CALL FOR A PEACEFUL PROTEST AGAINST THE TYRANNY IN OROMIA

Human Rights are Universal and indivisible! 

Call for a Peaceful Protest against the Tyranny in Oromia

Over the past 21 years, the Tigrayan Peoples Liberation Front (TPLF)-led and dominated Ethiopian government, has imprisoned tens of thousands of political opposition and citizens, mainly Oromos. As a consequence to the government’s repressive policies, thousands of innocent citizens have been languishing in prisons and secret camps, and many have been and are being severely tortured, deformed and/or killed. Others have been abducted in broad day-light and made to disappear or murdered secretly.

Rampant arrests, unlawful killings, abductions, tortures and other human rights abuses by the Ethiopian government, consistent with the direct experiences of many of us, are documented and confirmed in the annual reports of well-respected human rights organizations such as Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, and the US State Department.

Despite these tangible facts of human rights abuses, the Ethiopian government continues receiving billions of dollars of aid money every year. Subsidizing over one third of its budget from foreign aid, Ethiopia has built one of the biggest and best-equipped armies in Africa, while millions of its citizens depend on food aid. In fact, the aid money is used to impose the Tigrayan ethnocentric dictatorship on Oromos and other peoples in an involentary multinational society.

It is frustrating to  witness the  West’s reluctance to use their influence  to effect real change, and even worse to believe the fairy tale of  a human-rights-abusing government, that  claim to be moving on the road to democracy.

While thousands of Oromos and others are languishing in prisons under bogus terrorism charges, the current Prime Minister of Ethiopia, Mr. Hailemariam Dessalegn, brazenly argued in public that there arewere no political prisoners in Ethiopia.

Such blatant misinformation has been the norm within the entire leadership of the TPLF- regime, intended to deceive international donors and allies. Again referring to his inauguration speech, the new prime minister also promised to continue implementing the policies of the late autocratic Prime Minister Meles Zenawi; this, is a clear indication that the new prime minister is under the control of the Tigrayan elite and that he cannot make any reform and democratic changes in the empire-state of Ethiopia.

Observing the painful agony and sufferings of the ordinary people, the political prisoners in particular, and the worsening situation at home, We members of the Oromo Communities and the Union of Oromo Students in Germany, call for a Peaceful Demonstration on 30.08.2013 in Frankfurt am Main, to Protest against the Tyranny of the TPLF-Ethiopian government and earnestly appeal to the German government and its  allies to use their good offices with the Ethiopian government and facilitate the following :

1.  immediate Stop of Financial support to the Dictatorship in Ethiopia
2. immediate stop to Ethnic-Cleansing now underway in Eastern-Oromia’s Anniyya region
3. Unconditional and immediate release of all political prisoners
4.  practical action to promote real democratic changes in the country
5. immediate stop  to Land-grabbing and their restitution to the indigenous owners
6. Immediate implementation of the right of the Oromo and other nations for Self-determination.
7. Respect freedom of Religion and journalism
8. Justice for those criminally murdered in Arsi – Kofele and all Parts of Oromia

Union of Oromo Students in Germany

HOB

HOMN

=>ayyaantuu

Ethiopia’s Muslim Activists Pave a Path for Nonviolent Political Activism

A year after Ethiopian Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn came to power following the death of longtime leader Meles Zenawi in August 2012, the ruling Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) remains firmly in control. It has continued to govern through a collective leadership that includes three deputy prime ministers from the Amhara, Tigray and Oromo wings of the coalition; Hailemariam hails from the Southern People’s Party. Party discipline and coherence has held, although the lead-up to elections in 2015 may reveal destabilizing fissures. But while older opposition parties and armed movements have been marginalized, a social movement of Ethiopian Muslims is an important new development.

Rapid economic growth has been key to Ethiopia’s stability. The economy grew by more than 10 percent annually over the past decade, and while growth has slowed down it remains higher than the African average. Recent data, however, suggest that earnings from coffee and gold, Ethiopia’s two largest sources of export revenues, have declined. The World Bank also raised concerns that Ethiopia’s boom has relied too heavily upon public investment and that sustained growth will require a significant increase in private investment.

