BA’AA WAL IRRAA QOODDACHUUN, HUMNA TA’A JIRAACHUU KEENYA MIRKANEESSA !!!!!!

Y.G(2005), kutaa 2ffaa | Onkololeessa 27, 2013

Har’a diinni keenya Biyyaa keessaa fi alatti adda qoodamee kan nu irratti roorrisaa jiru ta’u hubachuun nama hin rakkisu.diinni keenya bifa lamaan nu dura dhaabbatuuf hojjachaa jiru kun, caba keenya ijaan arguuf hanga dadna’an hojjachaa jiraachuu dhala Oromoo eessallee jiruufu dhokataa miti. rakkoon jiru waan jarri kun barbaadanii fi hojjatanis wallaalu irraa miti. Diina bifa lamaa kana dura dhaabbachuu, qaamuma tokkotti dhiifnee teenye haa ilaallu moo, diina irratti walii haa gallu yk ba’a mataa baayyifachaa jiru kana wal irraa qooddannee dura haa dhaabbannu ? isa jedhu qindeeffachuu yk qooda ofii ba’achuuf murteeffachuu dhabuudha.

Rakkoon kun haa jiraatu malee, kaka’umsi har’a argaa jirru kan kaleessa keessa keenya hin turreedha. Kana jabeefatanii waan nuuf hin hafnetti tarkaafachuun ala furmaati biro akka hin jirre irra jireessi walii galuu qofaatu hafa. Har’a Oromoo ykn nama Afaan Oromoo dubbatu kan qabsoo Oromoo keessa Oromoo fakkaate kan socha’u yoo hin ta’iin, dhalli Oromoo wal gawwamsuu yaalu jira natti hin fakkaatu. Hojii fakkeessaa uumee Ummata kana qalbii hatuu kan barbaaduus hagas maraa natti hin fakkaatu. Yoo ka’een deebi’ee taa’a jedhee yaade Yk kan kaleessaa irraa baratus, xiiqii eessaanu nama hin geenyen hiraaraa jiru yoo ta’e malee.

Wayyaanoonni waan wareegamaniif odoo hin taane, har’a jumulaan saba keenyaa kan fixaa jiran, qabeenyaa saaman jiraachisuuf jedhaniiti. Dhugaa jiru odoo beekanii Oromoon Angotti dhufnaan nu dhumate jedhanii yakka dhala namaa irrattii hin raawwatamne nu irratti raawwataa jiru. Warri alaa sochiin Oromoo isaan sodaachisu ammo, wayyaanee caalaa qabsoo keenya diiguuf, yoo milkaa’ef ammo dhabamsiisanii isaanis warra bitamu baree of dura qabanii nu gabroonfachuu barbaadu. Lameenu dantaa isaaniif arreedan. Nuutis dantaa keenyaaf arreeduun waan umamaati. Dantaaf fiigu kana keessa garuu, garaagarummaa qabnuutu jira. Isaan waan yaadan kana milkeessuuf humna qaban gututti itti fayyadamaa jiru. Qabeenyaa qabanis waan deemaniif kana milkeessuuf olfachuuf carraaqu. Nuutiwoo ? kanaafn mata duree kiyya irratti, “BA’AA WAL IRRAA QOODDACHUUN, HUMNATTI GEEDDARAMAA JIRAACHUU KEENYA MUL’ISA ” kanan jedheef. Isaan koree keessaa fi  alaa jedhanii hojiilee hundaa abbaa itti godhanii afuura nu kutuu yaalu. Inni Biyya keessaas alaas. Waan deemaniif kana milkeessuuf miseensa kan ta’ee , kan hin taane hin jedhan. Waan taakkuu tokko isaan tarkaafachiiftu hunda irratti hojjatu . dhimma itti ba’u.nuutiwoo ??????

Kutaa 1ffaa keessatti :-

1. OROMIYAAN MAQAA INVESTIMANTIIN GURGURAMAA JIRAACHU:-

2. AMANTII WAL QABATEE WAAN GAGGEEFFAMAA JIRU:-

3. QABSOO OROMOO DIIGUUF GANDUMMAA BABAL’ISUU:-

Qabxiileen tarrifaman kun ba’aa nutti heddummeessuu fi hegaree keenya dukkaneessuuf shiroota nuu irratti raawwatamaa jiran ta’uu kaaseera. Diina dura dhaabbachuuf adeemsa diinaa qoratanii of harkaa qabaachuun barbaachisaadha. diina dura dhaabbatuun ammo qawwee qofaan miti. Diinnis kan nu dura dhaabbatu qawwee qofaan miti. Waggaa lakkaa’ee dhalootaan nu irratti hojjachaa jira. Dhaloota lama gidduu seenanii qaawwaa ofii keessa sirban ummachuuf arreedaa jiru. Sochii kana Oromoonni Biyya keessaas ta’ee alaa, toftaalee diinaa kana dura dhaabbachuuf shira shiraan fashalsan hojjachuu qaban. Shirri kun kan halkan tokkotti argan odoo hin taane, kan yeroo fudhatan ta’uu ni malan.

4. OROMIYAA NAANNOOLEE BIROON WALITTI HIDHUU :-

Wayyaaneen kana gochuun irra jireessa, dhuka’aa bor nu dhabmsiisu hidhaa jirti jechuu dandeenya. Daangaan Oromiyaa hundi isaa shira kanaan xaxamaadha. Waan boruu bu’ura jireenya keenyaa ta’an hundumaa gama dingdeen jechuudhaa, saboota biroon akka qabamu taasisaniiru. Oromoota waa tattaafate ammo Naannoo biro keessatti akka horatan taasisaa jiran. Walii galatti saboonni Biyyatti keessaas ta’ee humnoonni alaa gama hundaan Oromiyaa keessaa dhimma guddaa akka qabaatan taasisaa jiran. Kun eenyullee jalaa dhokataa miti. Tarii kana furuuf bara Biyya qabannuu jechuu dandeenya. Isumaaf iyyuu har’a seera qabeessummaa fi seeraan ala ta’uu isaa qorachuun barbaachisaadha. dhalli Oromoo dhimmoota nu irratti raawwatamaa jiranitti dhiheenya qabu haala kana fashalsuuf ykn waan godhamu qabu irratti hojjatee kaa’uutu barbaachisa. Wayyaaneen waan hojjattu hundumaaf ragaa hin barbaachifne hundumaa dhabamsiisuu fi ana miti jechuuf akka hojjattu beeku barbaachisa.

Fakkeenya gabaabaa dhiheenya miidiyaa wayyaanee irraa dhageenye haa kaafnu.gidduu dabre waajjira , Ummatoota Biyyattii bakka dhalootaa , bakka itti du’an, itti dhalatan galmeessuuf seera haaraa baafatanii jiran. Waan biro keessa odoo hin seenne gaaffiilee muraasa haa kaafnu. Fakkeenyaaf qotate bultoonni maqaa Investimantiin buqqa’an eessatti galmaa’u ? warri har’a Finfinnee weeraree jiruwoo eessatti galmaa’u ? warri Oromiyaa keessaa ba’anii godinaa biraatti dhiibaman eessatti galmaa’u ? yoo jennee gaaffii hedduu kaasuu dandeenya. Qubannaa kana keessa Abbooti Biyyaa buqqisanii weerartoota bakka qabsiisanii hireen magaalaa tokko akka murtaa’uuf sagaleen kenname gara barbaadanitti oofuuf hin mijatuu ? waan gaggeeffamaa jiru kana irratti ammumaa dura dhaabbachuun gaariidha. Wayyaaneen magaaloota Oromiyaa muraasa akka Dirre Dawaa , magaalaa sabootaa jedhanii moggaasuuf irratti hojjachaa jiraachuu haa hubannu.kana ummata keenya haa hubachifnu.

