Ethiopian Government Kill Protesters To Expand Addis Ababa

Protesters in Ethiopia reject authoritarian development model

The Oromo students’ defiant protests are a response to decades of systemic and structural marginalization

by Awol Allo   @awol_allo

Social media is full of images of dead and injured students from Ethiopia’s Oromia state. At least 50 protesters have been killed, hundreds injured and thousands more arrested in monthlong protests across the region. Tensions escalated sharply this week after authorities accused the demonstrators of terrorism and confirmed deploying military forces.

The government continues to take a hard line. On Dec. 17, Communications Minister Getachew Reda described the protesters as “terrorists” and “demonic.” Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn has threatened to take “merciless action against any force bent on destabilizing the area,” echoing pronouncements by the country’s counterterrorism task force, which has promised “legal and proportionate” measures. 

This is an old tactic in Ethiopia, where protests and public proclamation of dissent are criminalized. Addis Ababa often dismisses genuine local grievances as evil designs of anti-development elements.  Over the last decade, the government in Addis Ababa used the “war on terrorism” and the rhetoric of development to silence independent voices and curtail democratic debate. The press is effectively muzzled, and independent civic and political organizations face an array of government tactics, including manipulation, co-optation and violent repression.

The immediate trigger for the crisis is the Integrated Regional Development Plan for Addis Ababa and the Surrounding Oromia Region, commonly known as the Master Plan, which aims to expand the Ethiopian capital’s jurisdiction to Oromia. But the movement is a reflection of long-simmering ethnic tensions and deeper historical injustices. The Oromo, who constitute nearly half of Ethiopia’s 100 million people, have long been pushed to the periphery of Ethiopia’s economic, social and political life. The anger and defiance of the last few weeks is a spontaneous response to decades of systemic and structural marginalization of the Oromo.

Despite the government’s claim, the ongoing largely peaceful protests pose no threat to Ethiopia’s economic or national security interests. However, the government’s heavy-handed crackdown on protesters and the implementation of the Master Plan presents a clear and present danger to the well-being of the Oromo.

Why are Oromos protesting?

These protests are not new. In April and May 2014, similar protests broke out when the government unveiled the controversial Master Plan. Dozens of people were killed and many more wounded. Authorities insist that the draft plan will better coordinate development activities and facilitate the delivery of public services to remote areas. The protesters say it is a blueprint for annexation and will displace millions of Oromo farmers.

Addis Ababa, one of the fastest-growing cities in the world, faces a population explosion. The city has sprawled into neighboring Oromo villages, farmlands and forests. In the last 10 years, more than 150,000 Oromo farmers have been evicted from their ancestral lands without adequate compensation and proper relocation. Displaced farmers are becoming daily laborers on lands taken from them. Oromo activists and opposition politicians fear that the Master Plan will lead to a new and unrestrained land grab that could radically alter the region’s demographics and cultural makeup. The protesters say such expansion would cleanse the Oromo people and culture from the area.

Oromo protesters want a human-centered development that places people at the center of government policies and programs and allows everyone to get a fair share of what belongs to all. 

Addis Ababa lies in the heart of Oromia. The Ethiopian Constitution recognizes the state’s “special interest” over the city and mandates Parliament to enact laws that would regulate the “provision of social services or the utilization of natural resources” between Oromia and Addis Ababa. However, two decades after the constitution’s adoption, no such laws have been enacted. Meanwhile, Addis Ababa’s expansion into surrounding Oromo towns continues unabated. This advance, which is in part fueled by demand for land by foreign and private investment, has had serious economic and ecological consequences for the area.

Human-centered development

The government has appealed to developmental goals to silence such concerns, but its approach to development is narrow. Ethiopia follows a developmental state model that doesn’t guarantee democratic participation and representative procedures necessary to scrutinize the legality, viability and proportionality of state-led projects. Its five-year Growth and Transformation Plan is mainly funded by foreign aid, including from the United States. The plan envisions the relocation of people from lands slated for infrastructure construction, industrial parks and large-scale agricultural development. These programs are often implemented through intimidation, violence and other repressive tactics.

