Friday, June 13, 2014

OPDO DRAFTS A “NEW RESOLUTION” TO SILENCE CRITICS

survellianceoromo(OPride) On June 2, six members of the Oromo People's Democratic Organization (OPDO) cabinet in Dembi Dolo voted to further silence Oromo activists who are opposing Addis Ababa's so-called “integrated development master plan," locals said.
The resolution allows local government agents to intercept any communication with 'suspected' persons.   

Since April 25, students across various Oromia-based universities have been protesting against the Ethiopian capital's expansion, which they say would displace Oromo peasants from vital farmlands to make way for a state-led development. Dozens of student protesters have been killed and many others wounded by security forces. An unknown number of students have been imprisoned or dismissed from their studies in an ongoing security sweep intended to stump out the fervent opposition.

The current resolution, which was formulated by order from the higher echelons of the ruling party to muzzle all forms of dissent in Oromia, has been copied to all zones in the region, according to a resident of Dembi Dollo, who requested anonymity for fear of repercussions. It aims to silence any individual who opposes the master  plan, the source said.

The town of Dembi Dollo serves as the political and economical epicenter of the Kellem Wallaga Zone. It's also one of the towns where the government faced a strong resistance against the proposed master plan. The resolution aims to clampdown on those who “condemn their policies” and also meant to warn the public against any support, the source added. In order to enforce the new directive, the regional government have deployed “more forces from police training camps before they even finish their training,” according to locals.

The resolution gives local authorities the "legal pretext" to eavesdrop on “short message service and mobile internet history" of those suspected of anti-government activities, according to this informant. Locals fear that the unprecedented bill will give pseudo local officials the impunity to lock up critics, real or imagined, at the snake-infested Dhidheesa federal prison.

In a detailed report last April, the Human Rights Watch noted the disproportionate targeting of Oromo activists in Ethiopia’s surveillance program. “A significant number of Oromo individuals have been targeted for unlawful surveillance,” the Human Rights Watch noted. “Those arrested are invariably accused of being members or supporters of the OLF...but in the majority of cases, Oromos were under surveillance because they were organizing cultural associations or trade unions, were involved in celebrating Oromo culture (through music, art, etc.) or were involved in registered political parties.”

The six OPDO cabinet members who conducted last Monday's meeting  Tamrat Kibebu, Abara Mangistu, Qana'a Tadese, Aweqe Dawit, Tesfa Tasama and Fiqadu (father's name not available) unanimously approved the resolution, according to our source.

Dembi Dollo's district 4, dubbed the 'enemy base' by local officials, remains as the vexing point for regional government officials. It has also become normal to hear gunshots in the town, which has left the public in dire situation of insecurity. For instance, last week gun shots were heard three times in District (Kebele 02) behind the old bus station and no one could say who fired the shots and why. The unpredictable state of affairs have also created fear among the local security officers, who are now busy checking their own officers guns, according to local sources.

Human rights groups and activists continue to denounce the killing and arrests of the students and protesters. In its May 13 report, the UK-based Amnesty International noted, “many hundreds of protesters are reported to have been arbitrarily arrested, and are being detained incommunicado and without charge....detainees are at risk of torture.” But the ongoing security clampdown has received little media attention. The current resolution is likely to facilitate the ground for security officers to hunt, arrest and torture all those perceived as a threat.

The Oromo, Ethiopia's single largest ethnic group, make up the majority of the Horn of Africa nation's population. The Ethiopian regime, now in power for two decades, is focused on state-led development that critics say ignores human rights and press freedom. A part of this initiative, the controversial master plan to expand Addis Ababa's territories will convert massive land currently held by subsistence farmers into large-scale industrial zones by uprooting the locals’ livelihoods.

*The writer, Merga Yonas, is a journalist and graduate student of International Media Studies at Deutsche Welle Academy of Bonn Rhein-Sieg University. He can be reached at: yonasmerga@gmail.com



Egypt President to visit Ethiopia within 2 weeks

Egypt President to visit Ethiopia within 2 weeks

Relations between Cairo and Addis Ababa soured last year over Ethiopia's construction of a $6.4-billion hydroelectric dam on the Blue Nile

World Bulletin/News Desk
Newly-inaugurated Egyptian President Abdel-Fattah al-Sisi will visit Ethiopia within the coming two weeks, Ethiopian Foreign Minister Tedros Adhanom said Thursday.
"President al-Sisi will visit Ethiopia and meet with Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn for talks on bilateral relations and the Renaissance Dam, among other issues," Adhanom told Ethiopia's official news agency.
The Egyptian government, for its part, has yet to confirm al-Sisi's visit to Ethiopia.
Relations between Cairo and Addis Ababa soured last year over Ethiopia's construction of a $6.4-billion hydroelectric dam on the Blue Nile. The project has raised alarm bells in Egypt, which relies on the river for almost all its water needs.
Water distribution among Nile Basin states has long been regulated by a colonial-era treaty – which Ethiopia says it has never acknowledged – that gives Egypt and Sudan the lion's share of river water.
During his inauguration speech on Sunday, al-Sisi said he would not allow the dam's construction to adversely affect Egypt's relations with Ethiopia or other African countries – a gesture that was welcomed by Addis Ababa.
Adhanom described al-Sisi's statements as a "turning point" in Egypt's position.
He went on to say that an Ethiopian delegation – consisting of lawmakers and representatives of religious institutions, media outlets and the private sector – would soon visit Egypt.
"The move [dispatching the delegation] aims to boost relations between the Egyptian and Ethiopian people," Adhanom said. "We expect the visit will help boost diplomatic relations with Egypt."