5. FINFINNEE TEESSOO GABROONFATTOOTAA TAASISUU:-

Finfinnee gama hedduun hidhaa keessa galchaa jiran. Finfinneen teessoo Gamtaa Afriikaa ta’uu ishee irraa Abbootiin Biyyaa waan argatan hin jiru.Finfinneen Niwoorkin fakkeessanii yoo ijaaranis bu’aan dhalli Oromoo irraa argatu tokkollee hin jiru. Osoo OPDOn kan Oromoof dhaabbate ta’e, akka heerri Biyyaa ajajuutti , Naannichaaf kan kennamuutu ture. Garuu maal godhu. Hanqaaquu maal irraa maal hin eegani malee.kana malees maqaa Finfinnee haaromsiinaan shirri gaggeeffamaa jiru galiin isaa, teessoo humna Dingadee Gabroonfataa , eenyullee fincila keessatti kaasu hin dandeenye taasisuuf hojjataa jiran.Manneen kondimineeyemii ijaaraman carraan haa jedhan malee ta’ee jedhamee sabummaan kan qoodameedha. Fakeenyaaf, Manni 4 kiloo kaasee hanga Magganaanyaatti ijaarame, Ajajoota waraanaa Hiwaatitu qabate. Bifa kanaan haala magaalaa kana illee itti tu’achuu danda’an qoratanii irratti bobba’an. Naannoo ministeera barnootaa Itoophiyaa boroo kaasee hanga sharaatanitti, ijaarsa kubbaaniyaa Allaamuddiniin hojjatame hundi isaa Abootii qabeenyaa wayyaaneef kenname. Sharaatanii kaasee hanga kaazaanchiis kan jiru wayyaanootatu qabate. Walii gala ilmaan Tigiraayi kuma 500 ol ta’an Finfinnee qubatanii jiran. Nama kana taa’ee qorateef, dhalli Oromoo kan yeroo kamirrayyuu caalaa jette jettee dhiisee waliif birmachuun yeroon kan laatamuuf akka hin taane hubata.

Bakka dhalootaa fi du’aa galmeessina jedhanii kan eegalan, kan qubate kana hundaa seera qabeessa taasisuufidha. Kan buqqa’es achi ofirra moggeessufidha. Kan alaa dhufee achittin dhaladhe jedhefis waraqaa raga laachuufi. Walii gala mirga gaaffii hin qabne, Abbaa Biyyaa kan hin galchine waliif kennufidha. Kan nama raaju galmeen kun Filannoo dura akka xumuramu taasisuuf hojjatamaa jira.Finfinnee keessatti Filannoo itti aanutti kan sagalee kennan, Tigirootaa fi deeggartoota of gurguran qofaadha jechuu dandeenya.

Walumaa gala Ba’aan wal irraa qooddannu lakkoofsa hin qabu . qabxiilee kanaan olii akka fakkeenyaatti hubannoof kan kaaseedha. Kana irraa ka’uun waan dandeenyu maraan diina waan sagal nu qaraa jiru irraa of haa ittisnu. Yeroon keessa jiru carraa keenyaaf tarii isa dhumaa ta’uu danda’a. yoo wal utubne kan itti injifannu, shira diinaa kanaan yoo laafanne, kan diina of irratti goobsinu ta’a. shiroota hedduu gorsa yk yaada Namootaan hanbiseen, qaama ilaallatuuf laachufan murteesse. Yeroon isaa garuu, dhibee lubbuuf nu qabdu keessa keenyatti yoo qabaanne illee, waliif OBSINEE shira keessaa fi alaa of irraa ittisuuf wal haa tumsinu.

GALATOOMAA !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!

Tan Dabre:

20. Ba’aa Wal Irraa Qooddachuun, Humna Ta’a Jiraachuu Keenya Mirkaneessa !!!!!! Kutaa 1ffa
19. IRREECHI , UMAMA ISAATTI DEEBI’UUN DIRQAMA !!!!!
18. SEENAA GABRUMMAA DHAALUUN YOOM DHAABBATA?
17. SHIRA DIINAA IRRAA OF TIKSUUN, MEESHAA WARAANAA CAALA!
16. MIRGA KEENYA , IRREE KEENYAAN DEEFFANNA !!!!!!!!
15. MIILA LAMA QABAATANIIF , MUKA LAMA HIN YAABAN DHIDHIIBBAAN HALAGAA, LAMMATA CABUUDHA
14. KANNIISA KUMATU, DAMMA HOJJATA!!!!!!!!
13. MANNI GOGAA HARREEN IJAARAME, GAAFA WARAABEESSI YUUSU DIIGAMA !! Kutaa 3ffaa
12. MANNI GOGAA HARREEN IJAARAME, GAAFA WARAABEESSI YUUSU DIIGAMA !! kutaa 2ffaa
11. MANNI GOGAA WARAABEESSAAN IJAARAME, GAAFA WARAABEESSI YUUSU DIIGAMA !! kutaa 1ffaa
10. DUKKANNI KAN HAMMAATU, GAAFA BARI’UF JEDHUDHA.”
9. MIIDIYAA BAAYYINA KEENYA IBSU NU BARBAACHISA !!!!!
8. MIILA LAMA QABAATANIIF , MUKA LAMA HIN YAABAN
7. HUNDA DURA, BIYYAA FI UMMATA KIYYAAF !!!!!!
6. “DHAABU DADHABU, HAADHEE BALLEESSUU HIN DADHABU”
5. MATAA NU MARAA JIRUU !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! kutaa 3ffaa
4. “MATAA NU MARAA JIRUU !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!” kutaa 2ffaa
3. “MATAA NU MARAA JIRUU !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!” kutaa 1ffaa
2. QABSOON OROMOO “CHAAMPIYOONS LIIGII ” MITII !!!!!!
1. WALII GALAN, ALAA GALAN !!!!

=>ayyaantuu

Ethiopians demonstrating against the systematic torture of political prisoners in the country.

Saturday afternoon demonstrated Ethiopians against the abuse of dissidents in the country . Photo: Eirik Hagesæter

Norway, Bergen

- We demonstrate in order to put pressure on the Norwegian government and the international community, so they can put pressure on the regime in Ethiopia, says EBSSA Tesema to BA.

He explains that many of them are asylum seekers from the region of Oromia in Ethiopia, where the systematic injustice taking place.

WHIPPED AND HUNG

Opposition politicians, journalists and regime critics are subjected to systematic torture at a police station in Addis Ababa, according to a Human Rights Watch report that was presented last week.

The police station is located in the heart of the capital Addis Abbeba in Oromia region.

Torture methods used include blow to the body with hard objects and flogging . Prisoners are also hung from the ceiling in very painful positions, writes Aftenposten.

Merciless

Ethiopia's ruling party, Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), has ruled the country for over 20 years. Following the disputed elections in 2005, the authorities have turned down hard on the opposition.

Anti -terror laws since 2009 have been used to imprison both journalists and dissidents.

It is these conditions that Ethiopians in Bergen want to see end.

With banners with slogans like «Stop the torture of Oromo» and «Stop lavishing ", and the use of megaphones, spread the message to people in the downtown streets.

=>ba (with google translate)

Adverse Selection and Moral Hazard: The Likely Causes for the Crises in the Oromo National Liberation Camp

By Malkaa Guutuu*

Since their coercive incorporation into the Ethiopian empire, the Oromo people have initiated numerous valiant, but unsuccessful, efforts to extricate themselves from the oppressive Abyssinian yoke. The Bale insurrection of the 1960′s – which signaled that the Oromo were ready to engage in a protracted struggle to reclaim their freedom, was out-organized, out-gunned and ultimately dislodged by the Ethiopian army. The attempt to promote Oromo self-awareness and interests via peaceful means by the Matcha & Tulama Association (MTA) was viciously suppressed, when the imperial regime of Haile-Sellasie targeted prominent leaders of the association, killing some and incarcerating others – sending the unmistakable message that Oromo self-identification would not be tolerated by the Ethiopian state. The brutal takedown of the MTA propelled the Oromo liberation movement into its next logical phase, facilitating the formation of the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF), with mandates to liberate the people from colonial subjugation and exploitation. Despite delivering impressive results thus far, however, the OLF has fallen far short of achieving its main objective of emancipating the Oromo people from the ever mounting, increasingly blatant and troubling Abyssinian tyranny.

Tens of thousands of productive Oromo citizens are wasting away in the notorious Ethiopian gulags just because they are suspected of having affiliation with the OLF; thousands have died in these prison camps due to neglect and torture. Fleeing persecution by the minority led Ethiopian regime, hundreds of thousands of Oromo have become refugees in the neighboring countries and beyond, with some perishing before they reach their destinations, and others being refouled in violation of international law. Untold misery is visited upon defenseless Oromo communities in different locales, while their land is expropriated and transferred to armed gangs and settlers from near and far at an accelerating pace. The majestic forests of the Oromo country are cleared away to make way for unscrupulous investors, while its streams and rivers are polluted with reckless abandon in the name of the Orwellian-named “Development and Transformation.” Notwithstanding these multi-pronged assaults on their humanity and many other well-documented abuses of their natural rights, most Oromo elites and a significant section of the Oromo public remain largely immobilized, rather choosing to scapegoat others for the debacle.

