THE TIME HAS COME! SAY NO TO ETHIOPIAN APARTHEID

Okok Ojulu’s Speech Delivered at the World Bank Panel Discussion | October 11, 2014
Honorable Panelists, Distinguish invited guests, Ladies and Gentlemen,
I am honored and privileged to represent the voice of millions of indigenous populations of the Southwestern regions in particular, and many other oppressed groups elsewhere in Ethiopia. My speech echoes a big “No To Ethiopian Apartheid” and presents the anguish and death of the voiceless indigenous populations, languishing in blood, suffering insecurity, torture, and life imprisonment in Ethiopia. It also presents the voice of many refugees in the neighboring countries from Gambella, Lower Omo Valley area, and Beneshangul/Gumuz regions of Ethiopia who are living under difficult conditions facing threats to their lives; insecurity, cross border killings, and deportations from the neighboring countries.
Southwestern Ethiopia is a sanctuary to more than 28 indigenous Nilotic and south Omotic tribes namely Anywaa (Anyuak), Arebore, Berta, Bodi, Bena, Bale, Brile, Bacha, Dasenach, Gumuz, Hamer, Kwegu, Kara, Komo, Majenger, Mursi, Minit, Murle, Male, Mao, Nuer, Nyangatom, Opo, Suri, Sheko-Majenger, Tsmayeko, Tirma, and Zelimama. Their population is estimated to be between 4-5 million people who live in geographical location that stretches out from Lake Turkana via Gambella to Beneshangul/Gumuz regions, at the border with Kenya, South Sudan, and Sudan.
Southwestern Ethiopia abounds with the most fertile land and many other natural resources. Ironically, the Ethiopian government has failed to recognize its people as full citizens. It engages itself in ethnic cleansing and policies aimed at getting rid of the indigenous populations from their lands in order to utilize the resources in their absence. The government is keener on the resources than the peoples of the land. This development strategy adopted by the Ethiopian government has finger prints of the World Bank and moves forward with its blessings.
In a recent press release on Oct. 3, the Ethiopian Ministry of Agriculture claimed that over 30 million people have benefited from the Sustainable Land Management Program, operating with the support of the World Bank. The Bank and other donors have been active supporters of the current policies of the Ethiopian government through this and several other programs, ignoring the reports of human rights abuses and forced displacement coming in from organizations like the Oakland Institute, Human Rights Watch and the others.
As the Bank officials come together for the annual meetings in Washington DC, at least 3-5 of the indigenous peoples die every day on account of land grab, hatred and discrimination against their color, race, culture, and religion. As we meet here, the Majenger tribe in the Godere district of the Gambella region is being massacred by the illegal settlers from the Northern regions, the government soldiers disguised as civilians, and many others sponsored by foreign investors, while the government military forces and police deployed in the area attend the killings and the eviction of the tribe.
These killings are reminiscent of the Anyuaks’ massacres, many of which were reported by the international media, such as the December 13/2003 Anyuak genocide and the 1984/5 mass killings. The Suri people have also undergone such massacres in the past, the latest being in May – June/2013; Bodi, Mursi and many other indigenous tribes in the Lower Omo Valley of SNNPR have also undergone through such massive killings; likewise the tribes of Beneshangul/Gumuz region, the Gumuz, Berta, Komo and Mao who have also undergone the ordeal of recurring mass killings, tortures, life imprisonments in the prisons where their relatives cannot visit them.
The indigenous populations of Southwestern regions live in terror and death, to no end. One of the Bodi farmers lamented about one such massacre:

The settlement of highlanders and Konso people in our land in 2002 who were lighter in skin than us, was a government plan to claim our land and to get rid of us. In the incident of 2005 we were killed like dogs in the markets, not leaving even the  pregnant women, whom their stomachs were opened with knives, and left their babies on top of their dead mothers crying for help until they died slowly of hunger. In particular cases some women, sticks were pushed into their stomachs. In relating this story he shed tears in the meeting, recalling the human tragedy they had gone  through and he took deep breath and said “I don’t know where I can get someone who can show me the road leading to God; whatever it may cost of my life I would go to face God with reality why He created us and handed us to this painful life under the Ethiopian regimes and Ethiopian highlanders, and we are dying without future.         Ethiopian highlanders treat us like dogs and even dogs are better treated than us.” .

