Thursday, July 10, 2014

Ethiopia: End the onslaught on dissent as arrests continue


The Ethiopian authorities are using a repressive Anti-Terror law as a pretext to crush dissent.
The Ethiopian authorities are using a repressive Anti-Terror law as a pretext to crush dissent.
© AFP/Getty Images
These latest detentions add to Ethiopia’s ever-increasing number of journalists, opposition members, activists and other dissenting voices locked up for alleged ‘terrorism’ offences
Claire Beston, Amnesty International’s Ethiopia Researcher
Thu, 10/07/2014

The Ethiopian authorities must halt their continuing onslaught on dissent, Amnesty International said today, after the arrest of four more opposition party members this week, who are believed to be at risk of torture or other ill-treatment.

All four were arrested on 8 July in the capital Addis Ababa and the northern city of Mekele on “terror” accusations: a charge commonly used as a pretext to put dissenters behind bars in Ethiopia. 

“These latest detentions add to Ethiopia’s ever-increasing number of journalists, opposition members, activists and other dissenting voices locked up for alleged ‘terrorism’ offences,” said Claire Beston, Amnesty International’s Ethiopia Researcher. 

“In the run-up to next year’s general election, the fear is that this number will continue to grow as the government continues its onslaught on dissent. Everyone who has been arrested because of their peaceful expression of dissenting opinions, their blogging activities, membership of a legally-registered political opposition party or participation in peaceful protests must be immediately and unconditionally released.”

Latest arrests and torture concerns

Those arrested on 8 July are: Abraha Desta of the Arena Tigray party, who is also a lecturer at Mekele University; Habtamu Ayalew and Daniel Shebeshi, both members of the Unity for Democracy and Justice (UDJ) party and Yeshewas Asefa of the Blue Party. 

Abraha Desta is believed to be detained in Mekele, in the northern region of Tigray, while the other three have been taken to the Maikelawi federal police detention centre in Addis Ababa. 

Blue Party and UDJ members say they tried to visit the men in Maikelawi on 9 July but were not permitted access and were told they could not have contact until the police investigation was concluded. 

It is commonplace for detainees in Maikelawi to be denied access to legal representatives and family members in the initial stages of detention. This can last for as long as two or three months and is in violation of Ethiopian and international law. This incommunicado detention significantly increases the risk of detainees being subjected to torture. Political detainees in Maikelawi are frequently subjected to torture during interrogation. 

Illegal transfer from Yemen

Also on 8 July, state-run Ethiopian Television (ETV) confirmed that an opposition leader who had disappeared on 24 June in Yemen was being detained in Addis Ababa. Andargachew Tsige, Secretary General of the outlawed Ginbot 7 movement, was illegally transferred from Yemen, and his precise whereabouts in the Ethiopian capital have still not been disclosed. A British national of Ethiopian origin, he continues to be denied access to consular or legal representatives or relatives. 

In the broadcast, ETV (the country’s only TV channel) showed footage of Andargachew Tsige looking haggard and exhausted saying his arrest was a blessing in disguise and he just wanted to rest. His wife told Amnesty International that she did not understand what the footage or the message was intended to mean. 

There are a number of precedents of the authorities taking footage of defendants in terrorism trials and broadcasting it on ETV. In each case, this violated the individuals’ right to be presumed innocent until proven guilty in a court of law. Andargachew Tsige has already been tried on three separate occasions in absentia and sentenced to death as well as life imprisonment.

The same broadcast announced that other opposition leaders had been arrested, based on their contact with Ginbot 7 and Ethiopian Satellite Television (ESAT) – a satellite TV channel broadcast in exile and which the Ethiopian authorities called the “official media of Ginbot 7”. Details of the arrests emerged subsequently. 

Ethiopia has previously used alleged contact with Ginbot 7 and ESAT as a reason to imprison and thereby silence other dissenting voices on allegations of terrorism. In 2011, the Ethiopian authorities banned Ginbot 7 as a terrorist organization.

Journalists and bloggers held under Anti-Terrorism Law

Six bloggers from the group Zone 9 and three journalists are also among those detained under the Anti-Terrorism Law in Maikelawi. All nine have been detained without charge since their arrest on 25 and 26 April 2014 for alleged terrorism offences. The deeply flawed Anti-Terrorism Law allows for up to four months’ detention without charge – one of the longest remand periods in the world. 

On 9 July, six of the detainees were granted access to visitors for the first time since their arrest two and half months ago. They reported they had been moved from the underground cells in Maikelawi where political detainees are regularly held in the early stages of their detention to a different part of the prison which detainees jokingly call “Sheraton”.

All six said that they have been forced to sign confessions of their alleged crimes. Three had previously complained in court remand hearings that they had been tortured. The court took no action on the allegations. 