The political opposition to the EPRDF—currently divided into camps based on whether they subscribe to ethno-national or pan-Ethiopian goals and whether they operate in exile or have remained in the country—has struggled to find channels to influence Ethiopian politics. After competitive elections in 2005 and the subsequent crisis that led to the arrest of much of the opposition leadership and the collapse of the main opposition coalitions, the regime effectively criminalized dissent. Restrictions on independent media and civil society limit the ability of Ethiopians to mobilize outside of the structures of the ruling party. The EPRDF’s dominance was evident in local elections this year, in which it and its affiliated parties won all but one seat nationwide.

As a result, opposition political parties that challenged the regime in 2005 now play virtually no role in national politics. The Semayawi, or Blue, party organized a notable demonstration in June and has some following among the youth, but its potential to challenge the regime is limited. Berhanu Nega, a politician who had considerable influence in 2005, is now operating in exile without a significant presence in the country. Repression and the use of anti-terrorism laws, as well as weak structures and leadership, limit the opposition’s ability to operate within Ethiopia.

Meanwhile, several groups, notably the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) and the Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF), remain engaged in protracted armed struggles, but Addis Ababa has effectively managed these military challenges. Oromo nationalism remains potent, but the OLF leadership is divided and discredited. Promising talks between the ONLF and Addis Ababa collapsed in October 2012, but there are officials on both sides that see advantages from a negotiated settlement. The government would like to end the war in order to concentrate on development of the region’s natural gas and other resources. Some Ogadenis recognize that they are unlikely to win the military contest and wish to end the ferocious counterinsurgency campaign in the region. But reaching a durable agreement, a recent International Crisis Group report accurately notes, will require “unprecedented concessions from both sides.”

Finally, the ongoing demonstrations by Ethiopian Muslims, who make up approximately 40 percent of the country, provide an important model of politics outside of the ruling party that relies upon neither armed struggle nor the strategies of electoral competition on a hopelessly lopsided playing field. The demonstrations began 18 months ago to protest government interference in Islamic affairs and the regime’s links to the Ethiopian Islamic Affairs Supreme Council. The movement has been extraordinarily disciplined and nonviolent and has succeeded in part by focusing on a specific set of issues. Demonstrations have been held after Friday prayers in Addis Ababa but also notably in other towns across Ethiopia.

Muslim activists emphasize that they are operating within the framework of the Ethiopian constitution and that they are not seeking to overthrow the regime. The Ethiopian government, in contrast, has consistently claimed that the protests were organized by extremists bankrolled from overseas and seeking to establish an Islamist state. More recently Addis Ababa has identified neighboring Eritrea as the source of this alleged external support. The movement’s leadership was arrested July 2012 and charged with terrorism in October.

Earlier this month there were clashes between Ethiopian security forces and Muslims reportedly following the arrests of three local imams in Kofele, a town in the Oromo region. A heavy police presence and arrests in Addis Ababa following the Eid al-Fitr ceremonies celebrating the end of Ramadan on Aug. 8 further raised the temperature and tensions. Government spokesman Shimeles Kemal alleged that the arrests were of “Salafist elements who tried to create disturbances.”

Despite the government’s arrests and condemnations, the Ethiopian Muslim demonstrators have shown that sustained, nonviolent political activism is possible in Ethiopia. What is not clear, however, is the movement’s future. Many leaders in the older ethno-nationalist movements, including those with large Muslim constituencies, such as the Oromo and Somali, view the multiethnic nature of the movement with trepidation. Others, including leaders in the Semayawi party, view it as a vehicle to advance pan-Ethiopian political ideas. Some Muslim activists propose a strategy of sustained low-level protest that avoids confrontation and recognize that a quick victory is impossible. To move more assertively would spark a military crackdown, and the movement’s leadership is likely to lose control if there is violence. The key dynamics to watch in the lead-up to elections in 2015 are therefore competition within the ruling party and the potential for the Ethiopian Muslim movement to create new space for political activism.

Terrence Lyons is associate professor of Conflict Analysis and Resolution and co-director of the Center for Global Studies, George Mason University.

=>bilisummaa

Ethiopia: African Media Leaders Must Boycott Ethiopia

By Fasil Girma Aragaw

Ethiopian journalists have come to expect the worst from our government

August 22, 2013 (Indepth Africa) — One of the world’s most hostile governments to an independent press, it has jailed friends and colleagues, forced them to leave the country and unjustly branded them as terrorists or enemies of the state for doing their jobs. But until now we have at least been able to count on the moral support of fellow journalists, media organizations and others opposed to injustice.