Thursday, June 12, 2014

Humna Waraanaa Oromoo cimsuun gaafii yeroo waan ta’eef deebii hatattamaa argachuu qaba

Abdii Boruutiin | Waxabajjii 12, 2014
Barreeffama kiyya kan isa kana duraa keessatti waayee barbaachisummaa cimina qabsoo hidhannoo kaasee waanan tureef, har’as dhimmuma kana ilaalchisee yoon barreeffama kana dhiyeessu, Abdii Boruu waan barreessu dhabeeti waayeedhuma waraanaa faarsaa jedhanii namootni tokko tokko na qeequu malu yookaanis ammoo dhimmi kun nuffisiisaa isaanitti ta’uu danda’a jedheen yaada. Haa ta’u malee, waayee qabsoo hidhannoo fi jabeessuu waraana Oromoo yoo har’a hin kaasne yoomiyyuu kaasuu akka hin dandeenyen hubadha. Yeroon ammaa, yeroo waraanni Oromoo (Waraanni Bilisummaa Biyyoolessaa Oromoo), kan har’a diina injifatee, bilisummaa fi abbaabiyyummaa keenya deebisuuf wabii ta’u fi boru ammoo biyya keenya eeguu danda’u, itti ijaaramuu fi cimu ta’uu qaba jedheen amana. Akkuma mata dureen ibsu, gaafiin kunis dhugumatti gaafii yeroo ammaa jabaa waan ta’eef, otuu yeroon hin kennaminiif kan uummata Oromootiin deebii hatattamaa argatu ta’uu qaba.
Maaliif humna waraanaa cimsuu akka nu barbaachisu sababaalee baay’ee kaasuun ni danda’ama. Haa ta’u malee sababaalee gurguddoo tokko tokko kaasuun yaala.
Tokkoffaa, Wayyaanotni kan uummata Oromoorratti roorroo hamma kana hin jedhamne dalagaa jiran, akka yeroo tokko tokko dubbatamutti sodaa uummata keenyarraa qabaatanii otuu hin taane, sababni inni guddaa fi hangafti waan nu tuffataniifi. Kun tuffii dha! Waraan cimaa fi abdachiisaa yoo qabaanne garuu gochaa diinaa kana dura dhaabbachuun waan danda’amuuf tuffiin kun akkanatti cimuu hin danda’u. Gaaf sana nu sodaachuu danda’u jechuu dha.
Mee fakkeenyaaf haa jennuu, nama tokko kan ittiroorrisani fi akka barbaadan isa godhan, waan nama kana sodaataniif otuu hin taane, waan humna isaa tuffatanii fi silaa maal nu godhuu danda’a jedhanii yaadaniif ykn beekaniifi. Wayyaanotnis uummata keenya akkanumatti ilaalu jechuu dha. Dhugaa dha, uummatni kun otuu carraa argate, akka galaanaa waan isaanirra garagaluuf, Habashootni kana hubachuudhaan sodaa qabaachuu akka danda’an waan nama shakkisiisuu miti. Haa ta’u malee, uummatni keenya har’a carraa sana akka hin qabne fi humni isaan sodaachisus akka hin jirre waan beekaniif, tuffiirraa kan madde, Wayyaanotni akka barbaadanitti uummata keenyatti taphachaa jiru.
Lammaffaa, har’a Wayyaanotni nama-nyaataan kun uummata keenya kaan ajjeesaa, kaan mana hidhaa keessatti dararaa, kaan biyyarraa baqachiisaa, kaan lafa isaarraa buqqisanii kadhataa godhaa, ofii isaaniitiif garuu biyya teenya fi dachee teenyarratti abbaa biyyaa fi abbaa qabeenyaa nurratti ta’anii; nu nyaachaa otuu jiranuu, isaan otuu hin quufin, Obboleewwan isaanii dabaree eeggatanii Oromummaa fi Oromiyaa balleessuuf waan qophii guddaa godhaa jiraniif; badiin kana caalu akka nurra hin geenye, har’a waraana jabaa qabaachuun dirqama ta’a.
Sadaffaa, yoo waraanni jabaan jiraate, xinnaatee yoo xinnaate lolee lafa qabchuu kan hin dandeenyellee yoo ta’e, yeroo uummatni keenya tokkummaadhaan ka’anii harka duwwaa diinaan falman kana, warra lammiilee keenya ajjeesan adabee gumaa namoota keenya battalumatti baasuu kan danda’u yoo ta’e, diina sodaachisee; uummata keenyatti ammoo hamilee gudda uumuu waan danda’uuf, sochiin uummata keenyaas caalaatti akka cimu taasisa.  Namni abdii tokko duubaa qabu, sodaa qabaachuu hin danda’u. Humni naaf mirmatu na bira ykn na duuba jira jedhee waan abdatuuf, waan ka’eef sana hamma bakkaan ga’utti duubatti hin deebi’u jechuu dha.
Afraffaa, yoo waraanni Oromoo jabaan jiraate, kan biraa hafee lammiileen Oromoo kan waraana Wayyaanee keessa jiranillee dafanii humna keenyatti makamuuf hamilee horatu. OPDOnillee walba taatee gara qabsoo uummata Oromootti deebi’uuf kun carraa uumuufii danda’a.
Asirratti wanti hubatamuu danda’u tokko, kan OPDO jiraachisu fi tajaajiltuu Wayyaanee taatee akka ittifuftu taasisu gargar hiramuu fi laafina ABO ti. Otuu ABOn cimaa ta’ee yookaanis otuu waraannii Oromoo jabaa fi abdachiisaan jiraatee, OPDOn qaata ofii isaaniitiifuu ofjijjiiranii jijjiirama tokko agarsiisuu danda’u turan jedheen yaada. Laaffachuun mooraa ABO fi waraan Oromoo jabaa fi abdachiisaa dhabuun keenya waa hundaaf, karaa hundaan nu saaxile. Asirratti waan dhiyoo kana OMN irratti lammiileen Oromoo, kan mana hidhaa Wayyaanee keessatti dararamaa turan, dubbatan tokkon yaadadha. Bara 2008, yeroo ABOn bakkee lamatti addaan hiramu fi kan duraanii wajjin gareen sadi uumamu sana, Oromootni mana hidhaa turan bakkee lamatti akka qoodamanii fi erga ABOn nuti abdannu sun akkana ta’ee hafee; nutis kan maqaa ABOtiin yakkamnee hidhamne, waan dhugaa hin taanes amannee fudhannee, Wayyaanee dhiifama gaafachuudhaan as keessaa bayuu qabna jedhanii, abdii kutachuudhaan akka waliin mormaa turan, lammiileen kun gaafii fi deebii OMN irratti dubbatanii turan.