The remaining Zone 9 members, Abel Wabela and Mahlet Fantahun, and journalist Edom Kasaye, continue to be detained incommunicado. 

“The Ethiopian government’s record on respecting the rights of detainees is alarming to say the least,” said Claire Beston. 

“All detainees must be granted immediate access to lawyers and family members, must be charged with a recognizable offence or immediately released, and the Ethiopian government must ensure that no-one is ever subjected to torture.” 


ONLF steps up attack on Ethiopian Troops in Ogaden

ONLF-XOOGAGC

By Mohamed Faarah


(OgadenToday Press)-  A Somali Ethnic  Rebel Group that  fights for the self-determination of Ogaden Region in eastern Ethiopia steps up attacks on government Troops,  a source confirmed to OgadenToday Press.
A source close to regional administration confirmed to OgadenToday Press that almost 150 pro Ethiopian military militia under the command of Regional administration has been killed in the attacks.
Locals see ONLF has gained some control despite  state-run ESTV repeatedly airs  that Ogaden National Liberation Front  ONLF has been weakened, a move that ONLF officials consider as a propaganda.
Husseen Mohamed Nur, head of ONLF information told reports that ONLF  has carried out militarily operations.
We have killed more than 100 Ethiopian soldiers ,and its allied militia of Liyu Police (Hawarin) at Kebri Dahar and Godey,” Hussein Nour told Somali Media.
ONLF Troops have done over 50 attacks last two months despite the government claim weakened the group.
Rebels in the Ogaden region have been fighting for independence since the 1970s and the ONLF has been at the forefront of the fight since it was founded in 1984.
The Ogaden is an ethnic Somali  that has been handed over to  Ethiopia in 1954  by the  Britain , a decision rejected by the Somalis in Ogaden region.

TPLF’s Hideous Plots Never Separate The Oromo & Sidama Cosines!


By Denboba Natie, July 10, 2014, UK

This brief article is about the fact that the current Tigray Peoples Liberation Front (TPLF) led dictatorial regime deliberately masterminds heinous tactics to remain in power by instigating violence between various peoples of given ethnic nationals. Since its first time in power after toppling its brutal predecessor, the Derg, (mid-1991), this regime has adopted such tactics as means of remaining in power. Although ‘Divide-and-Rule’ tactics have been adopted by all brutal rulers all over the globe including the former European colonial diabolic masters whose architects have adopted this as their main means to keep legitimate land owners at bay whilst expropriating their natural resources; the current Ethiopian’s TPLF’s regimes adopts similar tactics in different way. I’m discussing about the two cosines’ the Oromo and the Sidama’s such current story. 

The Oromo and the Sidama Nations are culturally, ethno-linguistically, socially, geo-politically and morally intertwined. The two largest Kush cosines share similar ancestral backgrounds. They are also territorially neighbours from all corners of their lands, therefore, they could easily forge formidable alliance potentially capable of shaking the foundations of brutal establishments of democracy galvanised deceitful TPLF’s criminal regime that rejoices by the bloods of innocent civilians’ whom its security forces with impunity slaughter on daily basis; as we’re currently witnessing in Oromia and others regions.  
The Sidama & the Oromo nations are also inseparably intertwined in a number of ways. Their way of life is culturally and traditionally similar. Their cultural assets are also intertwined. Their values, morality and how they perceive the world and life around them is also similar in one way or another. Moreover, the Oromo and the Sidama share the concept of genuine democracy and egalitarianism through which they govern their respective nations by using their their Gaada and Luuwa systems respectively. These both systems unite both nations as they both use it as the pillars of genuine traditional democracy, just and fair society where the rule of morally acceptable law over-rides personal grid which has been non-existent in a pre-conquest societies of both cosines’ (pre-1890s).      
The successive Abyssinian regimes are aware of the unshakable power house the Kush brothers can form if they are left to be freely & peacefully united to stand against the northern led successive regimes including the current deceitful criminal gangs those who call themselves government. For these simple reasons, the successive Abyssinian regimes have done what they could to instigate war between the two cosines under various pretexts although their successes have been limited to the actions of uninformed immoral miscreants sent out by these regimes to do their dirty jobs in both Oromia & Sidama. In such regime instigated tragedies, sadly several lives have been unnecessarily lost in the past 23 years in several neighbouring areas from both party.
Besides, noble elders of both cosine nations have effectively foiled the repeated plots of the current regime time and again; thus managed to bring harmony and centuries old tranquillity between both scapegoats- whose peoples are unknowingly driven to serve regime’s ‘divide-and-rule’ tactics. With the aim of turning the situation to ugly war between the two cosines, ultimately to disunite both for the purposes of regime’s political gain, the regime is playing this very game as we speak. Cognizant of the significance of the Oromo-Sidama alliance on its futurity, TPLF’s regime is prepared to send out its messengers to fuel further instability in the neighbouring lines of the Sidamaland and Oromia. The messengers are burning the houses of Sidamas whose peoples have peacefully lived with their Oromo cosines.  
In Oromia region, Bale zone’s Angettuu district, the Sidama and the Oromo made their unity reality by intermarrying and living together for several centuries. In this very region from where both cosines peacefully and harmoniously lived together, TPLF’s messengers currently sent out to instigate hatred between the two by burning the houses of Sidama cosines and asking them to completely vacate the area. The situation as we speak remains tense. The previous similar attempts of TPLF’s criminal regime has been foiled by the normalising actions of noble, wise and farsighted elders of both Oromo and Sidama cosines. However, the regime currently is hell bent to affect its hidden agendas against both. As the Oromo and Sidama are working hard for genuine political alliances both within the country and Diaspora, the regime feels extremely anxious and restless- cognizant of the likelihood of huge potential being created by such an alliance. Therefore, it’s leaving no stone unturned to reverse the success of both cosines are making towards creating formidable alliance to fight our common enemy, TPLF/EPRDF criminal regime.
Therefore, the Sidama community within the Sidamaland and in Diaspora strongly advise its Oromo cosines to be cautiously vigilant and unconditionally reject regimes divide and rule tactics by sticking together to further our struggle for liberation. We have been bothers, we are brothers and remain so for several millennia to come. No one will be able to separate the Oromo and Sidama cosines! Therefore, let’s stick to our traditional values and stand shoulder to shoulder to fight our common enemy which is robbing our dignity and pride by uprooting our peoples from their lands and incriminating those who demand for their rights. We urge our Oromo brothers and sisters to communicate with their grass root about this fact and advice wider communities neighbouring Sidama on this matter as a matter of urgency. Let’s stand together by stopping bickering on unnecessarily and artificially instigated conflicts between the two cosines, gallant Oromo and Sidama nations!  

