Mission Journal: Ethiopian journalists must choose between being locked up or locked out

By Nicole Schilit/Journalist Assistance Associate

Journalists who fled to Nairobi over security fears perform a traditional Ethiopian coffee ceremony in one of the cramped apartments they share. (CPJ/Nicole Schilit) 

 

 

A sharp increase in the number of Ethiopian journalists fleeing into exile has been recorded by the Committee to Protect Journalists in the past 12 months. More than 30--twice the number of exiles CPJ documented in 2012 and 2013 combined--were forced to leave after the government began a campaign of arrests. In October, Nicole Schilit of CPJ's Journalist Assistance program and Martial Tourneur of partner group Reporters Without Borders traveled to Nairobi in Kenya to meet some of those forced to flee.

The group of reporters, photographers, and editors we met had all been forced to make a tough decision that has affected them and their families--a life in exile or prison. All of the journalists spoke to CPJ on condition of anonymity, out of concern for their safety. During meetings to discuss their cases, one of them told us: "I hope one day I can bring my family. Maybe in the future. I want to secure myself first. Now is not secure."

Since July, a large number of Ethiopian journalists have left behind their families, homes, and a steady income to seek safety. The reason for this sharp increase is a government crackdown on the independent media. In January, the state-controlled Ethiopian Press Agency and Ethiopian News Agency carried out a study to "assess the role of [seven] magazines in the nation's peace, democracy and development." The results were illustrated in two charts that claimed the magazines were promoting terrorism and damaging the economy.

One of the exiled journalists CPJ met in Nairobi holds up a newspaper report on a study criticizing independent publications. (CPJ/Nicole Schilit)

The study was followed by a series of arrests and charges of journalists from a range of publications, as well as those associated with the Zone 9 blogging collective. In July six bloggers and three journalists were charged with terrorism. On June 25, 20 journalists at the state-run Oromia Radio and Television Organization were dismissed without explanation. In August, the Ministry of Justice announced that six publications were being charged with publishing false information, inciting violence, and undermining public confidence in the government. Managers at three publications were sentenced in absentia to three-year jail terms for "inciting the public by spreading false information." And in October, Temesghen Desalegn of Feteh (Justice) magazine was sentenced to three years' imprisonment for defamation and incitement.
With the threat of imprisonment hanging over Ethiopia's press, many journalists decided to flee. Most left without much notice. Some knew Ethiopians who had moved to Nairobi months or even years earlier, and were able to contact them before leaving their homes. Others arrived without having any basic knowledge of the city, and had to find help with everything from registering as a refugee with the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) to finding a place to stay.

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• Gene Roberts Emergency Fund

CPJ's Journalist Assistance program has had a steady flow of requests from journalists in Ethiopia and other parts of East Africa since the program began in 2001, but we have never seen numbers like this. With so many journalists displaced, it was important that CPJ identified their most urgent needs and challenges before deciding how best to support them.

The exiled journalists that CPJ and its partner group met included journalists who worked for several independent publications, as well as freelancers and founding members of the Ethiopian Journalists Forum (EJF). Not all of the journalists were facing charges, but they said they had experienced harassment, intimidation, and threats of imprisonment over their reporting.

One of the journalists said he had been in Angola for a conference in April when he was advised by friends not to return to Ethiopia. While he was away, six Zone 9 bloggers had been arrested. The journalist was not part of the Zone 9 group, but he said friends convinced him to come to Nairobi instead of returning to Ethiopia's capital, Addis Ababa. Despite the warnings he was insistent on returning to Ethiopia. "I did not prepare to not return," he said. His wife begged him to stay in Nairobi and told him security officials had visited their home and threatened her. She joined him in Nairobi one month later.

All of the journalists told us they needed financial support for basic living expenses. Despite being crammed into homes that feel temporary, and where up to three people share a room, the journalists struggle to afford rent and food. They have lost their incomes and, with the desire to keep a low profile and no means to start a publication, they do not know when they will be able to work again.

Conditions for those fleeing into exile are hard. Up to four journalists share a bedroom but they still struggle to pay for food and rent. (CPJ/Nicole Schilit)

In one apartment, four journalists from a single outlet were living together. They described how in Addis Ababa they had been financially secure. "Most of us have no economic problems back home. I had my own TV show and the payment from our employment was good... but that charge. We know the meaning of that charge," one of the journalists said, referring to accusations that they had spread false information intended to undermine public trust in the government.