Shanaffaa, yoo waraanni Oromoo jabaan jiraate, haa turu haa daddafu malee, qabsoo bilisummaa kana galii hawwamu tokkotti geessuun waan nama abdachiisuuf, jaarmayootni keenya, kan kaayyoo adda addaa qaban, akka ilaalcha siyaasaa fi ayidoolojii isaaniitti gara gara hiramanii mooraan keenya akka laafu hin godhan turan jedheen amana. Humni mooraa keenyaa, keessumaayuu humni hidhataan jabaa ta’e dhabamuun, qabsoon tun akka laaffattu taasise. Qabsoon laaffachuun isaa ammoo karaa tokkoon akka diinni nu tuffatu yoo taasisu, karaa biraatiin ammoo ayyaanlaallatummaa fi gantummaaf carraa uuma. Walumaagalatti, waraana jabaa qabaachuun jaarmayoonni keenya akka gara gara hin hiramne fi abdii kutannoon hin uumamne taasisa jechuu dha. “Namni galeen nyaadha jedhu, hin beelayu” jedha Oromoon yoo makmaaku.
Egaa, maaliif humna waraanaa Oromoo cimsuun barbaachisaa akka ta’e sababaalee tokko tokko tuttuquu yaalee jira. Kanatti aansee akkamitti waraana jabaa ijaaruu akka dandeenyu gabaabumatti qabxiilee tokko tokko ibsuun yaala. Waraana qabsoo bilisummaa Oromoo, asitti Waraana Bilisummaa Biyyoolessaa Oromoo (Oromo National Liberation Army) kanan jedhu, filannoo (Options) lamaanijaaruun ni danda’ama jedheen yaada.
Filannoo tokkoffaa: Waraana Bilisummaa Oromoo (WBO) amma jiru jabeessuu, cimsuu fi bifa biraatiin ykn bifa haaraatiin ijaaruu dha.
Rakkoon asirratti mul’achuu malu garuu, WBOn ammaaf ABO dhaan ijaaramee ABO dhaan ajajamaa waan jiruuf, WBO jabeessuuf tarii namootni keenya jabina fi ofhaaromsuu ABO haalduree godhuu malu. Kun akka ilaalcha kiyyaatitti dhugaa dhas. Gara biraatiin ammoo, WBO amma jiru jabeessuu jechuun akka waan ABO garee tokkoo deeggaruu ta’uutti waan ilaalamuuf, namootni jaarmayaa (garee) kanarraa abdii hin qabne ykn sababa fedheenuu haa ta’uu isaanirra mufaatii qaban, WBO jabeessuuf waan ofqusatan ta’uu malu jedheen yaada. Furmaatni rakkoo kanaa inni tokko fi guddaan garuu ABOn of haaromsee bifa biraatiin tooftaa, tarsiimoo fi caasaa haaraa ta’een (keessumaayuu caasaa hogganummaa) cimsee argamuu fi hojiidhaan agarsiisuu qaba. Deebisee uummata Oromootti abdii horachiisuu qaba jechuu dha.
Filannoo lammaffaa: Waraana Biyyoolessaa Oromoo walaba ta’e, akkuma meediyaa walabaa, OMN kan caasaa addaatiin ijaaramu fi socha’u haaraa ijaaruu dha.
Kun akka yaadaatti salphaa haa fakkaatu malee, hojiidhaan agarsiisuun ulfaataa akka ta’u nan hubadha. Haa ta’u malee, WBO amma jirus yoo ta’e, maallaquma uummata Oromoorraa argamuun xinnaatus baay’atus sochaa’aa jira ykn socha’uu danda’a malee gargaarsi qaama biraarraa argamu waan jiru natti hin fakkaatu. Kanaaf, uummatni keenya, keessumaayuu uummatni biyyoota ambaa jiraatan, tokkummaa fi kutannoodhaan yoo ka’an, maallaqa buusuudhaan Waraanni Biyyoolessaa Oromoo haaraan akka ijaaramu godhuun waan hin danda’amneef sababni ni jira jedhee hin yaaadu. Egaa kun projaktii guddaa wareegama guddaa gaafatu waan ta’eef, kutannoo lammiilee Oromoo hundaa gaafata. Waayee kana yeroo biraa bal’inaan itti deebi’uun yaala.
Egaa, gara xumura barruu kiyyaatti deemuuf, waraanni Oromoo (Waraanni Bilisummaa Biyyoolessaa Oromoo  – Oromo National Liberation Army) jabaa fi cimaan tokko yoo ijaarame, lolee lafa qabatee diina injifachuu yoo dadhabellee, sadarkaa duraarratti, uummata keessatti argamee kan roorroo diinaa lammiilee keenya irraa ittisu, kan battalumatti gochaa diinaa hordofee gumaa lammiilee keenyaa baasuu danda’u; kan gutumaa guututti Oromiyaa keessatti bakkee hundatti socha’u ta’uu qaba jedheen yaada. Humna ittisaa (self-defence force) jechuu dha.Yoo Oromoon kutatee ka’e; yoo akkuma yeroo ammaa mul’achaa jiru tokkummaan keenya akka uummataatti cimaa deeme; yoo karaa danda’amu hundaan Oromoon hunduu dirqama Oromummaa ba’an, har’a taankii fi xayyaara waraanaa argachuu ykn qabaachuu baannus, meeshaa waraanaa gargaarsa Oromootiin bitamu fi kan diinarraa booji’amuunuu diina hamma funyaaniitti hidhate kana jilbiiffachiisuun waan hin danda’amneef hin jiru. Kutannoo qofaa nu barbaachisa. Uummata kutatetu gabrummaa keessaa of baasuu danda’a. Oromoon wal malee firas ta’ee gargaarsa biraa akka hin qabne hubachuu qabna. Kanaaf, qabeenyuma fi gargaarsa keenyaan waraana Oromoo jabaa haa ijaarrannu. Kana godhuuf ammoo yeroon isaas amma.
Galatoomaa!
Abdii Boruu: aboruu@gmail.com