The excerpts are from the information sent out about the aforementioned accounts by one of Sidama human rights defenders from the Sidamaland in Habesha language.
Denboba Natie, July 10, 2014

ብሔርን ከብሔር ጋር ማጋጨት ይቁም!!

በኦሮሚያ ብሔራዊ ክልላዊ መንግስት በባሌ ዞን በአንገቱ ወረዳ ውስጥ ለረጅም ዓመታት ጀምሮ ከኦሮሞ ብሔር ጋር በጋብቻ ተሳስረው በፍቅርየሚኖረውን የሲዳማ ብሔር ተወላጆች አካባቢውን ለቅቀው እንዲወጡ እየተደረገ ነው። የድርጊቱ አድራግ ሕወሓትኢህአዴግ አመራሮች ናቸው።
ከዚህ በፊትም ሕወሓትኢህአዴግ እንደዚህ ዓይነት የማጋጨት ሴራ ስጠነሰስ የቆየ ቢሆንም ወዳጅ በሆነው የኦሮሞ ህዝብ ሽማግለዎች አማካኝነትሲከሽፍ ቆይቷል።
በዚህ ሰሞን ደግሞ ከሽማግለዎች ቁጥጥር ውጭ የሆነ ድርጊት በአንገቱ ወረዳ ተከስተዋል። ይኼውም ህወሓቶች ተላላኪ የሆኑ በስሜ ኦሮሞካድሬዎችን መሳሪያ በማድረግ በብዙ መቶዎች የሚቆጠሩ የሲዳማ ተወላጅ ቤቶችን እንዲቃጠል አድርገዋል።
ሓወሓት/ኢህአዴግ ይህንን የማጋጨት ሴራ እንዲፈጠር ያደረገበት ምክንያት በሁለቱ ወንድማማቾች ህዝቦች መካከል ጠብ ለመፍጠር አስበውነው።ጠብ ከተፈጠረ ኦሮሞና ሲዳማ አይስማሙም። ካልተስማሙ አብሮ መታገል ይቀራል። አብሮ መታገል ከቀረ የጋራ ጠላት ለሆነው ለህወሓት/ኢህአዴግ ደስ ይለዋል።
ስለዚህ ህዝቡ (የኦሮሞም የሲዳማምይህንን ተረድቶ ድርጊቱን በማውገዝ ወዳጅነታቸውን ከበፊቱ በበለጠ በማጠናከር እንደቀደመው ሁሉ ወያኔባንዳዎችን ማሳፈር ይጠበቅባቸዋል።
ኦሮሞን እና ሲዳማን ማንም አይለያቸውም!!  ወያኔዎች አይሳካላችሁም!!