Ethiopia happens to be a key U.S. ally in the “war on terrorism.” In 2006 the U.S. provided technical and financial support for Ethiopia’s invasion of Somalia under the pretext of targeting the Somali armed group Al-Shabab. Since 2011, the U.S. has beenflying armed reaper drones from bases in Ethiopia as part of its counterterrorism mission in East Africa. Washington acknowledges the ruling party’s increasingly authoritarian tactics but has consistently ignored human rights concerns. The U.S. State Department on Friday expressed concern about reports of deaths and urged the Ethiopian government “to permit peaceful protest and commit to a constructive dialogue.”

The protesters oppose policies that disregard the will of the people. They are calling for a system grounded in fair processes, driven by equitable outcomes and the effective participation of affected communities in defining the scope of development programs. In short, they want a human-centered development that places people at the center of government policies and programs and allows everyone to get a fair share of what belongs to all.

These protests are unprecedented in many ways. They are broad based and resilient as well as creative. They are using roadblocks, sit-ins, lunch boycotts and striking hand gestures and other symbols of civil disobedience to capture asymmetries of power and governance.

Their nonviolent resistance transcends deep political fault lines and is building interethnic solidarity among Ethiopia’s key political players. Over the last two weeks, several non-Oromo political parties and civic organizations have expressed solidarity with the protesters. This in and of itself is a remarkable achievement in a country sharply divided along ethnic lines.

This movement may not end the subordination of the Oromo people and the displacement of its farmers, but its legacy will endure. It leaves behind traces and reminders that will serve as the seedbed of indignation and frustration, providing inspiration for future struggles for equality and justice in Ethiopia.

Awol Allo is a fellow in human rights at the London School of Economics and Political Science.

The views expressed in this article are the author's own and do not necessarily reflect Al Jazeera America's editorial policy.

=>aljazeeraamerica

At least 75 killed in Ethiopia protests: HRW

Nairobi (AFP) - At least 75 people have been killed during weeks of protests in Ethiopia which have seen soldiers and police firing on demonstrators, Human Rights Watch said on Saturday.

"Police and military forces have fired on demonstrations, killing at least 75 protesters and wounding many others, according to activists," HRW said in a statement.

Rights groups have repeatedly criticised Ethiopia's use of anti-terrorism legislation to stifle peaceful dissent, with Washington expressing concern over the crackdown and urging Addis Ababa to employ restraint.

There was no immediate response from Ethiopian government, which has previously put the toll at five dead.

Government spokesman Getachew Reda said the "peaceful demonstrations" that began last month had escalated into violence, accusing protesters of "terrorising the civilians."

The protests began in November when students opposed government proposals to take over territory in several towns in the Oromia region, sparking fears that Addis Ababa was looking to grab land traditionally occupied by the Oromo people, the country's largest ethnic group.

Demonstrations have taken place in the towns of Haramaya, Jarso, Walliso and Robe among others.

- 'Dozens' shot -

"Human Rights Watch received credible reports that security forces shot dozens of protesters in Shewa and Wollega zones, west of Addis Ababa, in early December," HRW added.

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A burnt-out truck thought to have been set on fire by protesters pictured outside the village of Wol …

"Several people described seeing security forces in the town of Walliso, 100 kilometres (60 miles) southwest of Addis Ababa, shoot into crowds of protesters in December, leaving bodies lying in the street."

HRW also said "numerous witnesses" described how "security forces beat and arrested protesters, often directly from their homes at night."

Pictures have appeared on social media, apparently showing bloodied protestors and armed police firing tear gas at student demonstrators.

"The Ethiopian government's response to the Oromia protests has resulted in scores dead and a rapidly rising risk of greater bloodshed," HRW's Leslie Lefkow said.

"The government's labelling of largely peaceful protesters as 'terrorists' and deploying military forces is a very dangerous escalation of this volatile situation."

With at least 27 million people, Oromia is the most populous of the country's federal states and has its own language, Oromo, distinct from Ethiopia's official Amharic language.