Sidama is Under Siege following SLM/Medrek’s permission to Demonstrate TPLF’s Unconstitutionality!

Kukissa, Sidama Reporter from Sidama Capital Hawassa,

The arduous journey of Sidama Liberation Movement (SLM) and Medrek (the coalition of opposition parties) demanding permission of the rulers to assert their right of peacefully demonstrating the recent massacre of Oromo civilians and others crimes TPLF’s regime has committed and is committing against the Oromo, Sidama, Ogadenia, Hadiya, Gambela, Benshangul, Kambata, Kaffisho and Shakichcho, Gedeo and others peoples of nations and nationalities- was finalised with implausible permission with attached preconditions. The authorities of TPLF’s rulers were eventually obliged to concede after postponing it for over a month due to a hard work of SLM/Mederek coalition whose leadership knocked at the doors of the authorities on daily basis defying odds and intimidation; the reason they were only allowed to hold their demonstration on the 10th of June 2014.

Even TPLF’s Sidama and regional authorities tried to hide from SLM/Medrek’s leadership until the last minute when they were boldly told by the gallant SLM/Medrek leadership that they never accept further deceits and delays as long as the Constitution allows them to follow the procedures and policies laid out to bypass the permission of the government after satisfying the necessary requirements- which has been done over a month ago.

The following report sent on 11th of June 2014 speaks volume.

የሲዳማ አርነት ንቅናቄ (ሲአን/መደረክእና የሀዋሳ ከተማ አሰተዳደር /ቤት ፊጥጫ ያለፉት ሰባት ቀጠሮ እንደተመላለሰው ዛሬም የሲአን/መደረክአመራሮች የከንቲባ /ቤት በሄዱበት ጊዜ ጧዋት የከንቲባው አማካር አቶ በላይነህ ተሾመና የከንቲባ /ቤት ኃላፊ አቶ በላይ በቀለ አገኝቶበተነጋገሩቤት ጊዜ አሁንም እንደተለመደው ተነጋግረን እንመልሳለን ስሉ:

የሲአን/መደረክ አመራሮች እኛ ደብዳቤ ካስገባን ቆይቶአል በህጉ መሰረት 48 ሳዓት አልፎል ይሁን እንጅ ዛሬ የሚንጠየቀቹ ህጋብ ለመሆን ነው; አሁንከሰጣቹን ሲጡን አለብለዛ ከቢሮ አንወጣም ስሉ ጊዜ ከሳዓት ከከንቲባው ጋር ተነጋግረን እንመልሰቸ ብሎ ከሳዓት ሲሄዱ ከንቲባው ስብሰባ ሰለገባደብዳቤ እኛው እናመጣለን ስሉ እዚህ ቆልፋቹን ሄዱ እንጅ አንሄድም ብሎ ከሲጨነቁ ቦኃላ ስብሰባ ገባ የተባሉት ከንቲባው መጥቶ አሁን ስብሰባአለን ነገ ኑና በደብዳቤ እንመልሰቸው ብሎ እንድመለሱ አድረጎኦል::