That has been changed by the deeply disappointing decision of the African Media Initiative (AMI) to hold its annual convention, the African Media Leaders’ Forum, in Addis Ababa this year. Far from helping to improve Ethiopia’s media environment, as suggested by the AMI’s chief executive, Amadou Mahtar Ba, this move will instead embolden the government in its ongoing war against the press.

According to the Committee to Protect Journalists, at least 49 Ethiopian journalists have been forced into exile since 2007. Nine of our colleagues languish in prison, making the country the second worst jailer of journalists in Africa after Eritrea.

Just last year, the government forced the closure of Feteh (“Justice”), the prominent independent newspaper in Addis Ababa, because of its critical editorial line. Its publisher, Mastewal Berhanu, who was forced to leave the country after receiving threats from security agents, is one of those who have said that the AMI’s decision is a blow to jailed and exiled Ethiopian journalists.

We have held the AMI in high esteem because of its stated commitment to”promote the development of pluralistic media”. But we believe its justification for holding the forum in Ethiopia is self-serving and insensitive to Ethiopia’s independent media community, and we cannot understand why Mr. Ba calls the decision “courageous”.

The AMI’s suggestion that holding the forum in Addis Ababa will further a process of “constructive engagement” with media stakeholders, including the government, is either naïve or aimed at benefitting narrow interests that do not really serve the Ethiopian media community at large. Neither the publishers’ association nor the media council with which the AMI has interacted represent independent journalists, nor do they defend their rights.

Despite all the Ethiopian government’s actions to stifle press freedom, I used to believe that if the press could organize itself it could gain enough strength to overcome its multi-faceted challenges. To test my belief in practice, I tried in 2011 to organize a monthly informal journalists’ roundtable, bringing the highly-polarized media together to discuss investigative journalism, particularly on corruption issues.

This platform sought to help the media play its watchdog role and I hoped it would grow into an investigative or anti-corruption journalists’ association.

But over ten months of meetings, the arrest and intimidation of journalists, along with the closures of local rights groups, rendered members frustrated and hesitant about forming an independent association.

Even the monthly roundtable meeting could not be sustained as participants gradually dropped out. Stringent laws, arrogant bureaucracy, threats and other challenges sapped the media of its energy, leaving it too weak to build one strong local media association which could help protect itself.

Today, professional media associations are either under the concealed patronage of the government or too scared to speak out for unlawfully imprisoned journalists such as Eskinder Nega, Reeyot Alemu, Woubshet Taye and many others. The Ethiopian government has ensured that there is no strong and vibrant media association that can stand for freedom of speech and press freedom.

Mr. Ba’s suggestion that the government-sponsored media council “is known for its independence and commitment to building free and balanced media” confirms our fears that the AMI, its handful of local partners and the Ethiopian government are speaking with one and the same voice.

I appreciate the Pan-African approach of Mr. Ba. But Pan-Africanism begins with African solidarity, based on the understanding that injustice against one African is an injustice against all Africans. The Ethiopian government is willing to have the AMLF meet in Addis Ababa because it can use the event as a counter to international pressure for freedom of speech and press freedom.

In our struggle to realize the freedoms promised in our constitution, Ethiopian journalists have seldom heard African intellectuals, media leaders or the African Union call out our government on its grave abuses and support those struggling to be free. Apartheid and colonialism were not defeated with “constructive engagement” or apathy and silence.

Business interests that worked with the apartheid regime are marked with shame forever. The AMI should reconsider its plan to hold the meeting in Addis Ababa.

=>ayyaantuu

OROMO WOMEN NATIONAL UNION FOR LIBERATION (OWN-UL)

Introduction

Due to the harsh and increasing oppression of the Ethiopian government; the social, political and economical problems has reached an unprecedented level in the country. As a prime target and ongoing victim of genocide, the Oromo people have to double its effort in stepping up its struggle. Taking in to account the aforementioned facts; we the Oromo Women from all corners of Oromiya, have decided to stand together and deliver our responsibility in addressing the pressing human right issues of our people under the name and logo indicated above.