One of the journalists said he wanted to bring his wife and two-year-old son to Nairobi, but couldn't afford their travel, or to support them. "There is no money. And I am the breadwinner," he said.

Nairobi has offered little solace for these journalists. We met the majority of those we spoke to in the barely furnished homes they were living in, which are spread out across the city. Several of the journalists said they still did not feel safe, and were scared of being taken back to Ethiopia. The fear that authorities have the ability to reach over borders is common among those who have fled into exile.

Exile and security fears have taken a psychological toll on these journalists. They repeatedly told us their daily movements were limited because they worry what could happen while they are outside. "In the morning, I find myself without any plan to do. We feel lost here," one said during meetings to assess their needs. Another added: "It is very boring. I feel desperate."

One of the apartment buildings where some of the journalists are living. Many say the fear that drove them to flee still lingers. (CPJ/Nicole Schilit)

One of the journalists told us: "It's a kind of traumatizing experience. At night, what if someone comes and is banging on the door looking for us? Whenever someone is shouting we think it is a security officer who [has] come to look for us. So it is very difficult at night. It is very scary."

Respected journalists who had successful careers in Ethiopia are now refugees in a foreign country. Despite being in exile because of their reporting, they all expressed a commitment to continue working in journalism once their financial and security needs had been fixed.

Since speaking to the exiled journalists and assessing their needs, CPJ has been working with partner organizations to coordinate assistance for them. In addition to providing small grants to help cover basic living expenses, CPJ has continued to advocate on behalf of the journalists with the UNHCR. Exiled journalists have to register as a refugee with the organization, or other authorities, to begin the often lengthy process of applying for refugee status or waiting for resettlement to a third country.

The Journalist Assistance program is funded entirely through charitable donations. More details on how you can help, and how donations are used by the Gene Roberts Fund for Emergency Assistance are available here.
_________________________________________________

Nicole Schilit is CPJ’s Journalist Assistance Associate. She has a master's in public administration from the School of International and Public Affairs at Columbia University and a bachelor's in documentary photography from Oberlin College in Ohio.

 

 

=>cpj

 

 

By Tesfa-Alem Tekle

December 28, 2014 (ADDIS ABABA) – An Ethiopian opposition leader on Sunday dismissed reports alleging he has been fired from his job at the government-run Addis Ababa University.

Local media outlets reported that the leader of the opposition Oromo Federalist Congress, Merara Gudina, who chairs also the coalition of opposition parties MEDREK was fired from his academic professorial position.

The reports indicated that Gudina, an associate professor of political science at Addis Ababa University, was fired for his political views and due to the growing popularity he gained among university students in the build-up of the upcoming general elections.

“I haven’t received any letter of dismissal from the University,” Gudina told Sudan Tribune.

However, he claimed that the University has withheld his seven month salary for unknown reason.

“The university didn’t pay my salary since June while other employees were paid,” said Gudina adding “I don’t know why but I am in debate with the concerned bodies to release my salary”

The former MP is known of his democracy-related critics against the ruling party. Referring to the previously-fired opponents, opposition circles say Gudina is most likely to be fired soon.

Recently two opposition members who have been working at Ethiopian Airlines and Commercial Bank of Ethiopia were reportedly fired from their jobs.

Opposition members said their dismissal was politically motivated but government authorities said it was taken on disciplinary administrative measures.

International right groups are accusing the horn of Africa’s nation of tightening crackdown on independent media and opposition members ahead of the polls slated for May 2015.

In October, Amnesty International accused the Ethiopian government of illegally detaining over 5,000 members of the Oromo ethnic group, over the past four years to squash political dissent.

According to Amnesty, the detainees are accused of supporting the Oromo Liberation Front, a movement labelled by government as terrorist entity.

Ethiopia has repeatedly denied allegations of illegal detention and harassment, describing it as fabricated accusations aiming to tarnish image of the country.

The country’s electoral board this week said the country is prepared to conduct a democratic, free and fair election.

=>sudantribune

Why Anti-OMN Whiners Should Keep Their Mouth Shut

By Abraasaa Dirree*

The problem with people who blab a lot is that they don’t have very good memories. They blab so much and boast so much, and huff and puff so much that they can’t possibly remember all the blabbing, boasting and puffing.