Tuesday, July 8, 2014

LESSONS AND THE FUTURE OF THE #OROMOPROTESTS

oromianot4sale(OPride)  In his book The Dictator’s Learning Curve, journalistWilliam Dobsonwrites,“revolutions, if they are to be successful, require planning, preparation, and an intelligent grasp of how to anticipate and outwit a repressive regime that thinks of little beyond preserving its own power.”
As activists around the world get more sophisticated with the use of technology and out-organize repressive states, governments have also learned to wait it out and sup momentum out of otherwise formidable movements.
In a sense, time seems to be the worst enemy for activists. Too often passion burns out and social movements falter as quickly as they begin. In the last five years, horizontal movements such as Occupy Wall Street and the Arab Spring used social media to mobilize a critical mass and proved more effective than states. However, they failed to overcome this test of time.
#OromoProtests
In one of the least connected corners of the world, students in Ethiopia’s Oromia region have also uncovered and harnessed this power of technology. Beginning in mid-April, Oromo students across various campuses in Oromia began to peacefully protest the expansion of that country's capital  quickly getting images, videos and firsthand accounts of government crackdown out on social media.
Ethiopia criminalizes all forms of dissent and heavily monitors independent reporting. As such, the world only got a glimpse of the government clampdown on protesters via Twitter, Facebook, YouTube and Oromo-centric websites and blogs. With ongoing global solidarity rallies and petitions, the growing Oromo diaspora was instrumental in amplifying the students’ voices. From Malta to Melbourne, South Dakota to Toronto and anywhere in between, silence was not an option. Activists used #OromoProtests and #FreeOromoStudents across various social media platforms to draw attention to the repression and demand mainstream media coverage.
But, as with other social movements, the passion seems to be burning out. The government continues to hunt and imprison anyone suspected of organizing these protests, as the students begin to lose control of their movement, #OromoProtests seems to be losing more steam. Amid major world news events such as the turmoil in Iraq and Brazil's World Cup, the ongoing arrest and alleged torture of Oromo students is not receiving the attention it so deserves. Hundreds of students have gone underground to avoid arrest. The lack of access to prison records and difficulty of getting facts on the ground weakens diaspora's efforts to generate awareness. On June 27, the International Oromo Youth Association launched a three-day social media campaign to draw attention to ongoing arrests and demanding justice for those who were killed in the crackdown. While the group’s creative use of various modes of communication including a short documentary in English is commendable, judging from the reception even among the Oromos, momentum is clearly running out.
Future of #Oromoprotests
The road for Oromo recognition has not been easy. Under the circumstances, Oromo students can take solace in the amount and quality of the media coverage their movement garnered. Ultimately, politics is a game of patience and activism is fueled by passion. Coordination and centralized leadership is key to sustaining the movement, especially in a country as repressive as Ethiopia.
All successful non-violent movements had one similar characteristic: strong leadership. When leaders effectively articulate the goals and hopes of the movement, it creates a central message and a sense of unity. Take the Ethiopian Muslims movement for example. In early 2012, the movement appeared on the cusp of winning major concessions from the government through disciplined nonviolent movement. The activists were trained in nonviolent ways of resistance and responded peaceful to government provocations. Unable to slow down the resistance, the government arrested the protesters representatives (the Committee) in July 2012. The silent protests and sit-ins continued for months. But, with the central leadership languishing in jails, once the most sustained nonviolent movement in Ethiopia's recent history (if not ever), it is now all but dead.
Nevertheless, the experiences offer valuable lessons for Oromo students.First, the student movement needs to solidify the non-violent stance.Nonviolent resistance requires coordination, discipline and patience to respond peacefully to an act of aggression. As such, even if the government responds with violence, the movement must respond with more peace, for violent reaction would only exacerbate the situation.
Second, the Oromo diaspora must also do more than holding rallies, writing press releases, changing profile pictures on Facebook and sending out few Twitter updates a day. A peaceful movement feeds off of ideas and intellectual conversations. Besides, given the ubiquity of information on social media networks, in order to make journalists and the international community understand the students’ position, reliable information should be gathered, synthesized and organized into easily accessible formats. The OromoProtests.com website was a great stride in that direction. But more can be done.
There were also other encouraging efforts (in places such as Minnesota) to hold community forums to discuss the best way to respond to the crisis. But those sessions must not be for mere therapeutic purposes where we express our anguish. Protesting in our respective communities gets the story out, but without a unified message the story fades. The #hungerstrike and resolutions passed by Minnesota legislature because of the community’s efforts are worth noting. While efforts to organize global day of action was also commendable, there appeared very little communication and coordination between the organizers. It would have had more effect if all Oromo activists across the U.S. went on hunger strike at the same time, and more local resolutions were passed. This would have undoubtedly received more media coverage and better response from U.S. lawmakers.
Third, have a clear message. The message should highlight the lack of human rights and less of the factional politics. The focus should be on getting the story of innocent student massacres into the international news cycle.
There were also moments where different factions of Oromo leaders sought to own the narrative. This is wrong. The students had legitimate grievances and their call for the respect of the constitution was unambiguously clear. We must put away our political ambitions and differences and focus on getting the information out to a broader audience.
Finally, it is important to seek out and build solidarity across ethnic lines. The government propaganda equates the struggle for Oromo rights with Oromo attempts to takeover the government. While many in Ethiopia fear an impending Oromo domination, Oromo students raised legitimate, constitutional and fundamental questions of group rights. This message of peace needs to be stressed to ensure all freedom advocates and those who feel unfairly marginalized or unjustly treated by Ethiopian government can join in efforts to make Ethiopia into a democratic nation. The EPRDF regime thrives by making different ethnic groups to fear one another. Instead of playing into government hands and perpetuating tyranny, rights advocates in Ethiopia must build bridges on common principles of human rights, freedom and justice. Patience and passion channeled into rational actions can go a long way in bringing change to Ethiopia. Factionalized outbursts of heated reactions benefit only the regime. 