Different factors are cited in popular discourse for causing the quandary the Oromo nation is facing at the moment, with seemingly everyone playing the role of a pundit. The commonly mentioned reasons include lack of unity among the Oromo public, the constantly changing global political landscape, paucity of influential friends internationally, the incompetence of OLF’s leadership, etc. Individuals with no meaningful contribution to the struggle often accuse the leaders of the OLF for the crises, apparently failing to grasp the rank irony of their stance. Part time “political analysts” have ready-made explanations for the Oromo problem: they typically blame the multiplication of traitors (Gobanaas in the Oromo lexicon) and lack of unity among the Oromo people, without pondering if the link might be a case of reverse causation. Oromo political leaders often blame the constantly evolving geo-political environment, coming across as timid participants in the rough and tumble realm of international politics. In my view, these and similar other assertions are unmistakably circular, if not flimsy rationalizations, put forth to skirt responsibility; they are at best correlates and/or symptoms of an underlying set of problems afflicting the Oromo body-politic.

In this article, I will explore some of the likely sources of the puzzling paralysis currently afflicting the descendants of the great Oromo people, with the objective of initiating a serious conversation and commencing the work that may lead to the solution. I will employ certain widely applicable models in the social sciences to uncover some of the prominent challenges the Oromo liberation camp is facing today. Even though there are foolproof mathematical details behind the model’s implications, I’ve stripped the essay of needlessly confusing jargon, symbols and derivations. When I say the Oromo liberation camp, I am referring to thearmed struggle led by the OLF, not the incremental, bona fide, useful and necessary efforts exerted by various dedicated Oromo individuals and groups to promote the legitimate interests of the Oromo nation.

I argue that the OLF and the Oromo public (the Principal and Agents of the Oromo National Liberation Project) have Asymmetric Information, which has created the problems of Adverse Selection and Moral Hazard, resulting in the confounding scenario described above. Let me offer some definitions of Adverse Selection and Moral Hazard, before making the case that they are likely the underlying causes for the baffling problems faced by the Oromo today. Adverse Selection is a process which leads to sub-optimal outcomes when two parties in a compact have Asymmetric Information about the type (quality) of the object of their transaction. Moral Hazard, on the other hand, describes a situation where a transaction may be struck between a Principal and Agent with Asymmetric Information re: the potential actions of the agent.

To fulfill its stated objectives, the OLF must mobilize the Oromo people, who are diverse in terms of any number of characteristics. For the purpose of this article, we will consider two key sources of population heterogeneity – talent (ability) and dedication (heroism). Ability, which can be innate or learned, determines type, but dedication to a cause dictates actions. It would not be controversial to state that some Oromo persons have more ability than others, and can perform a given function better and/or faster than others. Similarly, not all Oromo are similarly situated with respect to their dedication to the Oromo cause (the cause). To paint a stark picture, there are some who are willing to lay down their lives, if called upon, while others are simply morally clueless about the plights of their people. (I will portray a slightly more nuanced picture below.) In all likelihood, ability and dedication are orthogonal attributes. There is hardly any reason to expect that ability and heroism are systematically associated. A hero/heroine can be gifted or less so, while a gifted individual can occupy any position in terms of some measure of heroism. If we were somehow able to measure the ability and dedication of every individual in a given group of human population, and plotted them on a plane, I suspect that we would get a picture with no pattern whatsoever, with some occupying a space near the origin, others inhabiting spaces along both axes, and still others located in the northeasterly direction from the origin at varying degrees and distance from the origin.

Let us deal with the issue of Adverse Selection first, switching off a measure of Oromo’s dedication to their cause, abstracting away from the critical issue of Moral Hazard, to make (admittedly) a highly stylized, but important, point. When an individual Oromo volunteers his/her service for the Oromo cause, the OLF does not know the type of the potential member a priori. To fix ideas, suppose that potential members are uniformly distributed in type over a certain interval. Let’s further stipulate that the OLF does not have a solid mechanism in place which induces a given Oromo (who is seeking to participate in the liberation struggle) to reveal his/her type. Under these circumstances, potential volunteers would naturally claim to possess higher ability than they actually do, and the OLF would infer that a typical aspiring participant is an average type. The intuition is that entrusting a low ability agent with a responsibility that can only be performed optimally by a person of higher caliber, would not produce desired or desirable outcomes. Likewise, commissioning a more talented person to execute a menial task that can be undertaken by a less gifted individual would have detrimental effects on morale, producing sub-optimal results. The chosen outcome would in turn induce any Oromo with better than average talent, to choose sitting on the sidelines than contributing to the struggle, effectively depriving the organization of the skilled half of all potential volunteers. This forces the Front to reappraise downwards the set of candidates available for mobilization, producing a newer rational expectations equilibrium evaluation of a typical aspiring volunteer’s talent further to the left of the average of the whole set, and so on and so forth. Taken to an extreme, this process would eventually lead to a collapse of the objectives of the Front.

The prediction that the Oromo objective would collapse due to Adverse Selection as described above is a consequence of holding constant a measure of Oromo’s dedication to the cause, which effectively meant that the Oromo people do not have heroes/heroines. Clearly, the OLF has not collapsed, and remains rather formidable, largely because the Oromo nation has countless heroes/heroines – honorable men and women with atypical preference relations or utility functions (see below). The silver lining in what has otherwise been a depressing state-of-affairs in the Oromo liberation camp is that Oromo heroes/heroines have kept freedom’s flame, guaranteeing the survival of the Front under extremely trying conditions.

What is not debatable, however, is that the OLF has lost some of its vitality in the last decade and a half, likely victimized by (among other things) the problem of Adverse Selection just discussed. Regrettably, too many of the highly competent Oromo individuals have been sitting on the sidelines, accusing the organization of not being receptive to their ideas or contribution. To make matters worse, the seeming indifference of certain high achieving Oromo persons to the plight of their people have caused the Front to become even more insular, in turn driving more and more Oromo further down the ability ladder to *abandon* the struggle one after another. This is a classic case of Adverse Selection caused byInformation Asymmetry, where the players – in this case, the OLF and its potential members – may be behaving rationally in some utilitarian sense, but the ultimate outcome has been the deferment of the realization of the legitimate aspiration of the Oromo nation.

For a more complete exposition of the problems afflicting the Oromo liberation camp, we introduce Moral Hazard into the equation by switching on a measure of Oromo’s conviction to the cause. To fix ideas, let us divide the Oromo into three broad categories based on some measure of their heroism. The first group includes heroes/heroines, whose commitment to their people’s yearning to be free dominates any other egoistic pursuits. There are no incentives or disincentives that can persuade or dissuade heroes/heroines to shortchange or abandon their people’s legitimate aspiration for independence. They are noble people who put their own lives on the line, and other self-centered goals on hold, to serve their people. In other words, they are individuals whose commitments to their people’s cause strictly dominate other self-centered goals. Unfortunately, heroes/heroines are rare in general, and the Oromo are no exception to this rule. The second group consists of the enemy’s hired guns from within the Oromo community – individuals with highly objectionable moral and ethical standards, lacking a minimal understanding of Safuu Oromoo. Moral suasion would not convince this group of people to abstain from harming the cause; however, with the appropriate mechanisms in place, they can be discouraged from working against their people’s interests.

The third set includes the overwhelming majority of the Oromo people, whose mobilization is essential for the cause to succeed. Individuals in this group, which constitute the focus of this paper, exhibit varying degrees of commitment to the communal interest and are driven by upstanding, but intrinsically, selfish motivations (e.g. gaining some level of material success through hard work and education, raising a family, etc.). To use a commonly used technical jargon, they are utility maximizing agents in the conventional sense. Their utilities are increasing not only in selfish pursuits (consumption of private goods), but also the blossoming of the Oromo cause (a particular type of public good). However, what they have to do in order for the latter to transpire, reduces their utility from consumption of private goods: the more they contribute to the cause financially or otherwise, the less resources they can allocate towards pursuits that are fundamentally egotistical. There is thus a tension between their desire to maximize utility and what they wish to see happen in terms of the furtherance of the Oromo objective.

The Principal’s aim is to advance the Oromo cause taking these constraints into account. If the Front had perfect information about the conviction of every Oromo person to achieve freedom, the solution would be straightforward: the Front would simply assign each potential agent a task according to her/his dedication. Furthermore, the agents would have no incentive to deviate from their rhetoric with respect to their actual contribution to the cause; their actions would match their words.