የእነሱ ፊላጎት ለሰልማዊ ሰልፉ ቅስቀሳ እንድያደረጉ አንድ ቀን ሲቀር እንሰጣለን ብሎ እያመላለሱ ነው ፡፡ ይሁን እንጅ ሲአን/መደረክ ሲዳማ ዞን በሃያአንዱም ወረዳ  ሀዋሳ ከተማና አጎራባች የኦሮሚያ ክልል ዛሬ ቅስቀሳውን እያደረገ መዋሉን ከፓርቲው የወጣ መረጃ ለማወቅ ተችሎአል ፡፡የሰኔ 7ሰልማዊ ሰልፍ የደመቀ እንድሆን ከፍተኛ ዝግጅት አድረጎ ጭርሶአል::

ሀዋሳ ከተማ እና አጎራባች ወረዳዎች የሚትገኙ ሁሉ ሰላማዊ ሰልፉ ላይ እንትገኙ ሲአን /መደረክ ጥረ አሰተላልፎአል፡፡

Following the permission of the demonstration for the 14th of June 2014, TPLF/EPRDF’s regime army, others several hundreds of undercover security forces, federal and regional police regime sponsored terrorists involving Agi’azi (TPLF’s assassins and peaceful demonstrators’ killing machines) are said to be roaming on the streets of the Sidama capital Hawassa and its outskirts since the 11th of June 2014. The numbers of the said TPLF’s peaceful civilians’ terrorising agents are said to be equivalent to the numbers of Hawassa dwellers.

Meanwhile, the regime also has restricted the roots of planned marches of the demonstrators for Saturday, from accessing and passing through the central part of the city to the less popular parts. Additionally, the regime’s Sidama messengers are assigned to organise various conferences for the entire Sidama civil servants for 14th June 2014 with the aim of blocking civil servants from taking parts on Saturday’s SLM/Medrek demonstration. The aforementioned ill-conceived conferences the regime’s messengers have organised will take place at Fuura Rural Development Studies Institute (Hirgaalamete Katamira), 40 km away from Hawssa.

Besides, the organisers (SLM/Medrek) are hundred per cent confident that the wider Sidama, Oromo, and the peoples of others nations and nationalities will take part defying odds and denounce the criminal actions of the regime in power and demand the regime to stop its current plan of uprooting Oromo peasants from the outskirts of Finfinnee also called Addis Ababa (under the guise of Master Plan), and the Sidama from Hawassa outskirts in addition to others critical points the demonstrators unanimously raise. The intimidation strategy of the regime by accumulating its army, federal and regional police including Agi’azi’s killing machines shouldn’t be destructing hurdle to the participation of the wider peoples of nations and nationalities who are all deprived of their basic rights to assembly and freedom of expression.

Both SLM and Medrek are considered to be at loggerheads with the current TPLF’s democracy decorated brutal regime, therefore the regime leave no stone unturned to intimidate its leadership and members as it feels that SLM/Medrek’s unity is a serious threat to its interests in Sidama land, Oromia and others southern areas’ and ultimately to its survival.

SLM/Medrek kindly invites all to take part defying regimes unconstitutional actions. This message must be communicated between the Oromo, Sidama, Ogadenia, Gedeo, Hadiya and Kambata Diasporas and their grass root communities back home to enable them to be a full part of this movement.

Kukkissa, Sidama Reporter from Hawassa, June 12, 2014

SEENAA Y.G (2005): Gaaffiin Oromoo, Finfinnee, Raayyaa, Walloo, Dirree-dawaa, Sooddoo … Tokkodha

