes that encourage existing economic institutions and attract new development opportunities. Thirdly, planning activity must create equitable benefits (conditions) for the business community, the public, and the local government (city government). Fourth, city planning activity should empower environment-friendly development activities while regulating activities that can have negative environmental impacts and severe environmental hazards, such as industrial pollution, management of urban runoffs, and control other land use externalities.
Contrarily, planning can have negative impacts on property values; can affect peoples’ life negatively; may have hidden values or vague goals; and can have negative political impacts against citizens. Planning activity without legal and judiciary means of protecting civil rights can serve as covert exercise of power over the private properties, and natural amenities can have a devastating outcome. Authorities, business community, and interested stakeholders may use planning as a land grabbing tool or can impose unfair land use management practices.
Moreover, planning itself can be viewed as a political exercise that manifests itself as taking power (eminent domain) or policing power over public/community properties as well as private properties. In its perfect sense, planning should be purely apolitical, and it is a governmental duty exercised by a city government. But planning can unequally benefit/harm citizens, and even displace and evict communities, destroy shared common values, culture, identity, history and heritage of people, and can kill the sense of belongingness and ownership. Particularly, in places like Finfinne, where the unique merger of history and power accorded aliens the privilege of carving a settlement for themselves among the indigenous people, planning to expand, modify the settlement (city) will have always adverse effect on the surrounding indigenous communities. In addition to the scramble for the physical land resources, there exist invaluable cultural and historical heritages that may be destroyed by planning practices. There are diverse multi-layered socio-cultural orders, common shared values, systems, clans, sub clans, villages, traditional settlements, historical places, and related religious amenities of indigenous nature on which planning can have devastating effects. It can kill all of these values, if not practiced carefully and if legal measures and institutions are not in place to protect all of these, including environmentally sensitive areas.
Additionally, planning is a value laden practice and with multi-faceted interest where affected parties need to consulted, counseled and legally represented at all planning levels, and their needs and rights given proper considerations. Planning graphics, maps, colors, and planning jargon can be very complex; can be hard to be understood by layperson; and are full of professional terms. In some cases, planning can have hidden goals where the outcomes are not clear to everyone, including the stakeholders they were meant to serve.
The Master Clan Killer
As the case study conducted about the current and newly proposed master plan shows:
The analysis of the newly proposed master plan of Finfinnee (Addis Ababa) indicated that its content and quality have imposed issues (values) that are dictatorial and top-down planning activity.  The so called master plan is aimed at physical development, such as land acquisition for the expansion of the city without full social, cultural, and environmental planning concepts. The industrial zonation of the southeast Finfinnee was an example of bad planning practice that did not take into account the impact it can have on the environment. Industrial wastes from this zone have affected thousands of individuals along Akaki (Aqaaqii) river banks, and the effects have been felt as far south as Koka (Qooqaa).  Therefore, this and earlier master plans were aimed to achieve physical design goals, i.e. a plan to expand the perimeter of federal constituency at the expense of social, cultural, environmental, historical and economic injustices to the nearby indigenous communities. The so called master plan failed the affected communities, destroyed their values and can be called the CLAN KILLER. The following is a justification why it has to be called the MASTER CLAN KILLER.
Gadaa.com
1. The master plan is socially blind and has never mentioned to have a social oriented goal. So, it is socially reckless physical design oriented towards achieving a narrow goal of undermining the state of Oromia and the Oromo people, and expanding breathing ground for aliens settled in the city.
2. It is blind towards the cultural and historical heritage of the Oromo people who existed for thousands of years before the inception of Finfinnee. No evidence of any attempt was presented to protect the cultural and historical heritages of the local communities and the major Oromo clans of the area, such as Abbichuu, Gullallee, Galaan, etc. – these communities are on the verge of extinction.