- US 'deeply concerned' -

In a statement issued on Saturday, which did not directly refer to the HRW figures, Washington expressed grave concern over the unrest.

"The United States is deeply concerned by the recent clashes in the Oromia region of Ethiopia that reportedly have resulted in the deaths of numerous protestors," said the State Department.

"We urge the government of Ethiopia to permit peaceful protest and commit to a constructive dialogue to address legitimate grievances," it said, also urging protesters "to refrain from violence and to be open to dialogue."

Writing on Twitter on Friday, Washington's UN envoy Samantha Power spoke of "concerning rhetoric" from Ethiopia's prime minister, insisting the government "must use restraint" in its response to the Oromo protests.

Britain's Foreign Office also expressed concern over the protests in a statement issued on Friday, noting that some had "turned violent, resulting in casualties."

"There have been heavy clashes including gunfire between protesters and security forces" on December 17, it said, warning Britons against all but essential travel to western and southwestern parts of Oromia.

Some foreign-owned commercial farms have been "looted and destroyed" in the protests near Debre Zeit, some 50 kilometres (30 miles) southeast of Addis Ababa, HRW said.

HRW said the protests -- and bloody crackdown -- echoed protests in April and May 2014 when police were accused of opening fire and killing "dozens" of protestors. The government said eight people died in the 2014 unrest.

=>yahoonews

Silent Forces behind the Addis Ababa Master Plan and the Downside of Article 49 (5) of the FDRE Constitution

By Iddoosaa Ejjetaa

Why Article 49 (5) of the FDRE Constitution was suspended for the last 20 years?

TPLF is not the only force who is pushing the Master Plan. The neo-neftenyas, neo-liberals (pretenders of individual right, borderless, diversity blinded), those who have been against multinational federalism or ethnic based federalism are silent forces behind the Addis Ababa Master Plan, which is basically a land grabbing policy disguised as integrated development plan. Although the TPLF is at forefront who is spinning the gear, this should not turn our eyes blind and ears deaf to the mischievous behavior of the neo-neftenyas or pro-Menilk Addis Ababa or pro-unitary state groups. They are one of the silent forces behind the Addis Ababa expansion and the suspension or delay of Article 49 (5) of the FDRE Constitution (1995), which provided special benefits for the State of Oromiyaa. Recently, some power-seeking diaspora based individuals as usual crying for political alliance with the old masters who had sworn to crash whenever possible the Oromo aspiration for self-determination, Oromo identity and the State of Oromiyaa. We should also say NO to such undesirable moves, but yes to the Peoples’ Alliance.

Finfinneen lafaa fi laffee Oromoo ti. Oromiyaan lafaa fi laffee Oromoo ti. Lafaa fi laffee malee hindhabataani, jedha Oromoon.

Silent forces are visible through their work. For example, the architect of the plans was based on the lessons learned from France, Lyon city. France is a unitary state who speak just French language, which means homogenous in its culture and language. But Ethiopia has a federal system of government, at least in principle. If so why? My short answer would be a dream for Menlik of Addis Ababa and unitary state of Ethiopia where Amharic the only working language.
The other evidence is the suspension of Article 49 (5) of the FDRE Constitution, which provided special benefits to the State of Oromiyaa, as follows:

“The special interest of the State of Oromia Thin Addis Ababa, regarding the provision of social services or the utilization of natural resources and other similar matters, as well as joint administrative matters arising from the location of Addis Ababa within the State of Oromia, shall be respected. Particulars shall be determined by law”

If you look at the content of Article 49 (5), the provision of social services, utilization of natural resources and administrative matters. Let’s look in turn. Social services include the benefits and facilities such as education, health care, job training, housing, community development, policy research, language services, etc. to create effective and strong communities and promote harmony, equity and equal opportunities for all residences.