This is the predicament the anti-OMN Poster Boy finds himself in at the moment. Devoid of courage to address the real issues requiring structural explanations, he and few of his cohorts resorted to focus on events – who did what to whom. As a result, the calibrated attack on the OMN missed the opportunity to help us achieve more accurate, more insightful, and more empowering view of reality. He and his cohorts were wrong in essence and in substance. The planned “knockout punch” at the time of launch did not materialize. The recent hullabaloo is not getting any traction. So, the Poster Boy resorted to non-stop whining with complete and reckless abandon, because of the following reasons:

• First, according to the Poster Boy himself, his recommendation to further delay OMN’s launch date was rejected by the Organizing Committee. So, when the majority voted against his proposal, instead of accepting the simple administrative decision, he left the Committee. If he left on principled points, one would have reasoned with him. Good people often disagree and part their separate ways. That is not the case with the Poster Boy. His refusal to accept such a simple administrative decision means “my way or no way” attitude. This is nothing, but dictatorship and anti-democratic inclinations.

• Second, he claimed that he did a research about satellite providers, and considered the options and made recommendations to the Governing Body. So, the Governing Body, based on the best available information, decided on one of the options (not the one recommended by him). So, what is wrong with that? Why this is a big deal? Is this not how decisions are made?

• Third, the Poster Boy has been kvetching, without providing a scintilla of evidence, alleging that OMN’s money is being siphoned by an individual. I cannot conjure his motivations for such outlandish charges; however, one thing is certain; he is hell-bent on a mission to kill the OMN – nip it in the bud – commit an act of infanticide – through nonstop, persistent whining and planting the seed of doubt in the minds of the contributors. Why in this world would any Oromo wants to kill the OMN – the only Oromo centric national TV in this wide world? For whose benefit? I wonder why the Tigreans should waste their money on turncoats, when Oromos continue to self-destruct, time and again – thanks to the likes of the Poster Boy.

• Fourth, more importantly the Poster Boy is whining because according to him his good name was smeared by certain OMN supporters? When a reporter asked him, what recommendations he had for OMN, he blurted that they should stop besmirching his good name and that those like him who left the OMN should be allowed back. Hell no! OMN does not need him. He represents the views of the past, of hatred, of negativity, resulting in the national shame in which we find ourselves in today. That is the legacy of the Poster Boy’s generation. While our enemies are finding new ways and means to keep us down, the likes of the Poster Boy of this world are perfecting the propensity for Oromos to self-destruct. Such are the leeches that continue to suck oxygen from the Oromo national struggle, time and again.

To the OMN supporters, you would agree with me that organizational maturity does not happen overnight. From birth to a steady institutionalization stage takes time. So, organizations – profit or not-for-profit – do not mature in a day. As they say, “Rome was not built in a day.”

As you probably know, at the beginning, organizations are not up to speed on governance and administration issues. As well most processes are informal – ad hoc, chaotic and inconsistent. Governance is not properly in place, and change management is not yet created. Fear and uncertainty is high as organizational values and culture have not yet been established. As people coming to the organization with their own unique personalities, it takes a while for soft capabilities such as social skills, experience, creativity, social cohesion, social capital, values, motivation, habits and traditions to gel with institutional culture. So, OMN is no different. It’s going through organizational “teething” phase.

Ours is further complicated by lack of experience in running Oromo centred organizations. We have been conditioned to take orders and obey our masters, so we carry some baggage. This is the mentality of the oppressed, which manifests itself in different forms, such as lack of respect for one another, superiority complex, lack democratic traditions, lack of Oromo centric bureaucratic traditions, what have you, what have you.

Moreover, when it comes to Oromo affairs, all lay persons present themselves as experts on everything. They all want to direct the affairs of OMN, and how the journalists should carry out their work, etc, etc. We have to learn to trust the ability and capability of our learned men and women and that they are good enough to do the job required of them. After all, these are the crème de la crème of our best minds. Let us give the leadership the benefit of the doubt.

Whether one likes it or not, Jawar is the face of the OMN. Through the “I’m Oromo First” tour, he galvanized the entire Diaspora. He promised. He delivered. That is what leadership is all about. Most of us believed in him and trusted him, and those young men and women supporting him behind the scene. He is doing the right thing? Absolutely, yes! He is doing things right? I don’t know as I don’t work with him. Moreover, doing things right is managerial issues that can be corrected through rules, regulations and processes. Some of us saw this as a generational shift, while the Poster Boy types want to impede the inevitable.

Regarding the assertion that certain inexperienced young men and women are running the show, I agree they are young and inexperienced. Let them do some screw-ups; they will learn and grow from it. In comparison, what did the experienced Poster Boy generation give us? How did I forget – Listserv?
My final point to the Poster Boy: if you think that you have the stature to measure up to Jawar (I meant figuratively, not literally), stop conniving, and go ahead and form your own media. And call it OMN. After all, bickering and splitting organizations is the hallmark of your generation.