Sunday, July 6, 2014

Ethnic Persecution and Crimes Against Humanity in the Horn of Africa: the Case of Oromia

By Denebo Dekeba Wario

1. Introduction
Nations within the current day Ethiopian empire have witnessed horrifying crimes against humanity that include genocide, mass arrest, eviction from lands, rape and other forms of torture. Atrocities and human rights violations in this part of the globe date back to the 19th century scramble for Africa. Abyssinia, the only black colonial power that participated in the scramble for Africa, has committed despicable crimes against humanity to silence any resistance to their empire building project. Oromo, potentially the largest nation in the continent has suffered disturbing violations of human rights under the Ethiopian rule. Ethiopian colonial terrorism and the violence that started during the last decades of the 19th century continues to the present day. The empire has been known for extrajudicial killings, the massacre of innocent people including students; arbitrary mass arrest and detention of people supporting opposition political parties; arrest, detention, and harassment of journalists for publishing articles critical of the government; torture and other cruel, inhumane, and degrading treatment of political prisoners; eviction and land grabbing; restrictions on freedom of the press; super regulatory restrictions on civil society organisations and freedom of association.
This piece of work is intended to initiate structured debate on crimes against humanity in the Ethiopian Empire. I would never claim that this article is a comprehensive study into human rights violations in Ethiopia, yet it will briefly shed light on the intent and magnitude of human rights violations committed by the current Ethiopian government against Oromo and its neighbouring nations. The method used in this study is qualitative. Empirical data has been gathered from published and unpublished materials and reports compiled by academia, credible international media, government agencies and human rights organisations. In spite of the fact that accusing governments of crimes against humanity is a serious and risky activity, especially when dealing with dictatorships like that of Ethiopia, I believe that bringing these authorities to the attention of the world is the moral thing to do. I will leave the judgment to confirm or reject the conclusions I have drawn to other social science researchers.

Read the Full Article (pdf file)


'Britain is supporting a dictatorship in Ethiopia'

David Smithby 


Family in Gambella
One of hundreds of families in the Gambella region who have been forcibly removed from their homes. Photograph: Jenny Vaughan/AFP/Getty Images


It's 30 years since Ethiopia's famine came to attention in the UK. Now, a farmer plans to sue Britain for human rights abuses, claiming its aid has funded a government programme of torture and beatings as villagers have been removed from their homes