An Anti–Ethiopian Apartheid Movement to bring credible freedom, democracy, justice, and prosperity to all different nations in Ethiopia is urgently needed.
The indigenous populations are not impediments to the development as the TPLF government says while promoting investment policies to attract investors. This it is a cover to serve the government intentional killings with the desire to wipe away these people from their lands. Indigenous populations govern by their traditions and cultures– they are welcoming people to any friendly guest, and they would like to share their lands with good neighbors but not murderers and criminals like the TPLF government land grabbers like the Saudi Star and other investors they have invited from India, Malaysia, and elsewhere.
The ongoing killings and massacres against the indigenous populations in the southwestern regions cannot cease unless the international community intervenes to support the vulnerable tribes and ensure that they do not disappear from this world. There is a moral obligation to stop the Ethiopian government from killing them like animals.
Stop land grabbing and the eviction of the indigenous people. To them the theft of their land, their forests, their natural resources and their way of life, is the last nail in their coffin.. The international community needs to intervene to rescue the indigenous populations from the ongoing killings and massacres.
Recommendations

• International community intervention to stop the ongoing killings of the indigenous peoples from their land and consider their self determination of Southwestern regions.
• Campaign that the indigenous people are not an impediment to the development of Ethiopia but they are welcoming people, seeking good neighbors not murderers.
• Support or join Anti-Ethiopian Apartheid Movement to eliminate racial discrimination in Ethiopia.
• The World Bank, which gets a large part of its funding from the United States, must adhere to the 2014 US Appropriations bill that contains provisions to ensure that US development funds are not used to support forced evictions in Ethiopia.

Okok Ojulu


=>ayyaantuu

Ye Jemila Inat and other tales by Tesfaye Gebreab

Review by Tigist Geme

(OPride) — There are few writers more controversial than Tesfaye Gebreab among contemporary Amharic writers. He has authored nine books, including two in which he’s contributed chapters. His work on Oromo people, Ethiopia’s largest ethnic group, has been met with equal part praise and condemnation.

 

Tesfaye, who is touring the United States, is back with a new book: Ye Jemila Inat. It is already available online via MeshCart and will be officially released this week. Book signing events are scheduled in Washington D.C. and Minnesota.

The book has been widely promoted on social media. His fans and detractors are waiting to see what Tesfaye has written about this time. Among the Oromo he's hailed as a hero. His decision last month to become Oromo and change his name as per Mogaassa custom has endeared him even more to his many Oromo fans.

 

Tesfaye's detractors, particularly ethnic Amharas, have accused him of sowing discord among, otherwise united, Ethiopian people. Tesfaye is keenly aware of this charge. "If Ethiopia's unity can be shaken by one ordinary writer's work, it's fair to conclude that there was never a unity in the first place," writes Tesfaye in the preface of the new book.

Tesfaye has found a niche, focusing on untold stories and uncovering hitherto falsified historical accounts. In this regard, Ye Jemila Inat, delves deep into the archives of imperial palace. Tesfaye's previous work as a journalist for a state-run magazine, before his eventual fallout with the ruling party, gave him a unique access to historical records dating as far back as Menelik's era. These documents include marriage licenses; court cases; appeals; decisions by emperors Menelik and Haile Selassie; reports by Fitawrari Wolde Giorgis; news clippings about Ethiopia from abroad, etc.

From its title, Ye Jemila Inat gives the impression that it is about Muslim socio-political problems in Ethiopia. When Tesfayehanded me an advance copy of the book last week, I was curious to know who Jamila's mother is. "Are you out to make Muslims and Christians fight, as you have done with Oromo and Amhara," I jokingly inquired. Tesfaye laughed and replied, "You will have to read and be surprised."

The new work is a collection of 35 short stories: works of fiction based on true stories, articles and anecdotal diaries. Most of the stories in the 220-page book that Tesfaye calls "Ye Isat Dar Wegoch," roughly translated as fireside chats, are not necessarily new. But it's some of the minute details that I found most surprising. For example, the chapter about Jamila's mother is a tale about Haileselassie's family root. It's a common knowledge that Haileselassie had an Oromo ancestry. But few details are known about his mother's family tree. Tesfaye notes, the late king mentions his mother's name only twice in his book, My life and Ethiopia's Progress. "He mentioned his mother's name (without mentioning her father's name) only to say she had me and she passed away," Tesfaye wrote.