3. It is a politically-motivated move based on driving the surrounding Oromo community into deeper poverty – offering only empty promise to others – simply echoing what they think people may want to hear, such as ‘international standard,’ ‘accelerated development,’ ‘modernizing the city,’ ‘experts from prominent European master planners,’ etc. They have wrongly judged the Oromo thinking and aspirations when they try to trick the Oromos by naming few Oromo individuals as Mayors like Kumaa Dammaksaa, Berhane Deressa, Driba Kuma, etc. These individuals have always been on the other side of the Oromo issue that the dictators were ingenuous to think that such names would soften the position of the Oromos to thwart the grand political question that they have been asking. No cover-ups and use of Oromo names can answer this questions, only the rule of law implemented without political infringement can. The current Ethiopian constitution touted 20 years ago then is politically void in that many of its provisions, including articles 40, 43, and 49 remained hollow promises. Particularly, Article 49 of the fake constitution gives only lip service concerning the special interest of Oromia on Addis Ababa. So far, the acclaimed special interest had not met any interest of the Oromo people and the State of Oromia, except the contamination of rivers, unmanaged urban runoffs, untreated grey water, and pollution from different land uses of Finfinnee – which continue to wreak lives and destroy livelihoods of the surrounding Oromos. No considerations of inclusionary practice for the Oromo people, who use water from the contaminated rivers, is made in the recent master plan; it rather plans to do worse: uproot the remaining communities and clear up the swaths of land for the alien settlers. The plan is not inclusive and has no room for managing conflicting interests. So, it is morally, ethically, and professionally wrong and void.
4. Politically flawed; federally owned or territorial boundary of the city has no geographically limited space, and no sustainable growth management practices are evinced within the master plan document. The territories of States are divisible and can be manipulated all the time for hidden and clear goals where the state of Oromia has no clear boundaries. The master plan has a clear expansionist goal that will divide the state of Oromia into two separate regions while it gives access (connection) to the Amhara region and Gurage zone in the near feature. So, the master plan is an open venue for the urban sprawl and the development it claims can create political instability for that country.
5. Legally unconstitutional and has no legal means is provided to acquire 1.1 million hectares of land. It is aimed to transfer a political power, state property, and private property to the other private owner (the riches). This is illegal because government cannot take a property from one citizen and transfer it to other private citizen or cannot treat its citizens prejudicially and undermine the rights of indigenous population.
6. The so called master plan has unbearable outcomes; it is aimed to disintegrate the shared values of the Oromo people; it kills the sense of belongingness: the clans, sub-clans, hamlets, and traditional norms.
7. That master plan has ignored the right of the Oromo people and the state of Oromia to administer a large city and has the intent of building a single municipal government on the big chunk of land. The so called prominent European experts on the advisory payroll seemed to have no clue of multijurisdictional planning or ignored the underlying effects of planning that can destroy existing unique identity. If growth is desirable, the undesirable effects of planning could be averted. For instance, cities can have contiguous shape or spotted (leapfrog) settlements while having different local governments that leave sensitive places open as it is in between the cities, such as farmlands, environmentally sensitive places, historical places, and indigenous population. Why is the state of Oromia cannot administer satellite (suburban) cities? No reason except there is a hidden goal.
8. That master plan is naive about the sociological formation of indigenous people and assumed as if no diversity exists. Its planning contents disrespected existing values that are given for diversity of culture, values, and different interests of the Oromian state position.
9. No principles and normative theory are evidenced.
10. No answer is provided for questions, such as who is going to be evicted? Why they are evicted? Where is their destination? And where is the end point of the expansion of the city of Finfinnee?
11. No equal opportunity and equitable conditions provided for the affected
12. No evidence of public participation and the affected side has no say in it. All planning jargon, engineering graphics, color codes, and the full intent of the plan supposed to be explained to the unskilled public. Legal representation and professional advocacy supposed to be rendered for the affected community. The so called master plan has no principles or notion of inclusive community development plan. Its participants are outsiders and foreigners to the Oromo public, and have nothing to do with Oromo to discuss their future destiny on behalf of our community. No authority is vested to any foreign nationals or foreign government or any non-Oromo group to decide on them or ratify any type of master plan on behalf the State of Oromia. This will create distrust between the representatives of Oromian state and the Oromian nationals at large while undermining the fake constitution of Ethiopia. The leaders of OPDO should rise and remove the curtain that has blinded them for too long. If they need any sort of credibility among the Oromo people, this is their chance. They have to stand firm and oppose this TPLF sponsored master plan of destroying Oromia and the Oromo people. The destruction of the Oromo people as we know is the end of OPDO as well.
13. It is a perpetrated document for the federal government to practice an overtly eminent domain and expand the federal government holdings.
14. It is a document aimed to kill (weaken) the tax base of the state of Oromia, and economically marginalize Oromian citizens while holding them in a perpetual poverty trap.
15. It is a planning document without zoning ordinance and legal support.
16. It is a top-down faceted planning activity, and it is the same as the past failed master plans. It is a dictatorial planning system that has no public interest envisioned.
17. It is an old style, rigid, and inflexible blueprint without common value.
(to be continued)
* Gamsiis: gamsis@gmail.com