I’m also astonished at how some of the amateurish and substandard Oromo radio and TV personalities, who should not have seen the light of day in terms of style and substance, also joined the fray with reckless and complete abandon. One does not have to be a rocket scientist to observe that this is the manifestation of jealousy in its absolute form. The OMN made them irrelevant, and by comparison, they look shoddy, crude and unprofessional.

Finally, here is my unsolicited and humble advice to the OMN leadership:

• The issues are all about human resources administration. So, you have already dealt with it, and if further action is required deal with it, as this is an internal organizational matter, we don’t want to know the details. Moreover, organizations don’t wash their dirty laundry in public.

• You have done enough explaining, once or twice is more than enough. You have already admitted to certain governance issues. So, fix it. There is no need to repeat the same points again and again. All you are doing is strengthening the hands of the Poster Boy. Again, we don’t need the details, and all we want to know is that you are in control of things and that you are taking care of business.

• You have to understand and accept the fact that those who don’t like OMN will never settle for a reasoned argument. So don’t waste your time in trying to win them over, as they have different agenda. That is exactly why the Poster Boy sounds like a man who believes the solution to inequality in a community with only one cow is to kill the animal and have none. This is why he and his cohorts concocted and foolishly injected religious and cultural dimensions hoping to get some traction by obfuscating the real issue. The good news is that we are not that gullible after all.

• You have to accept the fact that you cannot please everyone. So, ignore the innuendos, such as the one coming from the Poster Boy. After all, he is not a member of the Board. He is not a member of the Executive. He is not a staff member. He is just an attention seeker, who wants to remain relevant in Oromo affairs by “crying wolf, where there is no wolf.”

• Finally, I know that Oromos believe in what you do and some of us sincerely appreciate your dedication, commitment, sacrifice and perseverance.

Long live OMN!

Abraasaa Dirree: abraasaa.dirree@gmail.com

=>finfinnetribune

OMN: Qophii Xiinxalaa (Salihaa Sami) Mudde 26, 2014 waa'ee walgahi/''leenjii'' Artistoota Oromo irratti

TBOJ (UOSJ): Call for Conference on Oromo Liberation Front (OLF/ABO) Army day

Call for Conference on Oromo Liberation Front (OLF/ABO) Army day
The Union of Oromo Students in Europe, (UOSE) or Tokkumma Bartoota Oromoo Awurooppaa (TBOA) is a student organization based in Germany. Founded in 1974, it is a political organization that functions according to the political programs and political ideals of the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF).

As active branch of UOSE,UOSG (Union of Oromo Students in Germany) played the biggest role in nurturing the language and culture of the Oromo people, protesting against successive Ethiopian regimes, and coordinating the overall support to the OLF/ABO.

Therefore,we are excited to announce that the event will be organized in Germany,Frankfurt/M. by the Union of Oromo Students. We are  looking to see all the Oromo communities living in all regions of Germany and Europe-wide to take part on the event on 10th January,2015 at Johann Wolfgang Goethe-University, Frankfurt am Main (Mertonstr.26-28, 60323 Frankfurt am Main) from 11:00-18:00 Hour.
“It always seems impossible until its done.” – Nelson Mandela 

TBOJ Caayaa ABO Executive Committee.

tboj1973@gmail.com or konya.frankfurt@gmail.com
or kindly reach us through the following numbers:

+4915217299850, +4915213048119 or +4915210249774


=>oromiatimes

DOCUMENT - ETHIOPIA: RELEASE PROTESTORS, STOP CRUSHING POLITICAL OPPOSITION

AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL

PUBLIC STATEMENT

AI Index: 25/009/2014

10 December 2014

Ethiopia: Release protestors, stop crushing political opposition

On 5 and 6 December, security services in Addis Ababa arrested an estimated 90 people during attempts to stage a demonstration by a coalition of nine opposition political parties. The arrests are the latest manifestation of the authorities’ hostility towards the political opposition ahead of the general election scheduled for May 2015. The Ethiopian authorities must ensure the immediate and unconditional release of those arrested for peaceful participation in, or the organization of, the demonstration, and all others imprisoned in Ethiopia for the peaceful expression of their political opinion.

Amnesty International is concerned that in the period ahead of next year’s poll such instances of the authorities cracking down on political opposition will intensify.

The nine-party coalition was attempting to stage a demonstration in Addis Ababa’s Meskel Square on 6 December as the culmination of a series of activities calling for a free and fair election.