One of the key elements in social services is the language service for AA city as multilingual and multiethnic groups live in Finfinnee. Without effective and targeted language services, there will be no way to achieve the goal social services listed above such as education, training, equal opportunity for all citizens. The role of government is to facilitate and protect the right of citizens or communities on equal bases. Resources would be generated form the communities who have commitments to develop their cultural heritage, identity and languages. However, silent forces who are pro-Amharic only probably the most allergic to the use of Afaan Oromoo in Finfinnee than TPLF. There is no other economic or political reasons to exclude the native language, Afaan Oromoo, the majority primary language. This a disservice to the Constitution and universal human right law. If there is any reason on can find, it is arrogance or ignorantly chauvinism. It is mind boggling to see that the fate of indigenous population is determined by late settlers, which is unacceptable to normally thinking mind.

Land is the key resource for economic development. There are at least two forces who has strong barging position over the land in Finfinnee. They are the silent forces and the voiced or visible forces, TPLF and its stooge’s officials. These forces has been clouded to maximize their economic benefits. They have three common features: operating state machinery, economic self-interest and settlement status. As operator of state machinery, the silent forces had controlled the education and employment opportunities in the past regimes and use their technical skill and experience such as administration, planning, financing, policy research, etc. to influence the decisions made by the visible force, the federal officials. Undermining the right of Oromo ownership over Finfinnee and the role regional government of Oromiyaa the result of such practices by silent forces who are engaged in promoting Amharic only language policy and the Addis Ababa Administrative status toward full autonomy. The economic collusion between the two is much stronger. They designed the land grabbing policy collaboratively with the assistance foreign agencies who also in collaboration with them for other strategic interests they may have with the country. However, the driving force behind land grab is an obsession for wealth and power. They use government machineries to benefit themselves, stooges and collaborators by evicting Oromo farmers and their families from their home and ancestral land.

As to the joint administration of Finfinnee, the Constitution in Article 49 (5) has logical problems and does not make logical sense to me. The Article supposed to provide the right to the State of Oromiyaa to administer Finfinnee directly like any district in Oromiyaa than collecting special benefits from self-governing entity outside the scope of Oromiyaa State Government. In my view, therefore, the Oromoo people question should be revised in a way that to show the legitimate right of Oromo people over Finfinnee: the Oromo question should be restated as the right to administer Finfinnee like any part of Oromiyaa State. To put shortly, the Oromoo question is about the right to administer Finfinnee but NOT to collect special benefits from Finfinnee.

Although the Habasha dictators being advised, financed, and trained by Western powers and dispatched to kill, terrorize and prison a peace loving people, the Oromo national struggle for self-determination shall continue. In the end, slowly but surely the Gadaa Republic of Oromia shall be restored and free.

Dubiin Finfinnee dubii lafaa fi lafee ti.
Finfinneen lafaa fi lafee Oromoo ti.
Oromiyaan lafaa fi lafee Oromoo ti.
Jabaadhaa Ilmaan Oromoo/ Ilmaan Abbaa Gadaa, lafaa fi lafee maalee hindhabataanii.

=>ayyaantuu

Protests in Ethiopia leave at least five dead, possibly many more

By Aaron Maasho

ADDIS ABABA (Reuters) - Ethiopia's government said on Monday at least five people had been killed in protests against its plan to incorporate areas of farmland near the capital into a new zone to attract business, while an opposition figure said 30 had died.

Protesters, many of them students, have repeatedly clashed with security forces in several towns in the Oromiya region around Addis Ababa during the past three weeks over the government move that farmers say will be used to grab land.

Ethiopia has won international praise for transforming the economy, but rights groups say critics are stifled. There are no opposition figures in parliament and protests are rarely reported. Officials insist free expression is guaranteed.

Government spokesman Getachew Reda told Reuters that regional officials had so far named five dead but that this could rise as "armed gangs are terrorising civilians, killing government officials, unarmed security officers and farmers".

"If there are problems - and I do not believe they exist - they can only be addressed through consultations with the public," Getachew said.

Merara Gudina, chairman of the opposition Oromo Federalist Congress, said: "The list we have shows more than 30 people have been killed by police and soldiers trying to stop the protests."

He told Reuters by telephone that most of those killed were students who had joined the protests, while a few were farmers.

Residents in the region also gave higher figures than the one cited by the government.