SEENAA Y.G(2005)
Dhiigni ilmaan Oromoo baroota dheeraaf dhangala’aa turee jiru, qoosaa miti. Hiwaatoonni har’a, gaaffii ummatootaa ofitti fudhaatii, ofittummaa keessan ija baase kana gataatii, Angoo siyaasaa kan haqa qabu waliin ykn kan Ummati Filateen qooddadhaatii hegaree keessan tolchaa jedhamanii wayita gorfaman, deebiin isaan kennan, “eenyu kan dhiigaan fide, eenyutu kaardiin dabarsee kannaa” kan jedhuudha. Dhiigni isaanii akkas isaan marara taanaan, dhiigni kan biraa mirga isaaf dhangalaasus isaan mararuu qaba ture. Kana ta’uu hanqachuu isaatiin, dhiigni dhangalaasaa turan, akka isaan yaadanitti kan hegaree isaanii tolchu odoo hin taanee, kan isaan dhabamsiisuudha.
Egaa nuutis Gaaffii Oromoo dhiigni barootaaf dhangalaafamee fi dhangalaafamaa jiru, Bishaan miti. Dhiiga namaa, isayyuu Ummata kabajamaa kanaati. Kanaaf gaaffiin isaa osoo hin sharafamnee deebii quubsaa argachuu qaba. Kana dhugeessuuf ammoo yeroo kanatti Oromoon humna itti qaba. Sadrakaan dammaqiinsaa fi hubannoo Ilmaan Oromoo walii gala keessajiran, kan barbaadamu ol ta’aa dhufeera. Kun ammoo diinaaf yaaddoo ta’uun hin shakkisiisu. Firaaf garuu gammachuudha. Dantaa ofii irra kan dursu tokkollee hin jiru. gaaffiin keenya gaaffii haqaati.
Har’a wayyaaneen Ummata kana gama kamiinuu dhaabuu akka hin dandeenye hubattee jirti. Kan yeroo kanatti nu barbaachisu, gaaffii keenya humnaan deeggarree itti fufudha. Bara chaartaraa Kaartaan Oromiyaa wayita murteeffamu, Ilmaan Oromoo yeroo san turan gammachuu guutuu akka irraa hin qabaatiin beekamaadha. Gammachuu guutu maa dhabaniin, Oromoof hundaaf ibsuun hin barbaachisu ture. Hanqina qabu kan wallaalu hin ture. Garuu carraa jiruun OROMIYAA kan jedhamtu fudhachiisuuf, Addunyaatti beeksiisuuf toftaa gabaabaa itti fayyadamii kan itti gargaaramaniidha. Kanatti mikaa’uun isaanii shakkii hin qabu. Sadarkaan har’a irra jirru ammoo, yeroo Ummata keenya fedhii isaan alatti nurraa muramee, mirga Umamaa isaa dhabee dhiphachaa jiru saniif dubbachuu fi gaafachuu irra geenye jirra.
Wayyaaneen mirga ani kenne jettu keessaa inni guddaa fi holola ol aanaa taasifataa jirtu, Namni kamuu Afaan dhaloota isaan hojjachuu, barachuu kkf guutummaatti mirkaneesseera isa jedhuudha. Garuu har’a, OROMOOn FINFINNEE, DIRREE-DAWAA, RAAYYAA, SOODDOO, WALLOO kkf keessa jiran, mirga kana sarbamanii jiran. Yoo kan saboota biroo kaafnes,BEENSHAANGUL, UMMATOONNI KIBBAA, GAAMBEELLAA kkf, mirga wayyaaneen baantu kana guyyaa saafaa sarbamanii, AFAAN AMAARAANrakkataa jiran.
Miniilik finfinneetti wayita duulu, Oromoota 3000 ol galaafateera. Har’a ammoo hammeenyi wal fakkaataa Finfinnee keessaa ba’ee, Magaaloota Finfinnee marsanitti ce’ee jira. Wayyaaneen yeroo qabsoo eegalte kaastee dhiibbaan Ummata Raayyaa irratti raawwatte lakkaa’ame hin dhumu. Bara beelaa sana Ummata kuma 60 tti lakkaa’amu bakka isaanii irraa buqqiftee, Sudaanitti baqachiisuu seenaatu dubbata. Kunis lafa sana ofii dhuunfachuuf yaadu irraati. Kana malees, humna waraanaa Hiwaat keessatti hiriira duraa irratti hiriiranii rasaasaan kan dhuman Ilmaan Raayyaati. Har’allee kanuma. Itti aanee ilmaan Tanben jedhamantu dhuma. Tigiraayi keessatti hojiileen misooma tokkolee kan keessatti hin gaggeefamiin, garuu warshaa biiraa qabeenyaa ummataa saamuuf tolfamuuf Raayyaadha. Ummati kun aadaanis ta’uu jireenya hawaasummaan Ummata Tigiraayi irraa addadha. Isaanu ni sodaatu. Gaaffiin isaanii gaaf tokko ka’uun hin hafu jedhanii waa tokko illee hin hojjanneef. Mana maree Tigiraayi keessatti barcuma sagalee tokkollee hin qabne lama qaban.
Walloon dhiiga Oromooti. Garuuhar’a mirga Umamaa wayyaaneen itt hololtu sarbameera. Obbolaa isaa irraa adda ba’ee jiraataa jira. Hojiin misoomaa isa ilaallatu tokkollee hin jiru. Dirree Dawaanis hadhuura Godinaa bahaa keenyaati. Garuu Ixaana halgaatu irra garmaama. Kanaaf, Ummata keenya kanaaf gaafii kaasuun, rakkoo isaanii dhageesisuufin nurraa eegama. Gaaffii isaanii kanatti dhageetti horuun hojii keenya dabalataa haa ta’u. Kanaafan, GAAFFIIN OROMOO,FINFINNEE, RAAYYAA, WALLOO, DIRREE DAWAA, SOODDOO …kkf irratti qabuTOKKODHA! kanan jedheef.
GALATOOMAA!
HORAA BULAA!

Wednesday, June 11, 2014

Hameressa Mass Grave: Background

Hameressa 8This past Sunday , June 8, 2014 workers clearing land at the former  Hameressa military camp stumbled on human skeletons, incidentally unearthing one of the most gruesome mass murder  committed against the Oromo people.   Pictures and videos of what discovered and public reaction to it has been circulating on the internet.   When did the mass killing happen? Who committed it and who were the victims? The following is information pieced together by speaking to survivors, former prisoners, individuals who worked  at the military camp as cooks, elders who live in the vicinity and other first hand witnesses of the area.
The military camp was used under two regimes: Dergue  and TPLF.  Hence mass killing and executions of political prisoners took place at this location under two consecutive regimes in span of two and half decades.