In the book Tesfaye recounts her Muslim background and also tells us her given name was Jemila. He details how the name was changed to Yeshimebet and efforts by Ethiopianist writers who've repeatedly tried to conceal this fact by adding her a different last name and identity. Tesfaye notes that Haileselassie, who had Oromo, Muslim and Gurage background, hid or disowned his family roots to protect his throne and be accepted into the Orthodox Amhara-dominated system. He ends the chapter about Jamila's mother with a poignant observation: Ethiopia's racist feudal system had the ability to frighten its leaders as with the ordinary folk.

Tesfaye is a political writer and keen observer of Oromo-Ethiopian politics. Using the official archival accounts, he takes bold positions, including in one chapter where he proposes a Horn of Africa union (similar to Lencho Lata's proposal for forging Horn of Africa as a common homeland for various ethno-national groups in the subregion).  

The book also spills the dirty secrets of other past Ethiopian leaders: from relationship to awful deeds they committed against the masses to stay on power. For example, who knew one of Menelik's daughter was orphaned at 8 years old when her mother died?How about an attempt by Sertse Dingil's wife to make an unborn child blind to prevent him from taking the throne based on a prevailing prophecy, which as Tesfaye notes has greatly contributed to making Ethiopian history a contested, singular narrative.  

There are also a few chapters dealing with the issue of church and the state. In one instance, he writes about how the official state religion, the Orthodox Church passed a decree urging people to fast Wednesdays and Fridays and how that was later changed to Saturdays by another decree from the Catholic Church. It underscores the trials and psychological trauma the people of Ethiopia endured in the name of religion. And the violent history of forced conversion and expansion of religion, both Islam and Christianity, to Ethiopia. It made me question not only the faith of those leaders but also why God allowed them to do those things.  

It is these kinds of perennial questions and the war between the two churches that forced Abba Zerayakob took refuge in the forest, according to Tesfaye. While there, he prayed and questioned God searching for answers. He wanted to understand which God is the real God, who he was praying to, who gave him wisdom, why he was there, etc.  

Zerayakob hated humans because of their inability to question. He was angry about the fact that people believed they knew a lot and did not want to explore more. After years of contemplation, Zerayakob came to a conclusion that others believed their religion was the right one, much the same way he thought about his own. He believed in God's existence and the fact that he created the universe but eventually concluded it's not possible to give this God a name. He gave up christianity and religious life. 

Overall, Tesfaye has ably and artistically weaved so many historical events into such a short book. Ye Jamila Inat is a snapshot of historical accounts, culture and indigenous knowledge, life in exile, ethnic tension and politics in Ethiopia. Those who read and liked his previous works would greatly enjoy reading this book. As Tesfaye notes in the preface, Ye Jemila Inat will be yet another disappointment for his detractors and those who insist on maintaining a falsified and distorted account of Ethiopia's past.  

It goes without saying that there's always more than one perspective to every story. Tesfaye is one among those who are curious about the other side of the Ethiopian history. It is also clear that history books are open ended and inconclusive even in countries that have developed a culture of documenting and writing well ahead of Ethiopia. In this respect, Ye Jamila Inat will be a great addition to many contemporary works about Ethiopia by historians, writers, film producers, artists and so on. To be sure, Tesfaye is not a historian and doesn't claim to be one but most of his books are based on a true story.  

As such, instead of trying to suppress a voice different from that which we have been led to believe, it will be better to interrogate both sides of the Ethiopian story so as to use it to understand the past. That is the only way we can shape our future and not repeat the ugly mistakes of yesteryears.

--
*The writer, Tigist Geme, is a citizen journalist and activist based in Washington, D.C.