Ruling party politicians in Oromiya have accused opposition groups of stoking clashes between protesters and police.

Aman, a student at Ambo University, west of the capital, said police cordoned off his college and rounded up dozens of students. Aman, who did not give his full name for fear of reprisals, said some students had been beaten.

Officials say the administrative changes would create a new zone to draw investment and build infrastructure, part of a government industrialisation drive. The state has been building new roads, railways and hydroelectric dams across the nation.

Farmers and those opposed to the plan worry about land grabs. In the past, Ethiopia has been criticised for seizing property without consent for its industrialisation drive or without properly compensating those living on the land.

According to Ethiopian law, all land belongs to the state and those purchasing the land are only considered leaseholders.

(Editing by Edmund Blair and Alison Williams)

=>yahoonews

Several Killed in Ethiopia Oromia Protests

FILE - A general view shows part of the capital Addis Ababa at night, Ethiopia.

Dan Joseph, Salem Solomon

Clashes between police and protesters in Ethiopia's Oromia region have left several people dead, according to officials and regional opposition leaders.

Oromia has seen three weeks of protests over a government plan to integrate parts of the region with the capital, Addis Ababa. Critics say the plan will undermine local rule and cause local farmers to lose their land.

Witnesses say police have used force to contain or shut down protests, including one that took place Thursday in the town of Bako.  

"Today in Bako city when the students came out to protest, people joined them and they started firing live rounds and hit some students," a witness told VOA's Horn of Africa Service. There was no word on whether anyone was killed.

Bloomberg news quotes a prominent opposition leader, Bekele Nega, as saying police have killed 10 students taking part in the ongoing protests.  

Ethiopia's communications minister, Getachew Reda, put the number of dead at four, and said security forces have been exercising restraint in the face of violence.

Widening protests

Oromia is one of Ethiopia's nine ethnically-based states and holds the largest population at more than 27 million.

The protests started on November 20 in the Western Oromo region cities of Ambo, Ginchi and Western Welega, and they have since spread.

The tactics used to clamp down on these protests are reminiscent of the 2014 protests in the Oromia towns of Ambo, Nekemte and Jimma, according to Human Rights Watch, where security forces fired live rounds and beat people who were protesting peacefully.

Speaking to journalists in Ethiopia a few days ago, the police commissioner of the Oromia region, Ibrahim Hajj, blamed misinformation and propaganda for fueling hostilities among some in the Oromo community.

“Today the people are ensuring the rights and are beneficiaries in all sectors including, social, economic sectors. But there are some who are trying to make it seem as if the rights of the people have been violated and they take advantage of this situation behind the scenes,” he said.

Felix Horne, an Ethiopia and Eritrea researcher for Human Rights Watch, said the spread of the protests started slowly and gained momentum within schools and other educational institutions.

“Initially it was students in primary schools, secondary schools, some university students and now we are seeing farmers, workers beginning to take part in these protests in different ways — staging protests peaceful means, sit-ins to mourn the death of those who’ve lost their lives. So the protests definitely seem to be gaining momentum,” he said.

Horne said that while the government's development for Addis sparked the protests, they are about much larger issues.

“Ostensibly these protests are about the Addis Ababa Master Plan but clearly the Oromos have been marginalized by successive governments and so it’s kind of an accumulation of different frustrations,” he said. “Throughout Oromia, arbitrary detention is common, mistreatment in detention is common and then Oromos just don’t have a voice in issues that impact them day-to-day.”

=>voanews

Students protesting development plan met with violence in Ethiopia

by Mohammed Ademo

Tensions rise as students in Oromia accuse government of land grab

Activists claim security forces have killed at least seven students in more than two weeks across Ethiopia’s Oromia state, where students have been protesting a government plan to expand the area of the capital, Addis Ababa, into Oromia.

Oromia police have confirmed three fatalities in what it termed provocations by “anti-peace elements.”

Images of severely injured students have been posted on social media, and hundreds of other protesters have reportedly been rounded up in a crackdown on those demonstrating against several state-led development projects.