Under Dergue: The 1990 mass killing
Dergue began using the military camp as prison during the Somali-Ethiopia war and increased its usage during the Red Terror. Fitted with underground jail cells and heavily fortified it was one of the most secure prisons whereby once a person is thrown in, the chance to escape alive unimaginable.  Suspected insurgents, farmers, students  and military officers who fell out with the regime were  kept at the camp. People arrested from as far as Bale and Afar were brought in and very few survived the harsh treatment and execution.
However, the major mass killing took place in late 1990 just months before downfall of the regime. Most of the victims were Oromos  who returned from Somalia refugee camps. From 1960s onward due to the political crisis, conflict and persecution, some 200,000 Oromos were forced to flee to Somalia. Most of these refugees came from Hararge, Arsi, Bale,  Borana, Wallo and Guji areas that were affected by Bale Oromo movement of 1960s,  the Ethio-Somali war and  the OLF insurgency . The refugee community was mostly hosted in Hargiesa ( now capital of Somaliland) and Borema  and  Saba’ad refugee camps.
As Said Bare’s regime was losing grip on power, Hargeisa and other areas fell to the Somalia National Movement,  a rebel group that was supported by the Ethiopian government. As a tactic to weaken OLF, the  rebels attacked the refugee camps forcing Oromos to flee back to their homeland. The returnees were met with the Dergue officials and military commanders on the border. The officials assured them of safe passages to their areas of origin and fair treatment once they reach there. However the promise began to breakdown once the refugees crossed the border. They were told to gather in one place for transportation. Then security officers began identifying and selecting individuals. They selected about 7,000  individuals, mostly young men and women , known elders and spiritual leaders. ( This number is given by an elder who mediated  between the regime and the refugee community representatives and confirmed by survivors). They were told that the government wanted to conduct further investigation in order clear them and let them go. Then they were loaded to military trucks and taken to Hameressa military camp. ( Few ‘high value’ prisoners were taken to prisons  in Dire Dawa, Harar and Addis Ababa). Death as a result of contagious  disease, malnutrition, torture, and execution was a daily event in the camp. An elder in the nearby village recalls that  farmers in the vicinity had to stop their work as they were made busy burying prisoners handed to them by the military.
At the mean time the regime was losing grip over the country very fast and  armed confrontation between the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) and the Dergue army was intensified in rural districts. In a week leading to the mass killing, OLF fighters overrun several outlying military posts. The causality on the government side was said to be severe. General Getachew Gedamu, who  was in charge of the security operation in Harage  at the time, said to have lost personal friends and family members. He and the rest of the military officers  also panicked due to possible fall of Harar town to the rebels’ hand. Consequently, they began angrily executing high profile  prisoners during the day. When the night fell, they brought in five bulldozers from the city and  dug up huge hole outside the compound at place called Sharif Kalid. First, they loaded up bodies of those  who were killed during the day.  Then they tied up the remaining prisoners and told them to line up facing the hole. They fired on them from behind. Many of the victims were thrown in alive. The bulldozers put back the soil on the top. It was said that, the next morning, food prepared for prisoners had to be dumped as there were just few of them were still there. Its not possible to ascertain the exact number of people buried on the ground that night. However only few of those refugees who were transported from the Somalia border were ever to be seen again.
Among  individuals whom we  have been able to confirm were kept in Hameressa and  killed on that fateful night.
  • Mustafa Abdi (Harawe), an Oromo singer
  • Haji Mohammed Dolal of Laga Mixee , a well known religious scholar and key leader of the refugee community in Somalia.
  • Usman Keyrullah  ( from Laga Hama)
  • Sufiyan Mohammed Sule  and his sister  Kimiya  ( from  Fal’aana)
  • Momo Adam ( from Haban)
  • Mohammed Ammee ( from  Hursoo)
  • Fatiya Haji Ahmedo ( whose father and 36 of family were victims of another mass killing 10 years earlier in Daro Labu District)
  • Haji Dadi  Tarre  (  from Tumtu Furdaa, Gololcha District of Arsi)
  • Abdoo Katabee ( from Gaara Mul’ataa)

Hameressa under TPLF Control
After the fall of the Dergue, the Hameressa military garrison was taken over by the TPLF army’s Eastern Command led by Samora Yunos,  the current Army Chief of Staff.  Samora used the Hameressa camp as his operational headquarters.  The TPLF at the time was engaged  in fighting against the OLF in 1990s. In 1992, TPLF army arrested tens of thousands people for alleged membership and support of OLF.  This swift mass arrest was facilitated by the infamous disarmament and encampment of OLF’s Eastern Command as part of the transitional period deal. Most of those arrested jailed at the Hurso military camp located not far from Hameressa. Upto 20,000 people are said to have been kept there at the height of the mass arrest. Once screened in Hurso, ‘high valued’ prisoners were transferred to the headquarters in Hameressa for intensive interrogation and keep them secured. A former prisoner who was kept there until late 1990s recalls death of 84 people from one section of the prison where some 500 prisoners were housed.  TPLF continued to use this prison, particularly its underground jail cells upto mid-2000s. Residents who were present during the recent discovery claim seeing less decomposed bodies compared to older ones. This might a reason why the current regime who  is often eager to expose crimes committed by its predecessors has tried to suppress publicity of the discovery of the mass grave.
Note that the main mass grave at  Sharif Khalid has not been fully unearthed during the recent discovery. The remains that were exposed appears to be either on the periphery of the mass grave or those of smaller, isolated killings.
Residents of the area now demand the government to
  • Stop the planned construction the site
  • Help conduct proper excavation to  identify the remain so that the loved ones can give them proper burial and get closure
  • Declare the place hallowed ground and  erect memorial statue in order to preserve the historical memory
The initial response by the government was to deploy its notorious ‘federal police’ paramilitaries to forcefully remove elders camped on the site. However, facing growing resistance, it appears to back down from the construction. It has yet to respond to the remaining two demands.