1. Whereas, the government act of unjustified imprisonment under terrorism law, exiling and killing of citizens demanding human right issues are intolerable;
2. Whereas, it has become important to document and expose the successive Ethiopian government horrendous crime against Oromo women;
3. Whereas, societal problems of unemployment and cost of living are unbearable and increasingly severe by the day
4. Whereas, the Oromo are left with no other option but to step up its struggle to achieve the right to self determination for the Oromiya and other nations in the country,
5. Whereas, it is necessary to work in an organized manner to build on the ongoing  contribution of Women in the Oromo struggle for self determination and freedom and to learn from other nations who achieved their goal;
6. Whereas, it is crucial to air the voice of the Oromo and other oppressed nations suffering under the brutal EPRDF government, to the international communities through medias;
7. Whereas, it has become an urgent matter to put the facts straight and counter the false propaganda of the government about the Oromo which has recently been intensified to crush the struggle of our people,
8.  Whereas, it has become necessary to stand with “National Youth Movement for Freedom And Democracy, QEERROO” and to organize the share of women in this effort
9. Whereas, the ongoing environmental destruction, displacement, imprisonment, exiling, killing and genocide against the Oromo and other oppressed nations in the country has necessitated an organized counter offensive against the oppressor.

Accordingly, to play our role in the ongoing struggle, we hereby declare the establishment of our union. By enhancing the performance of this organization and partnering with other like minded groups, we vow to struggle for our cause and declare our readiness to pay any sacrifice it may take.

We will realize our struggle and our right!!!

Victory for the Oromo!!!

Oromo Women National Union for Liberation

July11, 2013

Oromo Women National Union for Liberation                        Email:hawine342@gmail.com

=>bilisummaa

A False Sense of Glory

By Kallacha Dubbi | August 20, 2013

A false sense of glory within the Ethiopian Diaspora politics is in the rise.  This false sense of glory could be measured as a newborn emotion promoting the old Amhara-centric Ethiopian ethos by using the growing Diaspora media.  In this old ethos, ironically, Amhara-centered Ethiopia is uniquely perceived and promoted as the only answer to Ethiopia’s historic problems including Oromos and other peoples of Southern Ethiopia.  By Amhara-centered Ethiopia, we understand a country whose socio-politics and culture is dominated and represented by that of one ethnic group, the Amhara.  Since this recent political puff is strictly Diaspora based, the accompanying success on the home ground is miniscule.  The ethos is also unique in that it tolerates no discourse with opposing views, and in some sense, one can say it is an art of blowing one’s own horn for one’s own pleasure.

As mentioned above, this recent sense of false glory is geographically restricted to Diaspora, popularly limited to Amhara, and meaningfully transferred only by Internet media.  In essence it is revival of the classical Amhara colonial machinery which once many of the Ethiopian South believed was dead for good.  In fact, such assumption was the basis for many Oromo and Southern political organizations to attempt creating some sort of unity with some Amhara political organizations.  Recall the Alliance for Freedom and Democracy of 2006, created by the oppressor and the oppressed to work together towards peace and prosperity?  At the time, many analysts of the South including Oromos warned that Amhara politics has never reciprocated honesty of the South, and that intrigue-infested Northern Ethiopian politics shall never be trusted.  Today, we see a full blown version of Amhara trickery, another historic lesson for the Southern people of Ethiopia.

As examples of such trickery, one can list numerous circumstances in which pseudo TVs, websites, Paltalks, and virtual radio stations all catered for North American Amhara Diaspora saturated their mass media with anti-Oromo slogans.  One case in point is Ethiopian Satellite Television’s (ESAT) role in expanding the split within the OLF.  One of the brain child’s of Ginbot 7 (a leading Ethiopian Diaspora based opposition political organization), ESAT, had been posturing as pro-Oromo, wanting to work with Oromo institutions, and even at times posting sympathetic views to the cause championed by the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF).  However, when a conflict emerged within the OLF, ESAT and Ginbot 7 launched a tacit but protracted and persistent effort of expanding the split.  Mini-conferences were organized with the splinter group, personal cults were created to appease individuals of the splinter group, fundraising was posted in several cities, political high-fives were exchanged among the leadership, support for the splinter group that they perceived can be remote-controlled ensued, and another hopeful day was promised by ESAT for generous donors so that they donate even more funds.  We couldn’t believe our eyes, the good will, the preparation to work together with Oromo scholars to topple the Tigrean domination, etc. all evaporated by the heat of a simple gain of the day, forgetful that the loss of the day for Oromo is sheer temporary.  The joy of happiness for Ginbot 7 as a result of accomplishing what they thought was a lasting collapse of Oromo nationalism shined for months as Oromo nationalism posed for soul searching but in bitter grief.