The exact number of people arrested has not been established, but the political parties involved report that around 90 people arrested in relation to the demonstration have appeared in court remand hearings in recent days.

The Semayawi (Blue) party, one of the coalition members, says that around 75 of its members and leadership were arrested, including its Chair, Engineer Yilkal Getnet, who is reported to have been injured as a result of beating by the police before he was arrested. The leaders of at least three other parties in the coalition were also arrested – Girma Bekele of the Omo People’s Democratic Union and Chair of the coalition, Erchafo Erdelo, Chair of the Kembata Peoples’ Congress and Alesa Mengesha, Chair of the Gedeo People’s Democratic Organization.

The other parties in the coalition are the All Ethiopian Democratic Party, the All Ethiopian Unity Party, the All Ethiopian National Party, the All Amhara People’s Organization and the Sodo Gordona Democratic Organization.

Two eye-witnesses told Amnesty International that there was a heavy federal police presence in Meskel Square on 6 December. Some would-be protestors were reportedly arrested on their way to the square. Another group was arrested shortly after leaving the Semayawi party office to walk to the square. The latter group was reported to have been beaten by police, resulting in a number of injuries.

The two groups are being detained in Sostegna (third) and Cherkos police stations.

The group detained in Sostegna police station, which numbers over 50 people, the majority of whom are Semayawi party members, appeared at Arada first instance court on 8 December, accused of participating in an illegal demonstration and attempting to overthrow the Constitution. They were remanded in custody until 22 December. 27 people detained at Cherkos police station were brought before a court in the Cherkos area, also on 8 December, accused of destroying public property in Meskel Square and remanded in custody until 15 December.

A group of six further Semayawi party members and two members of the All Ethiopian Unity Party, were arrested on 5 December after leaving the Semayawi office, and are being detained in Kotebe police station. They reportedly appeared in Yeka first instance court on the day of their arrest and were remanded in custody until 15 December.

The Semayawi party told Amnesty International it had informed the city administration of its intention to stage a demonstration, as required under the relevant proclamation, and had received a response informing the party it should not hold the demonstration, due to construction work in Meskel Square and a reported lack of security services to police the event. The response did not offer an alternative date or location. Semayawi states that due to this failure, it went ahead with its plans.

According to the Proclamation to Establish the Procedure for Peaceful Demonstration and Public Political Meeting (No. 3/1991), anyone planning to hold a demonstration must provide written notice to the relevant authorities 48 hours in advance, providing specifics of the nature, time, location and number of expected participants. The administrative office must provide a written response to the applicant within 12 hours if it is preferable that the demonstration be held at a different time or location.

The Ethiopian Constitution, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights all oblige the Ethiopian government to respect, protect and fulfil the rights to freedom of expression, association and assembly. Under international law, any restrictions on the exercise of these rights may only be such as are demonstrably necessary and proportionate for specific reasons recognised as legitimate, and must not undermine the right itself. Despite these legal obligations on the Ethiopian government, thousands of Ethiopians have been arrested in 2014 alone for their involvement in protests.

The Ethiopian government’s intolerance of dissent is increasing apace ahead of next May’s general elections. Throughout 2014, as well as large-scale arrests of protestors, there have been multiple arrests of members and leadership of opposition political parties, as well as other dissenting voices.

The Oromo Federalist Congress opposition political party reported that between 350 and 500 of its members were arrested between May and July, with further arrests of party members continuing every month since then. In July, Yeshewas Asefa of the Semayawi party was arrested along with Habtamu Ayalew and Daniel Shebeshi of the Unity for Democracy and Justice (UDJ) party and Abraha Desta of the Arena Tigray party. The four were subsequently charged under the Anti-Terrorism Proclamation. Semayawi members Befekadu Abebe, a party official in Arba Minch, and Agbaw Setegn, a member from Gondar, both remain in Maikelawi federal police detention centre since their arrests in September and October respectively.

The Semayawi party has also reported numerous arrests of its members throughout the year in relation to protests or attempts to stage protests. Seven female members were arrested in March during a run to mark International Women’s Day in Addis Ababa, along with three male party members. They had been chanting slogans including “We need freedom! Free political prisoners!” They were released without charge after ten days. In late April, 20 members of the party were arrested while promoting and distributing flyers for a demonstration in Addis Ababa. They were released after 11 days.