"Life was good because the land was the land of our ancestors. The village was along the riverside, where you could get drinking water, go fishing and plant mango, banana and papaya. The temperature there was good and we could feed ourselves."
This is how Mr O – his name is protected for his safety – remembers the home he shared with his family in the Gambella region of Ethiopia. The fertile land had been farmed for generations, relatively safe from wars, revolutions and famines. Then, one day, near the end of 2011, everything changed. Ethiopian troops arrived at the village and ordered everyone to leave. The harvest was ripe, but there was no time to gather it. When Mr O showed defiance, he says, he was jailed, beaten and tortured. Women were raped and some of his neighbours murdered during the forced relocation.
Using strongarm tactics reminiscent of apartheid South Africa, tens of thousands of people in Ethiopia have been moved against their will to purpose-built communes that have inadequate food and lack health and education facilities, according to human rights watchdogs, to make way for commercial agriculture. With Orwellian clinicalness, the Ethiopian government calls this programme "villagisation". The citizens describe it as victimisation.
And this mass purge was part bankrolled, it is claimed, by the UK. Ethiopia is one of the biggest recipients of UK development aid, receiving around £300m a year. Some of the money, Mr O argues, was used to systematically destroy his community and its way of life. Now this lone subsistence farmer is taking on the might of Whitehall in a legal action; a hearing took place in the high court in London last Thursday, but judgment on whether the case can go ahead has been reserved. Mr O and his legal team now await a decision on permission from the judge, who will declare whether there is an arguable case that can go forward to a full hearing.
"The British government is supporting a dictatorship in Ethiopia," says Mr O, speaking through an interpreter from a safe location that cannot be disclosed for legal reasons. "It should stop funding Ethiopia because people in the remote areas are suffering. I'm ready to fight a case against the British government." The dispute comes ahead of the 30th anniversary of famine in Ethiopia capturing the world's gaze, most famously in Michael Buerk's reports for the BBC that sparked the phenomena of Band Aid and Live Aid. Now, in an era when difficult questions are being asked about the principle and practice of western aid, it is again Ethiopia – widely criticised as authoritarian and repressive – that highlights the law of unintended consequences.
Mr O is now 34. He completed a secondary-school education, cultivated a modest patch of land and studied part-time at agricultural college. He married and had six children. That old life in the Gambella region now seems like a distant mirage. "I was very happy and successful in my farming," he recalls. "I enjoyed being able to take the surplus crops to market and buy other commodities. Life was good in the village. It was a very green and fertile land, a beautiful place." So it had always been as the seasons rolled by. But in November 2011 came a man-made Pompeii, not with molten lava but soldiers with guns. A meeting was called by local officials and the people were told that they had been selected for villagisation, a development programme the government claims is designed to bring "socioeconomic and cultural transformation of the people".
Mr O says: "In the meeting the government informed the community, 'You will go to a new village.' The community reacted and said, 'How can you take us from our ancestral land? This is the land we are meant for. When a father or grandfather dies, this is where we bury them.'"
The community also objected to the move because they feared ethnic persecution in their proposed home and because the land would not be fertile enough to farm. "Villagisation is bad because people were taken to an area which will not help them. It's a well-designed plan by the government to weaken indigenous people."
Land grab in GambellaLand grab in the Gambella region in March 2011. Photograph: John Vidal for the Guardian
The army used brutal means to force the villagers to resettle. Mr O says he witnessed several beatings and one rape, and he knows of several women who contracted HIV as a result. Some people simply disappeared. He claims to have witnessed soldiers, police and local officials perpetrating the abuses. The  villagers, including Mr O and his family, found themselves in a new location in Gambella. He says there was no food and water, no farmland, no schools and no healthcare facility. Jobs, and hope, were scarce.
So in 2012 he dared to return to his old village and tried to farm his land. It was a doomed enterprise. In around April, he claims, he was caught and punished for encouraging disobedience among the villagers. Soldiers dragged him to military barracks where he was gagged, kicked and beaten with rifle-butts, causing serious injuries. He was repeatedly interrogated as to why he had come back. "I went to the farm and was taken by soldiers to military barracks and locked in a room," Mr O recalls. "I was alone and beaten and tortured using a gun. They put a rolled sock in my mouth. The soldiers were saying: 'You are the one who mobilised the families not to go to the new village. You are also inciting the people to revolution.' Other people were in different rooms being tortured, some even killed. Some women were raped. By now they have delivered children: even now if you go to Gambella, you will meet them." He reflects: "I felt very sad. I had become like a refugee in my homeland. They did not consider us like a citizen of the country. They were beating us, torturing us, doing whatever they want."