Ethiopia’s Police State: The Silencing of Opponents, Journalists and Students Detained

By Paul O’Keeffe

Detention under spurious charges in Ethiopia is nothing new. With the second highest rate of imprisoned journalists in Africa[1] and arbitrary detention for anyone who openly objects to the Ethiopian Peoples’ Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) regime’s despotic iron fist, the Western backed government in Addis Ababa is a dab hand at silencing its critics.
Eskinder Nega and Reeyot Alemu are just two of the country’s more famous examples of journalists thrown in prison for daring to call the EPRFD out on their reckless disregard for human rights. This April the regime made headlines again for jailing six[2] bloggers and three more journalists on trumped up charges of inciting violence through their journalistic work. Repeated calls for due legal process for the detainees from human rights organisations and politicians, such as John Kerry, have fallen on deaf ears as they languish in uncertainty awaiting trial. This zero-tolerance approach to questioning of government repression is central to the EPRDF’s attempts to control its national and international image and doesn’t show much signs of letting up.
Stepping up their counter-dissent efforts the regime just this week detained another journalist Elias Gebru – the editor-in-chief of the independent news magazine Enku. Gebru’s magazine is accused of inciting student protests[3] which rocked Oromia state at the end of April. The magazine published a column which discussed the building of a monument[4] outside Addis Ababa honouring the massacre of Oromos by Emperor Melinik in the 19th century. The regime has tried to tie the column with protests against its plans to bring parts of Oromia state under Addis Ababa’s jurisdiction. The protests, which kicked off at Ambo University and spread to other parts of the state, resulted in estimates[5] of up to 47 people being shot dead by security forces.
Ethiopia has a history of student protest movements setting the wheels of change in motion. From student opposition to imperialism in the 1960s and 1970s to the early politicisation of Meles Zenawi at the University Students’ Union of Addis Ababa.  The world over things begin to change when people stand up, say enough and mobilise. Ethiopia is no different. Similar to its treatment of journalists Ethiopia also has a history of jailing students and attempting to eradicate their voices. In light of such heavy handed approaches to dissent the recent protests which started at Ambo University are a telling sign of the level discontent felt by the Oromo – the country’s largest Ethnic group. Long oppressed by the Tigrayan dominated EPRDF, the Oromo people may have just started a movement which has potential ramifications for a government bent on maintaining its grip over the ethnically diverse country of 90 million plus people.
Students and universities are agents of change and the EPRDF regime knows this very well. The deadly backlash from government forces against the student protesters in Oromia in April resulted in dozens[6] of protesters reportedly being shot dead in the streets of Ambo and other towns in Oromia state. Since the protests began scores more have been arbitrarily detained or vanished without a trace from campuses and towns around the state. One student leader, Deratu Abdeta  (a student at Dire Dawa University) is currently unlawfully detained in the notorious Maekelawi prison for fear she may encourage other students to protest. She is a considered at high risk of being tortured.
In addition to Ms. Abdeta many other students are suspected of being unlawfully detained around the country. On May 27th 13 students were abducted from Haramaya University by the security forces. The fate of 12 of the students is unknown but one student, Alsan Hassan, has reportedly committed suicide by cutting his own throat all the way to the bones at the back of his neck after somehow managing to inflict bruises all over his body and gouging out his own eye. His tragic death became known when a local police officer called his family to identify the body and told them to pay 10,000 Birr ($500) to transport his body from Menelik hospital in Addis Ababa to Dire Dawa town in Oromo state.  Four of the other students have been named as Lencho Fita Hordofa, Ararsaa Lagasaa, Jaaraa Margaa, and Walabummaa Goshee.
Detaining journalists and students without fair judicial recourse may serve the EPRDF regime’s short term goal of eradicating its critics. However, the reprehensible silencing of opponents is one sure sign of a regime fearful of losing its vice-like grip. Ironically the government itself has its own roots in student led protests in the 1970s. No doubt it is well aware that universities pose one of the greatest threats to its determination to maintain power at all costs. Countless reports of spies monitoring student and teacher activities on campus, rigid curriculum control and micro-managing just who gets to study what are symptoms of this. The vociferous clamp-down on student protesters is another symptom and just the regime’s latest attempt to keep Ethiopia in a violent headlock. The regime would do well to remember that stress positions cause cramps and headlocks can be broken. It can try to suppress the truth but it can’t try forever.
Paul O’Keeffe is a Doctoral Fellow at Sapienza University of Rome. His research focuses on Ethiopia’s developing higher education system.