In the real world, however, the OLF is operating under Asymmetric Information about the possible actions of its potential agents (volunteers), who exhibit varying degrees of commitment to the cause. Whether we assume that agents occupy a fixed point in terms of their dedication (but can effectively hide it from the Principal); or display a varying level of commitment in response to different circumstances, the qualitative prediction remains the same. Under either scenario, unless it has in place a sound mechanism that could induce its potential members and supporters to reliably signal their commitment levels, the OLF would fail to achieve its objectives due to Moral Hazard: The vast majority of the Oromo people, whilst overstating their dedication levels, contribute significantly less than what they could and should to the cause, because: 1) doing so is individually rational given their pedestrian utility functions; 2) their actions are largely hidden; and 3) they mistakenly assume that someone else would make the required sacrifices for the cause, allowing them to pick the fruits of freedom that others produce. Hence, their hidden actions are always inferior to their open-to-the-public and often entertaining rhetoric, resulting in the conundrum which has inspired this essay. Alas, the Oromo can no longer hide from the grim consequences of the totality of their inaction, as a result of which a well-organized minority is getting away with brazenly violating their natural and human rights with an attitude of impunity.

No segment of the Oromo community (save Oromo heroes/heroines) is immune from criticism for the tragedy to which the great Oromo people are currently subjected. Whether they are affiliated with the OLF or not, Oromo scholars and elites share the blame for failing to engage in a systematic and consistent inquiry that could have uncovered the real causes for the crises in the Oromo national liberation camp. The leaders of the OLF bear part of the blame, too: while the nation is bleeding literally and figuratively, the leaders at times appear to have been busy splitting hair, engaging in seemingly endless, bitter and often meaningless ideological battles reminiscent of the trivial feud that annihilated a generation of leaders in Ethiopia in the 1970′s. They should have instead spent their scarce resources on seeking out, organizing and commissioning willing and able Oromo scholars with the critically important task of devising mechanisms that could address the issues that have resulted in the Oromo paralysis. Regular Oromo folks cannot escape from responsibility either; for most have practically passed the buck, turning into pseudo political analysts and cyber warriors, seemingly oblivious to the fact that the brutal gang occupying their land and terrorizing their people can only be dislodged with much more serious effort than they have mustered thus far.

In this piece, I have attempted to identify some of the factors that have wreaked havoc on the Oromo struggle for freedom. I hope and expect that Oromo scholars will step up and engage in the discussion I have initiated, with the ultimate objective of designing a system that could tackle the problems of Adverse Selection, Moral Hazard and other related issues. There is no need to re-invent the wheel, as there are known general principles that must be observed in mechanism designs which seek to address the problems discussed in this article. The trick is to properly employ these general principles, taking into serious consideration certain important defining characteristics of the Oromo people and their neighbors, particularly the Abyssinians, as well as the local and global conditions in which they operate.

As a scholarly organization dedicated to Oromo studies, the Oromo Studies Association (OSA) may take the lead in coordinating the effort to address the specific issues covered in this essay. From among its current and potential members, OSA may set up a commission, whose mandate is proposing a strategy (mechanisms) that will properly mobilize the Oromo masses for the liberation project. Matters pertaining to the detailed authority of the commission, the make-up of the commission’s members, and the process guiding their selection should be decided by the current OSA leadership with inputs from a wider audience – its actual and potential members.

The Oromo of yore were a resourceful people, who invented a reasonably complex, dynamic and democratic socio-political system – Gadaa, which had two interrelated purposes: regulating the internal dynamics of the nation, while safeguarding its interests from external aggression. A careful review of what has been presented as “Ethiopian History” of the last few centuries confirms that the Gadaa system had served its intended purposes superbly. With Gadaa as their linchpin, the Oromo were masters of their domain – a proud people and skillful warriors who defended their country gallantly. When they marched according to the precepts of Gadaa, no enemy had a chance facing them. The Oromo lost their freedom, arguably, only after certain segments of the society traded the remarkable Gadaa institution for a constitutionally inferior socio-political system.

To put the darkest chapter in their history behind them, and reclaim their identity and independence, therefore, the Oromo of today must learn one crucial lesson from their forebears. They must invent systems (design mechanisms) in order to jump-start the process that will unleash the significant human and material resources of the nation for its liberation. It is time to get to work.

* Malkaa Guutuu can be reached at malkaa.guutuu@gmail.com.

=>gadaa

Should We Still Suggest an All-Inclusive Alliance, Which Can be Different and Make a Difference in Ethiopia/Oromia?

In the liberation struggle against the oppressive Abyssinian empire’s system, we had passed through different phases and we had formed till now different alliances against the tyrant rulers. The struggle has almost always been done by two ideologically opposite political camps, i.e. by the unionist liberators, who want to liberate oppressed nations in the empire and build, where possible, a union of autonomous nations, and by the unitarist patriots, who do disregard the autonomy of nations but want to liberate individual citizens from any sort of oppression. In other words, it has been the struggle by those emphasizing group (national) liberty and by those stressing individual (citizens’) freedom. Despite their similarity in socialist ideology, one of the major differences between Me’ison and Ihapa was their tendency towards being a unionist and a unitarist, respectively. Me’ison, being dominated and led by Oromo intellectuals, had been for self-determination of nations in a sense of having their own national autonomy within Ethiopian union, whereas Ihapa, being dominated and led by Tigrean intellectuals, had been for self-determination of nations in a sense of exercising their cultures within a unitary Ethiopia/Great Oromia without national autonomy.

In a further political process, both Me’ison and Ihapa, after being brutally beaten by the Derg, opted to join their kins in the OLF and the TPLF, respectively. Now, Ihapa with its unitarist view had taken power in a form of the TPLF, and the unionist Me’ison in a form of the OLF is still the main opposition/rebel group against this Ihapa-dominated regime. Simply put, the struggle between the unionist Me’ison and the unitarist Ihapa is still going on indirectly. After coming to power, the unitarist TPLF was compelled to accept and respect certain elements of the unionist OLF, so that it signed the 1991 Charter, which formally accepted the right of all nations and nationalities in the empire to have their own self-rule (autonomy) within Great Oromia. But in practice, the Woyane has chosen to implement more unitarist elements of its own, neglecting that of the unionists. That is why Great Oromia is today de jure a union, but de facto a unitary state. Leaving the pre-1974-revolution history for the academicians/historians and just looking at the alliances forged by the polity in the empire since the revolution, we can notice the rise and fall of the following ten alliances:

“- IMALEDIH: after the inability of Me’ison and Ihapa to forge an alliance against the military dictator, the first attempt of building the alliance was between the legally operating unionists at that time (Me’ison and Ici’at) with the contemporary unitarist forces (Seded, Wez-lig and Malerid). Later, the two unionists were pushed out of the alliance and persecuted by the unitarists who had power, so that the two unionists left the alliance. Soon after they left the alliance, the two unionists were considered illegal, which was followed by the persecution of their activists who lastly joined the OLF in the battlefield against the Derg.

“- IHADEG: was the asymmetrical alliance between the powerful TPLF and its subordinates (EPDM, later called ANDM and OPDO, being followed by the formation of SEPDM). Simply put, this alliance of the four unequal parties is a mask for TPLF in order to get a legitimacy to rule over Great Oromia, instead of only “liberating” Tigrai. As long as the Woyanes are in power, the other three ‘PDOs will serve them as slaves. By the way, TPLF has never been a liberation front, but an economic front which tries to overcome the economical crisis in Tigrai, and now it has achieved to control almost all sectors in the empire and to help Tigrai be free from destitute life.

“- COEDF: was an alliance formed in April 1991 at a meeting held in Washington by the unitarist Ihapa, the unionist Me’ison and other two parties, including some civic groups, human rights and community organizations and associations. This alliance couldn’t take part in fostering the charter of the transitional Ethiopian government in 1991. It then lost its importance and was then disband and dismantled.

“- CAFPDE: was an alliance set up in the aftermath of the opposition conference held in Finfinne in December 1993. The conference was headed by the president of the unionist Hadiya National Democratic Organization, and the alliance included the unitarist parties like the EDU. This alliance failed mainly for it didn’t include major unionists from the Oromo nation.

“- ULFO: was an exclusive alliance of only the Oromo unionist liberators in order to forge a strong Oromo liberation force against the fascist and hegemonist de facto unitarist Woyane regime, which still denies the true autonomy/self-rule of nations and nationalities in the empire. This alliance didn’t dare to approach the unitarists and the current merger form of the alliance still abhor any sort of alliance with unitarists. That is why Woyane cadres nowadays poise as if they support ULFO (as if they prefer Golden Oromian independence) and curse the Amhara unitarists just to hinder a possible alliance of the Oromo unionists with the Amhara unitarists against their hegemonist regime.

“- UEDF: an alliance composed of both unionists and unitarists, but excluded the main unionist liberation forces like the OLF and the ONLF, so that it was ineffective and couldn’t live long. It was also weakened for the two major unitarist parties (AEUP and EDP) left the alliance within few months after its formation.