The crackdown has also included the remnants of independent media in the country during the year. Seven independent publications were targeted in an orchestrated smear campaign in the state-owned media, alleging they had printed a number of articles which ‘promoted terrorism,’ denied the economic growth, belittled the legacy of Meles Zenawi, and other ‘transgressions.’ Subsequently over 20 journalists fled the country under threat of prosecution. Six bloggers from the Zone 9 collective and three independent journalists associated with the group were arrested in April, and later charged with terrorism offences. The arrests came just days after the group announced on social media the resumption of its activities, which included a programme of work leading up to the elections, such as voter education. In late October, after a trial that had lasted more than two years, editor Temesgen Desalegn was sentenced to three years’ imprisonment for ‘defamation’ and ‘inciting the public through false rumours’ in the now-defunct publication ‘Feteh.’

This series of events demonstrates that, despite the fact that since the 2005 elections the government has taken multiple steps to entrench its rule and suppress other political parties, to coerce voters, and to dismantle opposition and dissent, the authorities still are intent on stifling any possibilities of political opposition ahead of May’s poll.

Amnesty International is concerned there will be further human rights violations ahead of the elections, including arbitrary arrests and the detention of opposition political party members, and possible violence against opposition party members and demonstrators.

In the lead-up to the 2015 elections, the government must ensure the ability of all Ethiopians to exercise their right to hold and express political opinions without fear of arrest or other repercussions, and must immediately remove unlawful restrictions on free and open political participation, including restrictions on the independent media, civil society organisations and opposition political parties. The government should also issue clear orders to security services to cease their harassment and arrest of persons peacefully expressing opposition to the government, including those campaigning for opposition political parties.

Anyone who has been arrested based solely on their activities as a member of an opposition political party, their peaceful expression of dissent or of their political opinion, their journalistic activities or their participation in a peaceful protest, must be immediately and unconditionally released.

=>amnesty

OROMIA MEDIA NETWORK STATUS REVIEW REPORT: Released by Board of Trustees

Introduction
On November 22, 2014, the Oromia Media Network (OMN) Board of Trustees unanimously approved the creation of a Status Review ad hoc Committee (SRC) composed of three Trustees to:

• Assess existing organizational problems,
• Identify the root causes of these problems,
• Propose a road map to help the organization overcome any challenges, and
• Build a more robust media organization with lessons from its recent experience.

The purpose of the OMN SRC is thus to prepare a draft report to be submitted to the Board in a timely manner for its approval.  The SRC set to interview all concerned members of the OMN by phone, Skype, in person, or any other means to understand the challenges OMN faced since its inception.  Particular attention was to be given to addressing the recent discontents among some OMN ranks.  Although this report is released to meet the urgency of the matter, we anticipate interviews will continue for weeks to come.

Summary of the Challenges

The Board is aware that there are some allegations by some ex-OMN members and non-members (not supporters of OMN) regarding financial misappropriations, circumstance of resignation of few OMN ranks from office, and commitment of the Board to its roles.  This report is not intended to answer to these wanton charges.  Some of these allegations unfortunately level to illegal defamation and the Board has instructed the executive committee to act swiftly and take a legal action where such illegal smear campaign against OMN occurred.  The Board hereby reaffirms to all OMN ranks and supporters that it serves as the ultimate decision-making body of OMN, and it will protect OMN as a public investment.  The Board selects and oversees management who are responsible for the operations of the organization without interfering in the day-to-day executive details.  We admit that as a young organization, OMN faces transitional issues in adjudicating power and responsibilities.  However, the Board, operating within the bounds of the law, has never compromised its ultimate authority nor failed to discharge its responsibilities when called for.  This report is a case in point.
This report is a condensed summary of the final report approved by OMN Board of Trustees at its meeting held on December 6, 2014.  The document presents the main challenges OMN faces as an organization and their likely solutions.  The report is based on conversations conducted with employees and non-employees.  The SRC tried in good faith to understand the underlying challenges OMN faces, taking a more realistic and probable scenario on issues that are often entangled with personal judgments of people who at times feel they have been wronged.

As a result of this review, we are led to believe that there is no cardinal problem that threatens the operation of OMN as of now, and to the best of our knowledge all the major issues have been identified below, and that the solution to these challenges are well within the OMN’s organizational capacity to be resolved.  This review process brought the Reviewers much closer to OMN.  We are impressed by the media soldiers of this historic institution, and we see in its current employees nothing less than highly determined men and women who stood for the service of their people against all odds.  They deserve recognition and honor, and we salute them for their fervent service.  We present below the main challenges not in any particular order.