It is to be recalled that the Amhara political ethos did suffer a serious political blow over the last 20 years.  This temporary Amhara political puff of the Diaspora is serving as a sign of short-term come-back, a renaissance of some sort to boost Amhara moral which could be exported back to homeland when and if possible, to conceivably gear-up for another attempt to grab Ethiopian political power during the next national elections.  So far I covered the background, but what really motivated and created this false sense of glory?

There are four reasons that contributed to the sudden emergence of the current Amhara political surge among the Abyssinian Diaspora.

1. The death of Meles, – many in the Amhara camp believed that the death of Meles will create a true political vacuum which can only be filled by Amharas, who seem second most organized in the country.  The orderliness of the power transfer within the TPLF was a bit surprising if not disappointing to the Diaspora political gang that hoped a short cut to power is coming and coming fast.  This false hope created a false victory that went as far as a concealed ownership of even Meles’ natural death.
2. The rise of Paltalk, – the free access to internet, which can gather hundreds of emotionally charged unqualified and ill-equipped politicians from across Europe, America and more, with freedom that allows excessive abuse, yet with no liability or peer pressure, no inherent discipline, and all afforded by anonymous login to Paltalk sites or commentary pages created a sense of accomplishment.  In fact the competition for the negative, towards destruction, – who can be the most Amhara, the most Ethiopian, who can post the most insult to annoy opposition, etc. characterize the sense of newfound Amhara false glory in its internet incarnation.  The net effect of this Diaspora politics is that while it continues to serve as a great forum for counseling Ethiopia’s war torn generation of the Derg era, it has become a terrible means to promote respect and peace.  The sheer volume of participants and the nature of unchecked abuses have nonetheless given a false sense of success despite what really is politically accomplished is nothing but hate and anarchy.  The role of internet in the Arab revolutions cheated Amhara Diaspora into thinking that they too can create an internet-driven revolution, with some color mimicking the Ukrainian unrest.  Unable to craft its own strategy, there is evidence that Amhara Diaspora politics attempts to write the entire new chapter of Ethiopian history strictly using “cut and paste” approach of pre-owned and extraneous techniques that don’t fit the prevailing situation in the country.  Simply put, Paltalk for Ethiopian politics is becoming matches in the hands of a child.
3. The attack on Moslem institution in Ethiopia, – classically Amhara dominated Ethiopian governments always kept control of religious leadership who were considered too important to be left alone.  Haile Sellasie regained his throne which he almost lost during the failed coup of 1960 when the Bishop excommunicated the coup followers.  Menelik waged wars with religious leaders and with a mobile church.  In fact, as recent as early 1970s, the government collected tax on behalf of and for the Orthodox Church, nothing for the Moslem Ethiopia.  Often times the church leaders were picked by the government, and the Christian followers were forced to accept.  In all such cases Ethiopian political leaders also were Christians, and the choice of Orthodox leadership was perceived as internal for the Christian Ethiopia, so much that that the Moslems didn’t interfere.  The system also allowed the Moslem population to choose its own leadership, but Moslems had limited access to Ethiopian politics.  Emperors like Yohannes simply disallowed any political leader to be a Moslem, and those who refused to change their religion to Christianity were punished by death.  The recent TPLF interference with Moslem elections should be looked at within these historic trends.  The TPLF’s action of posting Moslem leaders for the Moslem people shifted the focus of Ethiopian political discourse from primarily inter-ethnic to primarily government vs. Moslem.  The primary short-term beneficiary of this manufactured conflict is the TPLF, whereas the primary victims will be Oromos.  The long-term losers will however be all the people of Ethiopia.  Here again, the transient situation favors the Amhara who by and large sided with the government by way of religious solidarity.  The Amharas blame the TPLF for starting the fire, but they also sympathize with the Tigrean government whose religion they share.  There is a long shared sense of Ethiopian ethos by Amharas and Tigreans, that Moslem religion followers of Ethiopia are less than full Ethiopians.  This ally formation and the welcome the Amharas received from Tigrean clergy on this common and uniting agenda gave Amhara loyalists a sense of false victory.
4. The disintegration of Oromo political organizations, – the most important of all reasons seems to be the weakness of Oromo and Southern political organizations, the absence of a serious check against wild ambitions and foul plays of the Amhara as well as Tigrean politicians.  This obvious point warrants no further details.