“- CUD: an alliance of only the die-hard unitarist forces, which tried their best to reverse the move of nations and nationalities towards a genuine autonomy in a form of a true killil-federation. One of the reasons for the demise of UEDF was that the two main unitarist parties left the alliance with the contemporary unionists and formed their own alliance of pure unitarists in the form of CUD. But this move at last led to the demise of CUD itself, because of the opposition it faced from almost all unionists in the empire.

“- AFD: the first alliance, which included the seemingly diametrically opposite major unionist forces like the OLF and main unitarist forces like the CUD. It was the hitherto best alliance which made the Woyane tremble for the first time. That is why it was not surprising when we did observe that Woyane cadres made a campaign against the AFD being camouflaged as the unitarist Amhara cursing the unionist Oromo, and vice versa, so that the AFD couldn’t survive this polarizing action.

“- MEDREK: the still existing, but not yet effective alliance, which seems to be a continuation of the AFD in a legal form, also included the unionists like the OFC and the unitarists like the UDJ. Here also, the Woyane is trying to polarize the Oromo unionists against the Amhara unitarists. We will see how far this alliance can survive this divide-and-rule machination of the fascist regime. The current move of this alliance towards forming a front, instead of continuing as only a coalition, needs a meticulous scrutiny. Is it a front towards being a pure unionist or a pure unitarist? Time will tell. At least, the rhetoric we heard during the conference this alliance had with its supporters in Washington DC before the 2010 election suggests that it is moving towards being pure unitarist. I hope the OFC and the other unionists have registered that rhetoric from some of the leaders. Otherwise, the call made by this alliance for the preparation of the upcoming future “election” under the Woyane is like “ye moony zefen/leqsoo melliso melaalso”. This fixation on only election as a method of struggle is a program for the quick death of this alliance.

“- Ximiret: the once suggested all-inclusive AFD-like alliance of both the unionists like the OLF and the unitarists like Ginbot-7, which are now moving underground in the empire and which are active as rebels in the battlefield as well as in exile, ended in forging the pseudo-alliance between Ximiret and one faction of the OLF. In the last few years, after the formation of certain cooperation between the OLF faction lead by General Kemal Gelchu and the Ginbot-7, we surprisingly did read different articles and heard in different media certain opinions which are trying to polarize the Oromo unionists and the Amhara unitarists. The Woyane cadres are again busy acting like the Amhara unitarist patriots and cry for unitary Ethiopia in order to curse the Oromo unionists. On the vice versa, they are hyperactive to camouflage as the Oromo unionist liberators and sing about Golden Oromian independence without a possibility for Great Oromian union just to insult the Amhara unitarists. Their main mission is to hinder any sort of a strong AFD-like alliance against their own fascist regime.

The question yet to be answered is: can both the camp of the unionist liberators and the camp of the unitarist patriots overcome this divisive move of the Woyane and yet forge an all-inclusive alliance? I think, it would be better if both camps first consolidate their respective bloc by building a coalition of unitarists as CUD was and by forging a unity of unionists like ULFO was, but including the unionists of other oppressed nations like the ONLF. Then, secondarily the two blocs can have an effective alliance against the fascists. What is necessary here is that the democratic unitarists need to distance themselves from the colonial position of both the Amhara dictators (who want to bring back the French-style of colonization, i.e. assimilation of the subjugated nations into Amharinya speakers) and the Tigrai hegemonists (who want to keep their British-type of colonization, allowing subjugated nations to dance their cultures and use their languages at lower level, but compel them live further under the domination of Tigrean elites).

At the time the democratic unitarist patriots distance themselves from the past oriented nostalgic colonialist Amhara dictators and join the future oriented unionist liberators and start to fight against the myopic (only present oriented) fascist Tigrai regime, both camps of the opposition are not far from forging a common ground for the necessary stable alliance. With such stable alliance, it is possible to resist the attempt of the Woyane in using controversial personalities, controversial issues like the right of nations up to secession, and controversial topics like the right on the usage of Nile water in order to polarize the opposition camps of the democratic unionists and the democratic unitarists. The hitherto and the current cry of the Woyane cadres in Paltalks and websites accusing unionists as gooxenya and cursing unitarists as nefxenya will then be a futile exercise. The common ground can only be to agree on the two-phase struggle against the Weyane: the liberation phase and the democratization phase.

Liberation from fascism and tyranny is with no doubt a common ground for both the unionists and the unitarists, then establishing democratic institutions, promoting democratization process and living according to the public verdict are what the democrats in both the unionist liberators’ camp and the unitarist patriots’ camp should accept and respect. The future common political community in the region/empire will be at least a union of autonomous nations, and at best a union of independent nations in the Ethiopian/Kas/the Horn/Kush/the Great Oromian Union. This suggests that they all should try to struggle for both the national autonomy of each nationality and the regional union to keep the territorial integrity of the Horn, despite the move of the unitarists against any sort of national autonomy. Coming to such agreement by the two opposition/rebel camps means taking away the worst instrument of the Woyane, i.e. taking away its notorious divide-and-rule method.

After agreeing on the common purpose or common ground, then taking appropriate route to the goal is what the new all-inclusive alliance needs to have. I think “election” under the Woyane is a road with dead end. Preaching about only non-violent methods and moralizing/cursing any sort of cooperation with Eritrea, for example, are not expected from the genuine opposition/rebel groups, but they are part and parcel of the “good” rhetoric from the Woyane cadres camouflaged as the unitarist or the unionist opposition. I personally believe that a coordinated civil disobedience, armed struggle and public uprising is the best route. It is only if the two opposition/rebel camps have such a common purpose and a common route that the suggested all-inclusive alliance can be different and can make a difference.

For all partakers of the alliance to accept the future public verdict during the democratization phase, they must be now bold enough to take risk of losing to their opponent in a true democratic way during the public decision. Only this boldness towards such risk can help the seemingly diametrically opposite democratic unionist liberators and democratic unitarist patriots to forge an alliance against the fascists. Particularly, the democratic unitarists who tend to disregard the right of nations to self-determination should come to their sense and face the fact that without liberation or self-determination of the Oromo people from the hitherto domination, the realization of peace and prosperity they are longing for will never happen. Also they should by now have registered that any alliance of only the unitarists, excluding the major unionist forces like the OLF, will never lead them to victory over the fascist regime.

On the other hand, the unionist forces in general, and the Oromo unionist liberators in particular should be able to broaden their view and struggle for the liberation of all nations and nationalities in the region/empire from any sort of domination. Such view includes liberation of the two Habesha nations, despite the domination/colonization of other nations by their elites. Such move from the unionists will help the democratic unitarists (let’s forget the dictatorial die-hard unitarists) to move towards forging the very necessary all-inclusive alliance. This is the only mechanism to help the apparently impossible alliance between the seemingly diametrically opposite unionists and unitarists be possible.

That is why I dare to say that we should still suggest an all-inclusive alliance based on such matured understandings from both the democratic unionists and the democratic unitarists, which can be different and will make a difference. So specially, the Amhara democratic unitarist patriots and the Oromo democratic unionist liberators should try to help the impossible be possible and forge the all-inclusive alliance to get rid of the Tigrean fascists; otherwise, we should be ready to be ruled for the coming at least one century and see our Amharaland and Oromoland being sold by the Tigrean hegemonists to foreign capitalists, so that we, the two BIG nations, will live under slavery and leave this slavery further to our coming generation. I hope we do have reasonable minds to choose the first option of alliance against the fascists, which can lead us to liberation, not the second option of our subjugation for a century. To move in the direction of liberation together, let Waaqa/Igzi’abiher give us knowledge, understanding and wisdom to help this suggested all-inclusive alliance be different and make a difference!

Galatooma!

=>bilisummaa

Ergaa Gabaabaa Ummata Oromoo Irraa Dhalatanii Ilmaan Oromoo Diinaaf Abarsaa Keena Jiraniif

Kiyyaa Gonfaa irraa*

Yeroo amma kana ummanii Oromoo mirga ofii kabajsiisuuf akkasuumas biliisuumaa isaa gonfachuuf qabsoo gaggeefamaa jiruu keessaa warregama guddaa isa kafalchiisaa jiraa. Qabsoo kana keessatti Qeerroon, maangudoo fi shamarran osso hin jeedhiin huundinuu saggalee tokkoon kaayyoo tokkoof haarka wal-qabachuun biliisuumaa haawwaa jiran goonfachuuf hiidhamuu irraa kaassee haanga luubbuu isaanii darbuutti of dabarsanii keenaa jiruu. Kaayyoo kanaaf jeecha Oromooni kumaatamaan lakkaawaman mana hiidhaatti dukkana keessa rebbamaa jiruu darbees ajjeefamaa jiruu.