The Abyssinian Personality: Why They Cannot Be Trusted

By Jiituu Finfinnee
 
But, first let me protect myself from your ad hominem attack by defining such an attack and asking you to keep to the truth if you feel the need to respond.
 
Ad hominem attacks can take the form of  attacking somebody, or casting doubt on their character  as a way to discredit  them. But that does not include the tactic of making truthful statements.  

 Let it not be said that my firm opinion of the Abyssinian character is an attempt to mislead the reader by  falsely stating the facts.  I'm quoting neither Oromo nor Abyssinian, but unbiased outsiders.   Truth can be hurtful , but still remain truthful.  If you're fat, you're fat. Try to lose weight. If you're  boring, you're boring. Try to learn something interesting. If you lie, try to face the truth and control yourself.

 And if you   lie and are disloyal to those close to you, I cannot help change your culture. Go to church and try to improve the deficit in your soul and the acts by which you are known. Oops, I forgot, when Abyssinians go to church, that church  confirms that they are actually white, superior to the rest of mankind,  and so entitled that they can harm anyone they choose without retribution from God.  Their church is part of their problem.

 (If that  truth makes you feel bad because you are Abyssinian and I wrote that truth  in an accusatory manner, I must  now protect my right to make uncomfortable statements. I'm here in the US where First Amendment free speech rights prevail. If you demand that I shut up and go away, beware, you are only weakening your own First Amendment rights. If you don't care, you are only showing me that my low opinion of you is warranted.)

 Donald Levine described an Abyssinian identity struggle as a complex process to find a comfortable racial self-image that has its roots in their church doctrine. One may expect that church-going may hinder Abyssinian search for personal comfort. But, it doesn’t because Abyssinians go to church not to seek universal redemption and spirituality, but as a way of maintaining an archaic social organization. A typical prayer also reflects selfish interests such as praying to God and angels to kill their personal or ethnic rivals.

 
 Levine wrote, in 1974, “Christianity may even have exacerbated a sensitivity to differences of skin color, for early church fathers were enamored of imagery that associated blackness with sinfulness. Gregory of Nyasa went so far as to say that Christ came into the world to make blacks white, and that in the Kingdom of Heaven Ethiopians became white.”  

 

John Sorenson confirms the Abyssinian lie, “racial distinctions are easily manipulated and reversed...”   So you need to look in the mirror to see your true identity.

 

First, your skin is full of melanin. Don't claim that Abyssinian skin is white and that the Oromo skin is dark.  My eyes tell me that you have as much melanin as an Oromo or an African or an African-American. If you can't look at yourself in a mirror and see the truth, what else are you lying about? How can anyone trust a black- looking Abyssinian who insists he/she is white, unless he/she is blind and also ignorant?

 

Do you think that you are better than Oromos because you think you are white and Oromos are black? Do you want the Oromos to shun the skin they are in as you do whenever you’re shaken by a deep sense of inadequacy ?  You need to reread the last paragraph. Do you think you are on a higher level of development and are permitted to treat all human beings like garbage because you are white? Again, go back to the last paragraph.

 

And, by the way, I personally don't trust people who are disrespectful to others, no matter what the reason. When people behave in such a manner, it alerts me to the fact that they need to show their superiority because they actually feel inferior. Maybe you are.  (Now, that's an ad hominem attack! )

 

Further on, Levine describes the client/patron relationship that infuses Abyssinian society.  The key is not loyalty or love, trust or respect, but quid pro quo.  That is, the relationships are only an exchange of  benefits, and only for as long as the benefits remain.

Allegiance  is momentary. A promise is ephemeral. Friendship is fleeting. Trust is nonexistent.  Levine explains, “If  greater opportunities are to be found in some other household, or by serving some other lord, or saint, they will switch.”

How can any Oromo  trust any Abyssinian?

Ryszard Kapuscinski asks, “Where do so much stubbornness, aggression, and hatred come from?”  These traits come from a distorted social order where black is white, up is down, patriots are terrorists, truths are lies and Oromos are vermin.

 

The only peaceful future I see is a future free of Abyssinians that doesn’t dominate any aspect of Oromo life. It is a future where Oromo police protect Oromo towns, Oromo armies protect Oromo borders, Oromo teachers educate Oromo children and where Oromo leaders are peacefully elected to govern Oromo people.

It is a future where the name of our homeland is Oromia.