1. Intervention and influence

Some employees complained that OMN has become dominated by few.  There is no evidence that one person influenced personnel related decisions.  However, there are evidences and testimonies that OMN’s fundraising and day-to-day operations are influenced by one or few men.  Even those who claim that OMN has become a show of very few admire and appreciate the role of such individual or individuals.  It is healthier for OMN to be a face of more than one person.  Nonetheless, there is a settled assumption and belief by some that even executive influence in OMN is too centralized.  It is difficult to fight perception; it is easier to solve it if it exists.  For this simple reason, despite the lack of proof of intervention in the executive decisions of personnel matter, we propose extra measures to address the perception.

2. Inherited issues of pre-OMN

It is widely known, and it has been echoed again by some during the interviews, that the OMN had a somewhat turbulent beginning full of enthusiasms and unmapped expectations, far from calculated work of careful planning.   The beginning of air transmission was marked by haphazardly assembled and inexperienced but passionate volunteers.  Relocation of a key member of the OMN starters to Minneapolis was viewed as a move to manipulate and dominate OMN by some and as a selfless dedication to the project by others.  There was an apparent talk of boot-camping to design a master plan for OMN, but this was undermined by an opposing majority side that eventually took over all the planning and starting of OMN.  Some in the minority expected more shared governance and consensus during and preceding the time of the launch, but yet didn’t have the opportunity to shape the outcome and exert their wishes.  Those who supported the launching of OMN swiftly argue that it was essential to satisfy the demand and expectation of donors, to establish financial accountability promptly, and also make use of the political climax.  At the time, this disagreement between those who want to move slower and those who favored an expeditious action was not resolved by consensus.  The impetus favored those who owned the political momentum as the majority.  Some individuals who left the OMN at that time remained outside of the OMN with a subdued confidence, but still wished all the best for OMN.  Very few however adopted a harsh stance of negating all about OMN which is carried to this day, several months after the issue seems to have been overpowered by fait accompli, i.e., the key personnel whose move to MN was objected has since moved back to the east coast and the starting of OMN cannot be undone now.  There is no reason why this initial dispute should culminate to total negation today if one has the good of OMN and Oromo in mind.

3. On embracing nationalism

This issue was raised directly or indirectly by some OMN staff.  They shared a concern, that Oromo nationalism is suppressed through editorship.  On the other hand, concerns were aired that OMN should not be a partisan forum, and that OMN should be a fact-based media, not catering to unchecked emotions that fuel anarchy and chaos eventually drawing disrepute.  This line of thought promoted a belief that OMN’s commitment to serious media will support maturity of Oromo nationalism that will stand better on a firm ground.  Board members would like to stress that OMN was established for promoting Oromo interests.

4. Avoiding controversies, – religion and politics

Many are unaware that guideline for covering religious events have been developed.  Several misunderstandings and criticisms were aired, that OMN failed to cover religious events simply because it wanted to avoid controversies.  While avoiding such controversies where religion and politics overlap is temporarily a prudent measure, the avoidance, if it exists, however makes OMN less relevant among its target audience by failing to transmit these important international events shared by our people.  A controversy provoked by including some radical fora may be more useful than a deafening silence in correctness.

5. Leadership, discipline, and transparency

The issue of leadership is a subject extending far beyond OMN.  Patience and tolerance are the hallmark of leadership.  But the other side of the coin is that insubordination cannot be tolerated and discipline cannot be unheeded.  OMN had some samples of both leadership weaknesses and employee insubordination that are probably consequences of simple passion or naiveté, not resulting from mean intents.  Furthermore, patience is desirable, but an unruly employee cannot be tolerated until he/she has planted a seed of anarchy and poor discipline that affects the performance and behavior of others – lack of discipline is contagious.
A more troubling issue in the organizational performance of OMN is that at times obligations and duties are viewed and taken loosely.  There may be a clash of discipline and commotion, the first as a result of misunderstanding the bounds of employees, and the later as a consequence of easiness resulting from a mindset of volunteerism.  This cultural inertia must be disconnected from OMN for it to perform normally with raised expectations.  The concept of efficiency needs to be redefined in the context of the mature nationalism that didn’t embrace high expectations.

6. Training, responsibilities, expertise, and manpower

Most OMN employees need tutoring in several areas including the process of editing, roles and responsibilities, and role of the editor in chief, preferably by an expert who knows the business.