=>opride

 

The Oromo Gadaa Civilization: Documentaries on Gumii Gaayyoo and Other Odaa's/Congresses in Oromia

In Photos/Videos: Millions Celebrate the Largest Festival in Africa – Irreecha (Oromo Thanksgiving) at Hora Arsadi in Bishoftu, Oromia (October 5, 2014)

Irreecha (Oromo Thanksgiving) is a celebration of the coming of the new Birraa (Spring) season in Oromia. Though it is celebrated by many millions throughout Oromia, the celebration at Hora Arsadi (Lake Arsadi) in Bishoftu, Oromia, is the largest of all. The celebration at Hora Arsadi has been identified as the largest festival in Africa, and there’s a proposal submitted to UNESCO to register it as the Cultural Heritage of the world.
Here’s a look at this year’s Irreecha at Hora Arsadi (photos and videos from social media).

=>gadaa

Oromo Scholars Raise Critical Question on Ownership of Nile Waters

By Bosona T, (A note from an international Conference)

“Who Owns the Waters of the Nile?” – Oromo scholars raise critical questions regarding the waters of the Nile on Nordic African Days 2014 held in Uppsala, Sweden

Two Oromo scholars, Professor Mekuria Bulcha¹ and Dr. Techane Bosona^2, have participated in the Nordic African Days 2014 Conference held on 26-27 September in Uppsala (Sweden), and have discussed both the open and hidden conflicts over the waters of the Nile. Their paper titled “Who Owns the Waters of the Nile? Reflections on the Conflict between Ethiopia and Egypt over the Ethiopian Grand Dam” was presented on the Panel – The Horn of Africa in Quest for Harmonious Coexistence of State and Society. In their joint paper, the two Oromo scholars raise both interstate and intrastate (hidden) conflicts over the waters of the Nile. They argue that although the threat of the Abyssinian kings to stop the flow of the Blue Nile to Egypt was mere bluff in the past, today it is becoming real through the construction of the Ethiopian Grand Dam. The Ethiopian authorities say that they have sovereign rights over the waters that originate in their territory and will build the dam as planned. On their part, the Egyptians are threatening Ethiopia saying that they will defend their “rights” by any means. Describing statistically the great decrease in the volume of the flows of the Nile in tandem with a great demographic increase in the Nile River Basin the authors predict exacerbated conflict over access to fresh water in the future. Intrigued by the manner in which the two states are articulating their “rights” and claims over the Nile waters, they ask the question: “Who Owns the Waters of the Nile?” Pointing out that 86% of the waters of the Nile that reaches Egypt originates from Ethiopia, and that about 60% of that (86%) is from Oromia which is the actual “water-tower” of northeast Africa in general, these scholars raise the question whether the indigenous peoples such as the Oromo, the Gumuz and the Anuak have any rights over the Nile waters or not. They also question whether the claims of the two states are based on moral or legal precepts and argue that treaties which do not take into account the rights and interests of the indigenous peoples of the Upper Nile River Basin are bound to exacerbate interstate animosities and intensify the unacknowledged intrastate conflicts particularly in Ethiopia.

The authors describe the causes and extent of the accelerated destruction of forests and wetlands in Oromia, Benishangul and Gambella, and analyze the threat which it poses in terms of regional food and water security in general, and argue that this is at least as alarming as the ongoing construction of the Grand Dam. They also raise and analyze intrastate conflicts over access to water and land, particularly as consequences of land grabbing, which they say, are neglected in both academic and political discussions. Describing the ongoing conflict between the Oromo people and the Ethiopian state, and analyzing the 2014 mass massacre perpetrated by the Ethiopian security forces on Oromo students who participated in peaceful protests against land and water grabbing, displacement and environmental destruction as an example, they point out that, in general, the threat posed by intrastate conflicts could be greater compared to the interstate hostility between Egypt and Ethiopia over the Grand Dam.

The paper has attracted the attention of many scholars, human rights’ activists and international journals. For example, COSPE (an NGO based in Italy and working in the fields of development and human rights in 30 countries around the world), Journal International Relations and Diplomacy, and Journal of US-China Public Administration (both based in New York, USA) have sent formal requests to publish and disseminate the paper mentioning the fact that the issues raised during presentation are very important from both academic point of view and activism to raise awareness among civil society.