In fear for his life, Mr O fled the country. The separation from his wife and children is painful. He communicated indirectly with them last year through a messenger. "I am sad. The family has no one supporting them. I am also sad because I don't have my family."
But such is the terror that awaits that, asked if if he wants to return home, he replies bluntly: "There's nothing good in the country so there is nothing that will take me back."
Modern Ethiopia is a paradox. A generation after the famine, it is hailed by pundits as an "African lion" because of stellar economic growth and a burgeoning middle class. One study found it is creating millionaires at a faster rate than any other country on the continent. Construction is booming in the capital, Addis Ababa, home of the Chinese-built African Union headquarters. Yet the national parliament has only one opposition MP. Last month the government was criticised for violently crushing student demonstrations. Ethiopia is also regarded as one of the most repressive media environments in the world. Numerous journalists are in prison or have gone into exile, while independent media outlets are regularly closed down.
Gambella, which is the size of Belgium, has a population of more than 300,000, mainly indigenous Anuak and Nuer. Its fertile soil has attracted foreign and domestic investors who have leased large tracts of land at favourable prices. The three-year villagisation programme in Gambella is now complete. A 2012 investigation by Human Rights Watch, entitledWaiting Here for Death, highlighted the plight of thousands like Mr O robbed of their ancestral lands, wiping out their livelihoods. London law firm Leigh Day took up the case and secured legal aid to represent Mr O in litigation against Britain's international development secretary, whom it accuses of part-funding the human rights abuses.
Mr O explains: "The Ethiopian government is immoral: it is collecting money on behalf of poor people from foreign donors, but then directing it to programmes that kill people. At the meeting, the officials said: 'The British government is helping us.' Of all the donors to Ethiopia, the British government has been sending the most funds to the villagisation programme. "I'm not happy with that because we are expecting them to give donations to support indigenous people and poor people in their lands, not to create difficult conditions for them. They should stop funding Ethiopia because most of the remote areas are suffering. The funds given to villagisation should be stopped." Mr O did not attend last week's court hearing at which Leigh Day argued that British aid is provided on condition that the recipient government is not "in significant violation of human rights". It asserted that the UK has failed to put in place any sufficient process to assess Ethiopia's compliance with the conditions and has refused to make its assessment public, in breach of its stated policy.
Red Cross feeding centreStarving families lift sacks of food at a Red Cross feeding centre in Ethiopia. Photograph: Steven L Raymer/National Geographic/Getty Images
"There are credible allegations of UK aid money contributing to serious human rights violations," states Leigh Day's summary argument. "In particular, there is evidence that the 'villagisation' programme is partly funded by the defendant's payments into the promotion of basic services programme." The concerns have led to a full investigation by the World Bank, it adds.
Rosa Curling, a solicitor in the human rights department at Leigh Day, says: "It's about making sure the money is traced. When you're handing over millions of pounds you have a legal responsibility to make sure the money is being used appropriately. The experience of the village is absolutely appalling. We're saying to the Department for International Development (DfID), please look at this issue properly, please follow the procedure you said you would follow, please talk to the people who've been affected. Look at what happened to Mr O and his village. They haven't done that."
Mr O offered to meet British officials, she adds, but they decided his refugee camp was too dangerous. He offered to meet them in a major city, but still they refused. "They haven't met anybody directly affected by villagisation." Curling urges: "If you've got money, trace it and put conditions on it so it's not being used like this. It completely defeats the point of aid if it's being used in this way. We're talking about millions of British pounds."
The view is echoed by Human Rights Watch. Felix Horne, its Ethiopia and Eritrea researcher, says: "Given that aid is fungible, DfID does not have any mechanism to determine how their well-meaning support to local government officials is being used in Ethiopia. They have no idea how their money is being spent. And when they are provided [with] evidence of how that money is in fact being used, they conduct seriously flawed assessments to dismiss the allegations, and it's business as usual.
"While they have conducted several 'on the ground' assessments in Gambella to ascertain the extent of the abuses, they have refused to visit the refugee camps where many of the victims are housed. The camps are safe, easy to access, and the victims of this abusive programme are eager to speak with DfID, and yet DfID and other donors have refused to speak with them, raising the suspicion that they aren't interested in hearing about abuses that have been facilitated with their funding."
DfID is set to contest the court action, denying that any of its aid was directly used to uproot Mr O or others affected by villagisation. A spokesman says: "We will not comment on ongoing legal action. The UK has never funded Ethiopia's resettlement programmes. Our support to the Protection of Basic Services Programme is only used to provide essential services like healthcare, schooling and clean water." Shimeles Kemal, the Ethiopian government's state minister of communications, was unavailable for comment.