The culmination of these four main vectors merged to create a false moral of Amhara Diaspora, a false sense of victory over Ethiopian politics, but without a shred of tangible victory.  The astray moral boosted on a fake ground became just as intolerant as the Ethiopia of the emperors which wanted to forge one language, one culture, and one people in one country.  Such intolerance was demonstrated in reaction to a recent Aljazeera interview with a young Oromo who was asked if he is an Oromo first, or an Ethiopian first.  The young Oromo answered that he is an Oromo first.  The false sense of victory reached its climax when a large number of Amhara Diaspora media converged on the young Oromo condemning him for claiming to be an Oromo ahead of being an Ethiopian.  They unleashed incredible attacks through multitude of Medias; – angry letters and petitions went to Aljazeera for airing the view.

I end my note with a sense of pleasure from knowing that this false sense of glory is sure to dry soon.  And I am Kallacha Dubbi, I am an Oromo first, an Oromo second, and an Oromo third.  I can be reached at kallachadubbi@yahoo.com.

=>ayyaantuu

በኦሮሞ ተወላጆች ላይ እየተወሰደ ያለው የግድያ እርምጃ በወያኔ አንገት ውስጥ የገባውን ገመድ የሚያጠብቅ ነው::

 በኦሮሞ ተወላጆች ላይ እየተወሰደ ያለው የግድያ እርምጃ 

በወያኔ አንገት ውስጥ የገባውን ገመድ የሚያጠብቅ ነው

አምባገነኑ የወያኔ ስርአት ርህራሄ ከሌለው እስራቱም አልፎ የኦሮሞን ልጆች እያደነ ይገኛል፡፡ ህወሀት ቅጥረኞቹን ተጠቅሞ በኦሮሞ ህዝብ ላይ የሚያደርገውን ኢሰብአዊ ድርጊት የወጣቶች ንቅናቄ (ቄሮ) በጥብቅ ያወግዘዋል፡፡ በኦሮሞ ወጣቶች ላይ የኦነግ ደጋፊዎች ናችሁ እያለ የሚፈፅመውን ግድያ እና እስራትም እንዲያቆም አጥብቀን እንጠይቃለን፡፡ በቅርቡ በምእራብ ሸዋ አምቦ ከተማ ውስጥ ወጣት ተስፋየ ጉታ የተባለ የኦሮሞ ልጅ ታደሰ በቀለ በተባለ የወያኔ ደህንነት በጥይት የተገደለ ሲሆን ይህ ስቃይ አሁንም እየተባባሰ በመምጣቱ ከ16 በላይ የሚሆኑ ኦሮሞዎች በአርሲ ዞን ኮፈሌ ወረዳ ውስጥ በወያኔ መንግስት ጦር ተገድለዋል፣ ቁጥራቸው ከ200 በላይ የሚሆኑት ደግሞ በእስር ቤት ውስጥ ታፍነው ይገኛሉ፡፡ ከእነዚህም መካከል፡-

1. አደም   ጀማል
2. ሌንጮ   ጂልቻ
3. ሀቢብ    ዋቤ
4. ጋቻኖ    ቱሴ
5. ሙሀመድ ደበል ኡሴ
6. ጀማል/አርሾ አርሲ/
7. ሙሀመድ ኢደኦ
8. አማን    ቡሊ
9. ሙሀመድ ሀሰን

10. ረሺድ    ቡርቃ

11. አቡሽ    ኢብራሂም

12. ማሙሽ   ኢብራሂም እና

13. ቱኬ በሶ የተባሉትን  ወጣቶች መንግስት ያለ አንዳች ርህራሄ በጭካኔ ገድሏቸዋል፡፡ ይህ ሁኔታ መንግስት የኦሮሞን ህዝብ ለመጨረስ የከፈተው ዘመቻ አካል በመሆኑ የወጣቶች ንቅናቄ (ቄሮ) ድርጊቱን በአፅንኦት ያወግዘዋል፡፡