The Nordic Africa Days (NAD) is the biennial conference and is organized in the Nordic countries in rotation. The theme of this year’s conference was “Misbehaving States and Behaving Citizens? Questions of Governance in African States.” The conference was structured into 29 panels and about 167 papers were presented. The two distinguished keynote speakers were Dr. Mo Ibrahim of the Mo Ibrahim Foundation and Professor Morten Jerven of the University of Vancouver, Canada, addressing the theme from different angles in their speeches entitled “Why Governance Matters” and “Africa by Numbers: Knowledge & Governance” respectively. More than 240 academicians and professionals have participated from all over the world and about 25 participants were researchers from universities and research institutions in Africa.
——————

Professor Mekuria Bulcha is a historical and political sociologist and author of many widely read books and articles. He can be reached at Mekuria.Bulcha@mdh.se or mekuriabulcha@gmail.com
Dr. Techane Bosona has a PhD in Logistics Engineering and Management from the Swedish University of Agricultural Sciences (SLU), Uppsala, Sweden. His scientific articles on logistics of food, agriculture and water resources management are available online at ScienceDirect (Journal of Biosystems engineering, Journal of food control)  and Scientific Research portals. He is a former Chief Engineer of Oromia Water Works and currently a researcher at SLU University. He can be reached at Techane.Bosona@slu.se or tg.bosona@live.se. 


=>ayyaantuu

Ethiopian diplomat flees US to dodge prosecution

By Mario Trujillo

An Ethiopian diplomat who allegedly fired a gun during a protest this week at his country's embassy in Washington, D.C., has left the United States to escape prosecution.

The State Department on Thursday confirmed that it had asked Ethiopia to waive the diplomat’s immunity so he could be prosecuted in U.S. courts, which was refused.
 

"In this case, we requested a waiver of immunity to permit prosecution of the individual involved in that incident," State Department press secretary Jen Psaki said. "The request was declined and the individual involved has now left the country."

Diplomats are expelled from the United States when their host country declines to waive diplomatic immunity.

Psaki, who did not identify the diplomat, said once expelled, individuals typically are not allowed back to the U.S. for any other reason but prosecution.

The Secret Service responded to reports of a gunshot at the Ethiopian Embassy compound on Monday and detained an individual believed to have fired the shot.

No injuries were reported from the incident, which was partially caught on camera with a man in a black suit wielding a handgun amid a small crowd of people before the gunshot is heard.

Reuters reported the man turned himself into authorities but he was not arrested because of his diplomatic immunity.


=>thehill

Two female Oromo refugees died and about ten others wounded due to brutal actions of human smugglers

By Boruu Barraaqaa
October 2, 2014 (Cairo, Egypt) — On September 10, 2014, about ten Oromo refugees were terribly loaded on a Toyota pickup to flee Khartoum, a city where the Ethiopian government thugs abduct any body they want at any time. When they started their journey from Khartoum, the refugees had a dream to reach Cairo safely, at least to get some security relief and enjoy a better life. Unfortunately, what happened to them in the middle of the Sahara desert on September 14, 2014, turned their dream untrue.
According to the information obtained from the survivors, the human smugglers who were illegally transporting these poor Oromo refugees were turned extremely violent for unidentified reason, just after crossing the Sudanese-Egyptian border. They tried to rape the female refugees, but the male refugees who were on the same vehicle opposed this attempt and combated the transporters, showing a relentless bravery.
It was in this scary situation that an unidentified police vehicle was suddenly emerged from behind and the transporters managed to escape hastily. They were driving with the highest speed furiously in the terribly windy and hazardous rocky desert, and finally tipped over. The result was so sad, in which two of the refugees namely Fatuma Mohammed Hundesa and Nahira Abamacha died instantly and about eight others were seriously wounded. Those who died were never buried properly, the report added.
A number of sources confirm that hundreds of female Oromo refugees have been raped, beaten, tortured, infected with diseases like HIV Aids and finally died over the last five years alone, while they were trying to find their way from different areas of Oromia to Khartoum. In last April, just in an area where this fresh sad incident happened, about eight Oromo refugees were captured by the Egyptian police, detained for four months and finally deported back to Ethiopia.
Currently, due to a developing tight diplomatic relations between the governments of Ethiopia and Sudan, Oromo refugees residing in Khartoum are experiencing day and night hunt by Woyane security agents. Fearing not to be abducted by these brutal thugs, they are forced to flee further to Egypt, daring the harsh clandestine journey of the trans-Sahara.


=>ayyaantuu