Oromo students, the opposition and diaspora activists liken the proposed Addis Ababa and the Surrounding Oromia Special Zone Integrated Development Plan, or the Master Plan, to a land grab. They fear that it will displace Oromo farmers and undermine Oromia’s interests by expanding Addis Ababa’s boundaries.

Addis Ababa is in the state of Oromia and serves as the regional and federal capital. In theory, the Ethiopian constitution protects Oromia’s “special interest” in Addis Ababa in the provision of social services and use of natural resources and on joint administrative matters.

While the city, home to 4 million people, has experienced massive growth over the last decade, Oromo activists have long decried the lack of social facilities for its Afaan Oromo speakers, including schools, hospitals and cultural institutions.

The protests broke out in November Ginci, a town about 50 miles west of Addis Ababa. Students from universities, high schools and even some primary schools continue to stage sit-ins and demonstrations around the country.

Oromia, the largest of Ethiopia’s nine ethnically based states, is home to close to half the country’s population of 100 million. The Oromo people have long had a contentious relationship with the national government.

“Many Oromos have felt marginalized and discriminated against by successive Ethiopian governments and have often felt unable to voice their concerns over government policies,” Felix Horne, the Horn of Africa researcher for Human Rights Watch, wrote in a Dec. 5 blog post.

He called for an immediate halt to the excessive use of force by security personnel, an independent and impartial investigation into the killings and the prosecution of security forces involved in the violent crackdown.

‘Long-simmering grievance’

Protesters say the central government is trying to evict Oromo farmers from their land under the auspices of urban development, with little or no compensation, essentially turning them into street beggars and daily laborers.

The government says its plan is mutually beneficial, will enhance cooperation and will make the area globally competitive by remedying its disorganized spatial growth.

Addis Ababa serves as landlocked Ethiopia’s primary gateway to the outside world. Last year the New York–based consultancy A.T. Kearney named Addis Ababa “the third-most-likely city to advance its global positioning,” adding, “the Ethiopian capital is also among the cities closing in fastest on the world leaders.”

Modest economic growth and the lack of opportunities in rural areas have fueled massive rural-to-urban migration. The Master Plan is part of an effort to mitigate the city’s resulting rapid expansion. But critics contend that the proposal focuses mostly on attracting investors and will ensure the continued erasure of Oromos’ historical and cultural values from the city.

The Oromo students’ protests are not new. They been demonstrating against the central state for most of the last two decades.

In April and May 2014, Ethiopian security forces fired live ammunition at unarmed protesters, killing dozens of students and wounding many others. Hundreds of students were arrested and charged under Ethiopia’ssweeping anti-terrorism law, and many remain incarcerated.

A federal court last week convicted five students for participating in those protests. In the early 2000s, Ethiopia saw similar protests and violence over a government plan to move Oromia’s capital from Addis Ababa. The decision was reversed in 2005 amid a public outcry.

There has been limited media coverage of the ongoing protests. There are strong restrictions on the free press in Ethiopia, one of the most censored countries in the world, according to the Committee to Protect Journalists. Government critics and the independent press face increased scrutiny.

Analysts warn that continued violent responses to peaceful protesters could bode ill for Ethiopia’s future.

“The Oromo have long been humiliated with their still marginal status in Ethiopia’s power arrangement,” said Hassen Hussein, an Ethiopian-born university professor in Minnesota. “These almost annual student protests give voice to these long-simmering grievance and perhaps a harbinger of what is to come. The authorities cannot forever count on an aggrieved nation remaining docile.”

Oromo activists and community leaders in North America, Western Europe and Australia are planning solidarity rallies for next week, when more violence is anticipated.

Bonnie Holcomb, an author and anthropologist based in Washington, D.C., said the current situation mirrors the violence of 2014. “The international media were silent when Ethiopian police opened fire into crowds, killing 68, permanently disabling hundreds and arresting thousands. Now the next stage of the Master Plan is being implemented,” she said.

“Ethiopian police have moved in to suppress this united demonstration of protest.  Government sharpshooters are firing into crowds and killing students again,” she said. 

=>aljazeera