Qabsoon Oromoo qabsoo ummataatti, qabsoo mirgaatti, qabsoo biliisumaatti. Qabsoo kana keessatti immoo Oromoon hunduu qoda fuudhachu qabaa. Haata`uutti lammiiwwan Oromoo takkoo takkoo faayyidaaf jeecha, garaa isaanii guuttachuuf jeecha ummata ofii dabarsanii diinaaf keenaa jiran huunduu badii dhifama hin qabnee ummata ofii irratti raawwachaa akka jiran beekamaa dha. Motuumaan TPLF diina Oromoo tahuun isaa dhifatti nii beekkamaa, Haata`uutti TPLF caalla yeroo amma saba ofii midhaa kan jiran OROMOO ta`aani ummata keessaa deema ummata qulqulluu fiixaa fiiccisiisaa kan jiran namoota garaa isaaniif buullani dha. Diina kee diina tahuu isaa bartee off egdaa sabnii ofii qooree dhooqqee keessa tahee yeroo lamii ofii waraanu guddaa nama gaddiisiissaa.

Keessumayuu saba Oromoof kan dhaabbatan fakkaatanii ummata dhiiga boosisaa kan jiran miseensooni OPDO waggoota digdamaaf laftii Oromoo yeroo saamamuu, qoote buulaan Oromoo lafa (Qabeenya) isaa irraa arri`amee kadhaaf yeroo saaxxilamuu, akkasuumas boossonii naannoo Oromiiyyaa irraa jiruu diinaan yeroo guubatuu fi lafaraa baduu akka Oromoo tokkootti dirqama isaan irraa egamuu bahuu mannaa, badii seenaan hin-iraafanee hojjachaa as gahaani jiruu.

Yeroo amma Oromooni mana hiidhaa adda addaa keessa argaman (keessumayuu baratooni univarsiitti) baayyeen isaanii lammiidhuuma ofiin dabarfamanii kan keenamani dha. Qabsoon ummata Oromoo yeroo gabaabaa keessatti gara injjiiffanoo fi biliisuummaatti jijjiiramuun isaa kan hinafnee tahuu isaa namnii kammiyyuu huubachuu qabaa. Injjiiffannoon ykn biliisuumaan kan argamuu immoo qabeenya ummata saammachuun osso hin ta`iin warreeggama guddaa kaffalamee ta`uu isaa ifa dha. Kana immoo haarra ummata ofii warii midhaa jiran miseensonii DH.D.U.O. huubachuu qabuu. Calqabuumaan dhaabnii DH.D.U.O. dhaaba gabruumaa jala kan jiruu dha, kana jeechaan miiseensooni dhaaba kanaa tokkoo tokkoon isaanii gabruumaa jala jiruu jeecha dha. Oromuummaan yakka ta`ee ykn ammo gaaffiin mirga Oromuummaa waliin wal-qabatu yakka ta`ee yeroo lakkaawwamuu, Barattooni mana barnootaa fi bakkeewwan hojii irraa sababa tokkoo malee ABO jedhamanii yeroo hidhaman, akka saba Oromoo tokkootti booru dabareen kan keenyaa tahuu danda`aa jeedhanii yaadu isaan irraa jiraa turee. Maaliif jeene yoo of gaafanees mootumaan TPLF wara isa tajaajilaniifis akka hin taane ilaalaa waan jirruuf. Kanaan duura lammii ofii dabarsaa keenaa kan tuuran hoogganooni DH.D.U.O. haarra essa akka jiran huundumtu keenyaa nii beeknaa. Alagaan yoomiyuu taanan alagaa dha. Ummata ofii diinaaf dabarsanii keenu irraa saba ofii waliin hirriiranii mirga sarbamnee deebisiissuuf soocho`uu akkasuumas biliisumaaf qabsaa`uudhaan ummata keessaniif seenaa badii osso hin ta`iin seena jagnuumaa seena hiniiraafatamnee hojjachuun dirqama lammuummaa keessan bahuu isiin irra jiraa.

Ergaa kana dabarsuuf bareefama dheeraa bareesuun barbaachisaa mitti. Kanaan duurras yeroo addaa addaa namooni Oromoo ta`aanii badii ummata Oromoo irraa raawwachaa jiraniif beekaas ta`ee osso hin beekin goocha isaan raawwacha jiran irraa akka of quusatan sana darbeesi qabsoo keessa hirmaachuun dirqama lammuumaa akka ba`aan bareefamaanis ta`ee karaa addaa addaa ergaan isaaniif darbaa tuure. Kanaaf bareefama (ergaa) xiqqoo kana duubbisuun of jijjiiruun ni danda`aama. Dhummaratiis ergamtoota diinaa osso hin ta`iin ergamtoota ummata keessan taatanii seena hindarbiine akka hojjatan abdii qabnaa.

Injjiifanoo Ummata Oromoof!!

* Kiyyaa Gonfaa: kiyagonfa@gmail.com

=>gadaa

The role of Oromo music Artists in Oromo national liberation struggle

By Leenjiso Horo | October 25, 2013

Throughout history music has been used as a means of struggle.  It is a form of language, a type of communication, and a revolutionary force in the time of national struggle.  Popular music conveys messages.  It conveys messages of patriotism and highlights popular sentiments.  It inspires passion, pride, nationalism, and action in citizens to take.  It encourages citizens to take up weapons and fight for the cause they believe in.  For this, it taps into everything from historical memories of the past conflicts to the present injustice.  It is a useful tool for changing the way people think and feel.  It is for these, revolutionaries and nationalists take music very seriously. Through music, musical artists shame and humiliate those who betrays their nation and their country and those who do not support national liberation struggle.  Revolutionary music vilifies the traitors, the vacillators, the cowards, the enemy loyalists and the neutralists at the time of national liberation struggle.  For these, music can be used as a propaganda tool in a war of national liberation.

Again throughout history, music has an important role in military, revolutions, wars of national liberation and social history.  It tells the stories of heroes and heroines resisting oppressors and colonizers.  It tells the crimes of injustices, the crimes committed by the colonizer against the colonized people.  It tells about the people’s struggle for independence and their wishes and aspirations for freedom, peace, justice and dignity.

Through music, political Artists promote love of their people, love of their country, culture, system of government, and pride in its institutions.  Patriotic music inspires actions.  Musical instruments and voices can invoke rage, fears, or love.  It plays an important part in political and military battleground in the national liberation struggle.  No a Liberation Front, as history proves, can afford to ignore the patriotic force that capable of being brought into struggle through the power of music, either in songs, or poems or in instrumental form all of which perform their inciting to action.  In general, music, songs and poems propagate the messages of patriotism and nationalism.  It was in this spirit, Abraham Lincoln,  the President of US, has to complement Composer-lyricist George F. Root for his composing of “The Battle Cry of Freedom” during American Civil War in these words, “You have done more than a hundred generals and a thousand Orators.”  Today, these words are equally applicable to Abdii Qophee, the patriotic Oromo nationalist, the prominent composer, and to those Oromo Artists who have been and are using their patriotic music, songs and poems in promoting the Oromo struggle for independence of Oromiyaa.  The Oromo popular vocalists have been and are performing songs at rallies, displaying patriotism and hatred for the enemy of their people with determination and without fear.  In politics, music, war songs, and poems project the power of involvement in one’s cause, the respect for the courage and determination and the respect the nation has for its nationalists who fought or fight.  The emotion and body language of the Artists add another element of patriotism and nationalism to the message. Music encourages action and support for a cause.  The famous Oromo musical Artist among many others who inspired the Oromo nation were and are: Usmayyoo Musaa, Eebbisaa Addunyaa, Kuulanii Boruu, Daraartuu Boonaa, Nuhoo Goobanaa, Kadiir Said, Umar Suleyman, Ilfinesh Qannoo, Adnan Mohammed, Hirphaa Ganfuree, Adam Harun, Zarihun Wodajoo, Haacaaluu Hundeessaa, Muktar Usman, Mohammad Sheekaa, Aman Gobana, Elemo Ali, Adam Ahmed, Hamdiya Ibrahim, Gaaddisee Shamsadiin, Fayyisaa Furii, and Kumaa Irkoo etcetera.

Since the start of Oromo national liberation struggle, the marshalling of patriotic Oromo popular music has propelled the nationalist movement.  Patriotic music always forges national unity and cohesion during the liberation struggle and after it.  The armed nationalists’ struggle significantly lightens up by liberation music and songs of Oromo nationalist artists both inside and outside of Oromiyaa as the war of liberation continues.  The basic importance of national unity and national cohesion in supporting the liberation struggle to win independence compelled the freedom fighters and the people to constantly manipulate popular patriotic music and songs to harness those cultural traditions vital in rallying the people behind the national cause-independence.  The Oromo national liberation struggle gave birth to patriotic Oromo music, songs and poems homogeneity of musical styles bound together by their use as a medium for the articulation of an anti-colonial sensibility.