7. Resources, space, and outsourcing

OMN started with humble resources, computers with poor capacity that cannot manage large video data, poor quality – amateurish cameras, uninsulated walls, inferior lighting, etc.  Funds are needed to transform the Center to a high quality studio.  OMN leadership seems eager to alleviate some of these problems by outsourcing the entire production line of some of the programs to other OMN studio branches outside Minneapolis.  This may indeed be a good idea to ease some of the local pressure, but new challenges of outsourcing and its impact on central chief editor must be studied in advance.  The resources critically needed to run or maintain quality must be prioritized, and capital should not be invested on less critical acquisitions without thorough research.  This priority of purchasing costly equipment must be established in consultation with employees, the media soldiers.

8. Codes, guidelines, and ethics

The Board must interact with the Ex. C. more closely than in the past.  The Board’s guidance in developing codes for dress, employment and interview procedures are needed.  Inputs are also needed on embracing Oromo nationalism that nurtures the ideal for which our people are struggling.

9. Personality clashes and remote supervision

OMN must have an interim strategy to consolidate its leadership in one location.  Personality clashes, hiring, and firing are often packaged with political, religious, and regional issues, and this eventual repackaging is issues must be recognized in the processes.  It is important to understand that one manifestation of positive Oromo nationalism is guarding OMN from individual weaknesses and personal agendas.

1. Communication

The distance among leadership of OMN is not helping communication which has been weak both between Ex. C. and the Board, as well as among Ex. C. members.  The Board did not know about some problems faced within Ex. C., and the role and task of some staff was not communicated to other staff members clearly.  At least one employee believed he was a manager, but staff members were not informed about his role clearly.  The SRC committee found out about important events that took place in OMN during this review process, and these are developments that SRC members should have known as Board members.
Conclusion (suggestion)

• OMN Board and its leadership must design a strategy to make OMN independent of one or few individuals.
• Communicate with original members of OMN who may have disagreements with individuals within OMN, with a message that OMN has become a national resource that should be protected – far bigger than any individual. OMN must be viewed as a cherished child of the Oromo movement that must be nurtured and protected.
• OMN must strike a balance between embracing some level of unexpurgated views of Oromo nationalism and maintaining solid media integrity that is not dominated by emotions. A session may be designed to accommodate partisan feelings however emotive they may seem for media integrity, at least once in few weeks, with a pronounced recognition that the net value of such program may be limited.  Oromo nationalism is too strong to completely ignore activism at this stage of our society.  However, it is better not to entertain activism at all than see it dominating OMN.
• The guideline on covering religious events should be implemented, and people who complain about not covering these events should be told that OMN is moving towards covering all major religious events in a balanced manner. Religious elders should be asked to provide some joint parameters and feedback for the future.
• OMN leadership should take swift decisions to demonstrate its seriousness when it comes to maintaining discipline, even if the short term consequences of the decision may seem negative.
• Training of OMN staff is critically needed. This should cover technical expertise and optimum organizational structures.  Roles and responsibilities, editing software, management skills, etc. are all areas that need training.
• The current hardware shortages can be eased by creating dedicated and technically capable branch offices. However, new challenges may emerge and the impact of outsourcing on the editor in chief’s time must be researched in advance.
• The resources of OMN are modest, and capital should not be invested on less critical acquisitions without thorough research. The priority of purchasing costly equipment must be established in consultation with employees.
• The Board’s guidance in developing codes and guidelines is needed urgently. Dress codes, employment and interview procedures, inputs on embracing Oromo nationalism without promoting anarchy are needed.  Interview and employment should be done at least at the screening level by a personnel committee.
• More ways of handling and managing communications among leaders located in different cities and countries must be sought. Ideally OMN leadership should be consolidated to one focal place, say MN.
• OMN should assign or hire a permanent PR person to combat negative propaganda waged against OMN in various public fora including Facebook. Where appropriate legal action must be taken to contain illegal activities that defame OMN.
• There should be a planned gradual transition from voluntary activism of the leadership to paid employees, especially for key and more relevant offices.
• OMN programs must be more creative to diversify programs. This requires resource mobilization, outreach to several cities with large Oromo population.
• Personality clashes should be rejected when camouflaged and presented as OMN problems, especially when they look for allies in regional, religious, and political groups.
• The Board should create a “ways and means” committee to prioritize these suggested solutions, strategize their implementation, and help execute with a preset timetable. To this end, during its December 6, 2014 meeting the Board unanimously elected Dr. Ahmed Gelchu as its President and Obbo Kitaba Megersa as Board’s Secretary.

Galatoomaa
This report is available in Oromo language.
Oromia Media Network, Board of Trustees,

December 6, 2014


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