የወያኔ መንግስት እየወሰደ ያለው የግድያ እርምጃ የአገዛዝ ዘመኑ እያከተመለት መሆኑን የሚያሳይ ነው፡፡ በምእራብ ወለጋ ጃርሶ ወረዳ ውስጥ የወያኔ የደህንነት ሀይሎች ኢፋ ይገዙ የተባለውን ወጣት የኦነግ አባል ነህ በማለት የገደለው ሲሆን በሌሎች 9 ወጣቶች ላይ የመብት ጥያቄ በማንሳታቸው ምክንያት እንደሚገደሉ የመጨረሻ ማስጠንቀቂያ አስተላልፎባቸዋል፡፡ እነሱም፡-

1. ወጣት ደሱ    አለማየሁ
2. ወጣት ፍቃዱ  ቱፋ
3. ወጣት ወንድሙ ጉዳ
4. ወጣት አራርሶ  ቀጀላ
5. ወጣት ገመቺስ  በንቲ
6. ወጣት ቢቂላ   እስራኤል
7. ወጣት ሁሴን   መሀመድ
8. ወጣት አባያ   ባይሳ እና
9. ወጣት ቶሎሳ አለማየሁ የተባሉት ሲሆኑ በእነዚህ ወጣቶች ላይ የወያኔ መንግስት የግድያ ማስጠንቀቂያ በመስጠት አስከፊ ድርጊቱን እየፈፀመባቸው ይገኛል፡፡ የወያኔ መንግስት እየፈፀመ ያለውን ግድያ፣ እስራት፣ ከትምህርት ገበታ ማፈናቀል እና ኢፍትሀዊ ውሳኔውን ለመጋፈጥ የኦሮሞ ህዝብ በጋራ መነሳት እንዳለበት ለነፃነት የሚታገለው ወጣት ሀይል ጥሪውን ያስተላልፋል፡፡ የወያኔ መንግስት ከመቼውም ጊዜ የከፋ ጫና በኦሮሞ ወጣቶች ላይ እያደረሰ መሆኑ ለኦሮሞ ህዝብ ነፃነት መጎናፀፊያው ወቅት እየቀረበ መሆኑን የሚያሳይ በመሆኑ የኦሮሞ ህዝብ ከመቼውም ጊዜ በተሻለ ሁኔታ እጅ ለእጅ ተያይዞ መብቱን መጠየቅ ያለበት አሁን ነው፡፡ የወጣቶች ንቅናቄ(ቄሮ) የወያኔ መንግስት በኦሮሞ ህዝብ ላይ እየወሰደ ያለውን አስከፊ እርምጃ በማውገዝ ማንኛውንም መስዋእትነት ከፍሎ የህዝቡን መብት ለማስከበር እንደሚሰራ ይገልፃል፡፡

ትግሉ ይቀጥላል!!! ድል ለኦሮሞ ህዝብ!!!

የወጣቶች ንቅናቄ(ቄሮ)

ነሀሴ/2013

=>qeerroo

No to Dr. Fikre Tolossa's Unethical Prescriptions!

By Bahru D. Bayisa*

Many pro-Ethiopian unity protagonists are utterly shameless and intellectually dishonest. They would say and write anything as far as it perpetuates the myth that the Oromo people are Ethiopians. In his dubiously esoteric letter to Dr. Beyan Asoba, the self-belittling Dr. Fikre Tolossa writes that we are all sons and daughters of Ityopp'is', and that we should, therefore, denounce our true identity our language, history, and culture and adopt that which is not ours, namely the Ethiopian identity.

His recommendations for us are in accordance with the way he himself has adopted the Ethiopian identity, consciously or subconsciously, denying who he truly is. Supposing that this guy's claim to be an Oromo by birth is valid, he seems to be worse than his masters perhaps because he is driven and energized by their expected positive appraisals and accolades as he disparages and ridicules his own people. Unfortunately (or may be fortunately), they don't seem to be pleased with him as he argues (in his other works) that the Amara are all of Cushitic origin despite their long established Semitic lineage.