Music, songs and poems have played a significant role in wars and in revolutions throughout history.  Music and songs have been used in marches and in rallies to mobilize soldiers and revolutionaries. Again throughout history music formed part of State ceremonies, victory celebrations, and funerals; it provides an important language to communicate revolutionary ideas and ideals even in politically oppressive environments and serve to communicate and reflect upon war and revolution.  All in all, music is a cultural product. It reflects ideas about war and revolution with various cultural contexts.  It is for this, revolutionary music, patriotic songs, and poems have to reflect cultural values and aspects of a particular society.  Music, songs, poems, and dance can only have meaning in one’s own cultural setting because they are part of culture and history of a society.  Outside of one’s culture and history, they lose their meanings, their audience and appreciations.  At the time of national liberation struggle music is the first of the fine arts by which every mind is moved in a society.  It speaks to every human hearts.  Patriotic music makes nationalists to embrace death in a national liberation struggle cheerfully for the cause of their people.  It is in this way, the Oromo artists have been playing and still are playing a significant role in the war of national liberation struggle against colonial occupation.

Finally, today, because of the Oromo nationalists’ political and armed struggles and their sacrifice in this struggles, and because of patriotic music, songs, and poems of Oromo nationalist artists, every Oromo nationals are standing proud; standing tall declaring “I am Oromo, First.”  As we have seen, when Jawar Mohammed was asked the question, “Are you Oromo, First, or Ethiopian First?” by Femi Oke on Al Jazeera, Jawar responded “I am Oromo, First.”  This response of his sent waves after waves of shocks within Ethiopians/Abyssinians across the globe.  Without spending time, immediately thereafter, the Abyssinians from every corner of globe started character assassination, condemning, insulting and threatening him.  Here one must understand that it is not Jawar Mohammed they hate, but it is his identity they hate.  This has to be understood in terms of Oromoness, the Oromo identity.  Jawar simply told his identity.  For the Abyssinians, this is a crime, punishable by death. They want to bury Jawar Mohammed and his Oromo people under Ethiopian artificial identity.  But, the Oromo have already rejected the Ethiopian identity.  It is in the rejection of Ethiopian identity, the Oromo nationals stood firmly and convincingly in support of Jawar Mohammed and their Oromo identity each declaring “I am Oromo, First.” and collectively declaring, “We are Oromo, First.”

The statement, “I am Oromo First,” however, can also be used by the Ethiopianist Oromo nationals-the Trojan horses within and among the Oromo nationals, to confuse the Oromo public.  For this, it has to be qualified further as to what it means and what it does not mean.  “I am Oromo, First” is a first step in the national struggle.  It is a recognition, acceptance, and re-affirmation of one’s identity.  It only indicates the level of national awareness- to be an Oromo, to be born as an Oromo.  But, national awareness and pride of one’s culture alone may not generate enough enthusiasm to motive nationals to join national liberation movement.  The reason is simply, at this level, most nationals have extremely little knowledge of political matters involved.  It is because of this, some Oromo nationals are attracted to and have found comfort with a political propaganda of “democratization of Ethiopia,” and “federalization of Ethiopia” as preached by Ethiopiawits instead of the struggle for independence of Oromiyaa.  It has to reach the level of national political consciousness.  National consciousness develops enough enthusiasm to motivate nationals to take active role in the national liberation struggle.  If and when the concept of “I am Oromo, first” reaches the level of national consciousness, then the nationals: old and young, will flock in thousands, and in tens of thousands to the Oromo national liberation movement and to the liberation army.  In this case, it has to transcend the level of speeches and slogans to the level of practically taking action.  National consciousness creates grass root devotion to national independence.  Hence national awareness and national consciousness are the pre-conditions in the national liberation struggle.  ”I am Oromo, First” has to be accompanied with I am a subject of Ethiopia, but I am not Ethiopian; I am Oromo for all the times and forever and I stand for and fight for free independent sovereign state of Oromiyaa.  Phrased differently, one has to declare openly and unambiguously one’s identity with and loyalty to the Oromo nation and to Oromiyaa, as one’s country.

All in all, it is important to remind oneself Bob Marley’s timeless revolutionary song that echoes: “Get up, Stand up, Stand up for your rights. Get up, Stand up, don’t give up the fight.” This is an important lesson for those Oromo nationals who have chosen to remain neutral, folding their hands, crossing their legs and closing their eyes refusing to see and refusing to hear their people’s call as Oromiyaa is forcefully taken and undergoing mutilation and as the Oromo people are slaughtered on mass scale in it and to those who left the struggle in despair for lack of courage and failed to stand up to the enemy to fight it.  It is time for you to get up, stand up, shake off your fears and join the Oromo people and their nationalists in the fight for freedom, dignity and independence of your people.

Everyone must engage in fighting the enemy as the Oromo artists have been doing.  The Oromo artists are revolutionizing musical art in order to effectively carry on the fight against the internal saboteurs, collaborators, and the neutralists through revolutionary musical arts as Haacaaluu Hudeessaa’s revolutionary song “Oromiyaa maaltu gadhiisaa” echoing:

“Allayyaan allayyumaa maaltu allayyaa nuu dhufa jedhee; Alagaan alagumaa maaltu alagaadhaan fira jedhee…. Kobbortaa Ormi namaa baadhatu yoo abbaan ofii baadhate malee; Roorroo Orma irraa dhufte, roorroo diina irraa dhufte, maaltu nama dhooga yoo abbaan dhooggate malee…Jabbiloota koo, jabbilota Odaa jalaa kan nama nyaatu nu keessa jira;…Eemulee yaa garba ciisaa biyyaa ofii maaltu gadhiisaa; Oromiyaa maaltu gadhiisaa…”

Artist Haacaaluu addressed the same issues that Bob Marley addressed some forty years ago, in 1973.  That is, the message is the same.  It is to get up, stand up and fight the enemy.  Haacaaluu’s music went on further exposing the internal detractors of the Oromo struggle those who abandoned the objective of the Oromo struggle -independence.  Through his music, Haacaaluu also exposed those who have betrayed their people’s struggle, abandoned their comrades and people for alliance with enemy of their people and country.  In his song, “kan nama nyaatu nu keessa jira” is in reference to those Oromo nationals who have been undermining national unity, internal peace and stability of Oromo political, civic, and social organizations, and those who have been undermining the unity, peace, and harmony within and among the nationalists.  All in all, we all salute the Oromo musical artists for their courage, dedication and uncompromising stance in fighting against the Abyssinian colonial regime, its empire and its Oromo loyalist lackeys.

Oromiyaa Shall BE Free!

=>ayyaantuu

Buufata oduu irraa gara daandii hojiitti (Action) haa jijjiirru

Afomia Yosef Nega irraa | Onkololessa 24, 2013

Afomiya Yosef

“Buufata oduu irraa gara daandii hojiitti (Action) haa jijjiirru“ “Afaan ati haasoftu kun Afaan Simbiraatii (“yewewof Quanqa new inde?”) naan jedhan buddeenaf laga gama ce’een”. Akkuma uummatni Oromoo beeku baroota darban keessa kaayyoo lafa babal’ifachuufi uummata biro koloneeffachuuf akkasumas amala kadhattummaa isaniin kadhaadhaaf gara kibba Etiopiyatti kessumaa naannoo Oromiyaatti godaanaa turan. Isaan kunis waarra Habesha ofiin jedhan maqaa Habashaan daladala lafa Oromiyaa irraatii qarshii buufachaa bara dheeraaf tura. Bakka Amaarri naannoo Oromiyaa keessatti hin godaanne hin jiru jechuun ni danda’ama, haa ta’ulle malee keessumaa naannoolee Arsii, Baalee, Wallaggaa fi Showa akka fakkenyaatti kaasuun in danda’ama. Naannoo Arsii Assallaa fi Baalee Gobbaa ammalle uummatni baay’een Afaan Amharaa dubbachuun kan beekamu yeroo ta’u baay’oliinis kan naanichatti dhalatanii Afaan Oromoo hin beekne hedduutu jiru. Akka fakkeenyaatti barattoota Universitiitti ani waliin baradhe hedduun achii dhufan Afaaan Oromoo hin beekan.

Egaa Afaan beekuun akka carra hafuu ille ni danda’a, garuu jarri kun baadiyaa irra dhufan. Afaan qofa haasa’uunis Oromoo nama jechisiisuu dhiisuu danda’a. Hanga ammaattillee baadiyya Arsii keessaa ‘Mandarri Amhaara’ akka jiru naaf ibsan. Naannoo Showaa keessumaa bakka ‘Addisalem’ jedhamutti mana barnootaa Amaariffaan akka banamuuf hanga qaama naannoo Oromiyaatti(region) iyyata godhachuun beekamu. Isaanifis milka’eera.

Biyya Gondar Jedhamu keessa carraa buddeenaaf gaafan deemu sababan Afaan Oromoo dubbadhuuf waanni narran hin geenye hin jiru. Yoon hunda isinitti hime yeroo fixa, ‘hunda dubbatan dugdan dhungatani’ jedhu mitii. Ani garuu akka hojjetaatti magaala keessatti bilbila kaasee Afaan Oromoon yoon haas’elle nan rifadhan ture. Gaafa tokko hiriyya koo faana osoo Afaan Oromoo haas’aa deemnuu “Afaan ati haasoftu kun Afaan Simbiraatii (“yewewof quanqa newe inde?”) nuun jedhan, jaarsi guddaan nu bukkee deemaa jiran tokko. Akka aadaa keenyaatti jaarsi guddaan hin arrabsamu. Homaa hin deebisneef. Garuu akkas jenneen, ‘Lakki ‘Afaan Oromoo’ haasofne jenneen”. Isa booda akkas jedhanii nuuf deebisani;”ihee ye gala quanqa new ayidel? Nuun jedhan. Itti dabalaniis,”Isu quanqa ahunim tenagaralachewu inde? Ahuun Mengist Amarigna ayideleme indiyaweru yetederegew” jedhani. Umuriin isaanii 65 ta’u. Gaafa biraa immoo mana kireeffadheen ‘Oromoo ta’uukoo torbee lama booda na barani. Isa booda gaafa manni kiraayi ji’aa gahu jaartiin haati manaa balbala irra dhaabattee mucaa ishii tokkoo osuma gurrikoo dhagahuu ,”Hiji abbatuu gaallaan yebet kirrayi beyiihu” jettiin. Kuni bara 2012. Gaafa tokkos bishaan humnaa oli fayyadamte naan jettee erga na arrabsitee booda “Duroos qedime baweke noro indennanteen ayinet ekkoo beeteen alakeraayyim nebere” jette. Akkas jechuun “dursee osoon Oromoo ta’uukee beeka ta’ee mana koo warra akka keessaniif hin kireessu ture” jette. Gaafa biraas osoon Afaan Oromoon bilbila haasofsiisaa deemaa jiruu dhagaa natti darbatanii na reebaniiru.

Egaa kuni waan narra gahan keessaa isa xiqqoodha. Baruma 2013 kana keessaa barsiisaa naannoo Oromiyaa irraa dhufee Gondar University irraa barsiisaa ture tokkos biiroo keessatti reebanii ajjessuuf gaafa jedhani iyyuun ofirraa gadhiifachuu isaa ani raggaadha. Mana yaalaas geessaaa ture. Isa boodas lubbuu isaaf sodatee hojii gadhiisee baqatee bakkanni jiru hin beekamu.

Gara ergaakoo har’aatti yeroon dhufu; Wallagga keessatti fakkenyaaf naannoo laga Guddaa Qeexoo jedhamu Dambo Dollo keessatti ummatni bara Dargii dura Amahara irraa dhufanii buufatan abbaa warraa 500-600 ol ta’an akka jiran waan ani ijakoon argee jirudha. Ummatni naannoos ni beeka. Jarreen kun naannoo Dambi Dolloo qofaatti mandara tokko ta’anii addatti bahanii jiraatu (mandara Amharaa jedhaman). Namni isaanitti dubbatus, namni mirga isaani tuqus hin jiru. Akka barbaadan bahanii galu. Afaan Oromoos hin beekani. Ijoolleen isaaniis Afaan Oromoo hin beekan. Hanga naaanno Oromiyaatti ol iyyachuudhaan Afaan barnootaa gara Amaariffaatti akka jijjiiramu gochuuf gaarri isaan hin dhiibne hin jiru. Keessumaa, kan baay’ee nama dhibu waan isaan jedhanii gaafatan keessaa; nuti Uummatni Amhara naannoo Dambi Dolloo baay’inni keenya waan xiqqaa miti. Ijoolleen keenyaas horaa jiru abba warraa 1000 ta’uuf jirra kan boodas dabalaa deema; kanaaf akkuma Naannoo KAMISEE, ‘Oromiyaa naannoo Addaa Amharaa’ jedhamee akka nuuf adda bahuu jedhanii Region (Naannoo) Oromiyaa gaafatani. Garuu hanga yoonaa hin milkoofne. Jarreen kun naannoo Laga Qeexoo bakka qonnaaf baay’ee mijaa’aa kana uummatni keenya hin arganne irra qubatanii jiru. Laftichis Laga Guddaa Qeexoo kana faana walbukkee waan ta’eef jal’isiif baay’ee kana mijaa’udha. Garuu jarri durumaanuu kadhaadhaan dhufan, hojii hin beekani. Ammallee kadhaa irraa adda hin bane.

Egaa Obbo Shiferaa Shugutee Naannoo Kibbaa, jarreen akkanaa kana ari’uun isaa ni yaadatama. Amhaaraan maaliif Kibba fi Oromiyaa keessa akka qubatan taasifame?? Egaa yaada koo gabaabsuuf, gara magaalaa ‘Dambi Dolloo’ yeroo deemtani seenaa kana namootni gurguddoon isinitti himu. Jara sanas irra deeme ilaalee. Lafa keenyaa ‘Abba koof fi Akaakayyukoo irraa kutanii keennaniif’ jedhanii kan himatanis Oromoo baay’eedha. Jaarsoliin naannoo Dambii Dolloos dhimma kana yeroo gabaabduu ani qabu keessatti naaf ibsan.

Namoonni naannoo osoo beel’anii afaan qabatii taa’u jedhu.Isaan kunis dhiphina lafaan baay’ee rakkachaa jiru. Keessumaa namootni lama ani haasofsiise kunniin akka jedhanitti; ”Silaa warri naannoo Dambi Dollo barumsa qabaniifi baratan karaa nuuf saaqu jennee turre, silaa iyyata barbaachisu osoo nuuf gochuu danda’anii unuu itti deemmanna, sagalee dhageessifanna naan jedhu”… Yoo abbaan iyyate ollan dirmata’ jedhu mitiiree ilmako naan jedhan”.

Namichi Obbo Waggaarii jedhamu akkas jedhanii dubbatan; ani Radio Ameerika nan hordofa, tarii namichi Debuubii (Kibba) sun Warra Amaara deemanii lafa namaa qabatani kana akka ari’e dhagaheen ture; warri kan keenyaa maal ta’ani? Uumatni fi dargaggootni naannoos maal nurratti dhiisan? Lafa abbaakoo ani otoo hin dhaaliin eenyutu Abbayi gamaa dhufee akka dhaaluuf kenneef jedhee hin gaafatuu?“ Jedhan.

Gabaabumatti, mee Warri naannoo ani kaase kana jirtan fi quuqamtoonni Oromoo hundi mee yaada akkamii qabdu? Naannoo Tigray uumatni Amhaaraa qubatani hedduun hin turre warri jiranis, hundi dhiibbaa uummataatiin gadhiisanii arri’amaniiru. Naannoo kibbaas akkasuma gara biyya saaniitti akka galan godhamaniiru. Oromiyaan maaliif diina ofi keessaatti hammattee teessiree? Isaani warri bour Oromoo bulchina jedhanii aangoo gaafatani. Gaafa region’ bira deemnee Afaan keenyaa haasofnu mirgi keenya hin eegamu, ni arrabsamna. Naannoo Oromiyaa keessatti maaliif manni barumsaa warra Naftanyaaf banamee itti baratu? Barattootni Oromoo region Amaahaara deeman gidiraa hedduutu isaani irra gaha, kan isaanii garuu lafa Oromoorraa akkamiin qubatanii jiraatu.

Nuti hanga yoomitti gadiijennee bitamnee oiff akka sareetti ilaalamnee jiraanna?? Qeerroo fi shamarrani keenya bakka jiruutti hojiif haa kaanuu, diina ofi keessaa haa sochoofnu. Manni barnootaa warraa amahaaraa Oromiyaa keessaa gubatee baduu qaba. Oromoon biyya isaa irratti kabajamuu qama. Kan ofi kabajee lafa fi saba keenya kabachiisuus Oromoo hunda keenya, keessumaa dhalootaa haaraa. Ta’uu baannaan, dhalootaa keenyaa garbummaa keenyee darbuu taati !!!

Afomia Yosef

=>ayyaantuu