In one of the interviews he gave on one of the media outlets in Amharic, the interviewing lady was apparently sarcastic about his perspective on Ethiopian history and people. She couldn't control her laughter as she questioned him on why his views are in total dissonance with that of renowned historians. His answers were far from being reasonable and were least expected from a man who claims to hold a Ph.D. It shouldn't be very surprising, however, considering that he had been educated in the former Soviet Union before he moved to the former West Germany where he did his Ph.D. in Amharic language, according to the interview he gave on ESAT television.

The most ridiculous and laughable comment he writes in the letter is that the Oromo people are suffering from identity crisis because of the political movement spearheaded by leaders like Dr. Beyan Asoba and many others. He should be kidding about this! The vast majority of Oromo people are actually far from having any identity crisis, for they have always stood up as proud Oromos in the face of ubiquitous persecutions and brutal genocides. I admit, however, that there are individuals like Dr. Fikre Tolossa himself who, by virtue of their early orientation (or disorientation) in the Ethiopian Orthodox church, have suffered identity crisis, and fell vulnerable to betray their own people. Come on Dr. Fikre! How do you blame us of identity crisis when you yourself have been ashamed of speaking in your native tongue – let alone writing it? If, as you claim, you are a genuine Oromo, how do you ally yourself with groups that made it their priority to altogether destroy our identity and impose theirs on us?

I suspect that Dr. Fikre's prescription of the Ge'eez or Ethiopic alphabet for the Oromo language is more revealing of his insatiable love affair with Ethiopia and the Amharic language than of his linguistic expertise. As a pseudo-intellectual, who retold and rewrote the baseless myths and fables that the Ethiopian debtaras invented and perpetuated for centuries, he has rarely provided any empirical evidences for his outrageous claims. One of his arguments, for example, was that our father, Ityopp'is, would be disappointed if he were to come back and see that the Oromo are using the Latin script(Qubee) in lieu of the Ge'eez alphabet which he (Ityopp'is) single-handedly crafted for us all to use. He also went on to write that it's only the poor and uncivilized people who do not have their own alphabet – who should borrow from others. According to this obnoxiously offensive argument, the Brits, the French, the Germans, the Italians, the Portuguese, … you name it, are all uncivilized poor people, while the Ethiopians, by some cosmic and divine intervention, qualify among the world's few civilized people. What a bogus and bigoted argument!

Needless to say, we have been absolutely satisfied by our choice of the Latin script to read and write Afan Oromo. According to Dr. Tilahun Gemta (1994), the Latin script was adopted unanimously by over one thousand Oromo intellectuals on November 3, 1991 due to linguistic, pedagogical, and practical reasons. He unequivocally argued that the roughly 250 Sabean characters are too unwieldy to adapt to Afan Oromo, and that the characters not only fail to indicate vowel length and gemination, but also slow down a writer's speed since each symbol, which cannot be written cursively, has to be printed. On top of that, Dr. Gemta adds, “… one of the major drawbacks of the syllabary writing is that its characters do not represent the vowels and the consonants of a language separately notwithstanding the two are distinct categories.”

If the Sabean characters were as remarkable as Dr. Fikre and his friends want us to believe, why then do the Amharic speakers, while still communicating in Amharic, use the Latin script to send us instant messages (IM), text messages, and Facebook posts? Why don't they use the Sabean characters when they chat in their now rampant Paltalk rooms? That is what we meant by practical reasons! Qubee has been so perfect for us anywhere, any time, and in all situations. It's computer friendly, easy to read and right, and readily transferable as we learn other languages of the world, mainly English, French and Spanish. Even if it doesn't have all these aforementioned linguistic and practical qualities, we are the ones who make decisions as we wish without consulting debteras!

To sum up, we are a proud people who have paid more than enough sacrifice to uphold and maintain our identity. We know who we are, and what is good for us. We do not need unethical prescriptions from Amharic language doctors and debteras, especially from someone who failed the character test of being true to himself. It will be a colossal mistake to push us too far in this regard since such insensitive and reckless diatribe will only hasten the disintegration and doom of the empire that is already on a life support.

* Bahru D. Bayisa: bbayisa@yahoo.com

=>gadaa