Saturday, July 5, 2014

Ibsaa Guutama: Sabboonoti qabsoo ummataa biyyatti gargaaruuf maal gochuu danda’u? || What can nationals do to help the struggle back home?


What can nationals do to help the struggle back home?

By Ibsaa Guutama* | May 2014
Finfinnee is found in Oromiyaa, and so it is the indisputable part of it. Oromiyaa has been under occupation for over a century. Finfinnee was turned into the headquarters of the occupying force where Oromo was forced to serve with sweat and blood rather than getting benefit out of its formation. After the overthrow of the Darg, the state of Oromiyaa and the interest it has in Finfinnee was formally recognized by the occupying regime and a sort of administrative structure was created for it.
With what seemed a magic wand, the empire was turned into federation. It is assumed that all federal states will have equal contributions in organizing and running it so that no one state should bear a federal burden alone. Therefore, federal state has to lease Finfinnee if Oromiyaa wills or buy land or found a brand new citadel with master plan of its choice. Other than that, trying to expanding Finfinnee will be denying the change in nature of the empire. The alternative is to recant the officially declared federal status, and reestablish it as a colonial empire. Then, the question becomes not federal, but colonial. Be it as it may for an alien force to kill Oromo in their own land for whatsoever reason is unjustifiable, and so is wanton aggression and criminal.
Now the people of Oromiyaa are showing solidarity to defend their rights more than any other time, whatever the cost may be. Students and parents in north, south, west and east Oromiyaa had simultaneously gone out to protest the meddling of the Ethiopian regime in affairs of Oromiyaa. Though they know that the government is not known to respect its own single-handedly crafted Constitution, they gave it benefit of the doubt and went out to test the truth if the Constitution is constitutional. Alas, the government exposed its true self and met them with live bullets and clubs – imported from abroad, and a special force known as “Agaazii.”
Numerous under ages lost their lives, and properties were destroyed. The world has witnessed in clear terms the impossibility of peaceful struggle under such an empire and such anti-people regime. Their laws are only fake instruments. Since people cannot give up on their birth rights, it is lamentable that the alternative available to them is going to remain the violent ones alone.
Ethiopia so far has given nothing to Oromiyaa, but has taken away everything valuable, material wealth, human labor as well as brains from her. It is the brain drained that sustained Ethiopian bureaucracy for a long time. It is those brains that they use as masks to cover their dirty face.
The Oromo question is a question of national liberation to end such undue exploitation, while that of the colonizer is question of domination. There is no common premise for negotiation unless the occupation ends. That is what third parties might fail to understand. The demand for the realization of the right to national self-determination is based on historic fact of life of the people. It was realizing this that the present regime included such right in its constitution. That was the right thing to do. To fake it, is hooliganism. Conscientious non-Oromo who were born, lived or worked in Oromiyaa are expected to stand with their hosts, friends and Oromo compatriots in resisting occupation and have nothing to fear from being free. Those who have no biases against race and creed of the colonized know that the Oromo are the most peaceful and cultured people. To do harm to innocent human beings is not in the nature of the nation. But the possibility of TPLF committing heinous crimes and putting the blame on others must be watched out.
Even the first colonizer recognized the separate status of the two countries Oromiyaa and Ethiopia when he declared himself as emperor of Ethiopia and Oromo country. Oromo is a nation of many tribes not a tribe (gosa) as some ignorant want to refer to it. The present regime has kept on postponing the question of Oromo liberation. Promulgation of the Constitution was only to distract Oromo from their struggle, and buy time for the bloody repression it was going to unleash later. Whatever repressive force it may apply, the response to such questions cannot be avoided indefinitely for it is a time bomb waiting to explode when the appropriate time comes. Therefore, for the benefit of all neighbors and the world, they have to be attained the soonest possible.
Recent student uprising is only one out of several issues of concern. Others like the unsustainable “Great Renaissance Dam” (GRD) in which many are fooled into spending their life’s saving in buying bonds; “Land Grabbing” where Oromiyaa is being sold at the expense of eviction of natives; prohibition of Afan Oromo from schools and offices in Finfinnee also concern Oromo and could possibly be issues provoking public protest in addition to the overall human rights abuses. The Abbayya River gets most of its water from Oromiyaa and its course touches big swath of Oromo land. No one will object to fair use of the water. But, the ways it started is not diplomatically commendable, financially sustainable and the motive is questionable. The consequence affects Oromiyaa no less than the land grab.
Is the “GRD” for momentary individual or group glory or is it really meant for national benefits as stated. Is it meant to manipulate rifts in international relation in favor of one side and has nothing to do with Ethiopia’s interest? From the nature of the regime that is addicted to amassing wealth for small circle of cohorts, it is not to take the project to completion, but to benefit from possible negotiation to modify or end it. Many harnessed rivers of Oromiyaa did not benefit her, but the mother land and foreign business. Abbayya will not be different. As far as the question of land is concerned, land still remains property of the alien government. The owner can dispose of it as it liked. That is why the regime is selling to whoever asks at very cheap price; or give to supporter who amass wealth by selling it or give it to galtuu Oromo whom they could blackmail later with crime of “kiraayi sabsaabii” (rent seeking). It is Oromo land; the Oromo cannot accept the sale of their land or obliged to respect such contracts. It is unlawful contract that did not take peasant farmers’ interest into consideration. As far as the general Oromo question goes, it seems the regime has signed the end to the right of subjects to peacefully express oneself. Therefore, the form of resistance is sure to change, otherwise any peaceful demonstration there will be suicidal.
After the massacre, the most outrageous thing is the putting of words in mouths of the vulnerable by the regime to say things against their dead compatriots and their struggle. The case is Federal. They are also the ones that turned their guns against children. But they were the Neo-Goobanaa that had come out to distort the real causes of the uprising and blame culprits their masters are going to create for it later. The old Goobanaa served the same pacifying role until his dishonorable fall. The Ethiopian peoples have enough experience about allegations. Coined epithets were for the king “foreign hand,” for Darg “CIA hirelings,” and forWayyaanee they are “terrorists and anti-developments.” The Neo-Goobanaa also tried to deny the objective of the Master Plan that is to turn Finfinnee into one metropolitan “Addis Ababa” forgetting the plan is there in black and white.
The Oromo are opposed, of course, to those bodies that are trying to dismantle Oromiyaa in the name of city planning and development that dispossesses them. No amount of malicious propaganda will stop the Oromo struggle for liberation and the integrity of united Oromiyaa. There cannot be a nation called Oromo without integrated free Oromiyaa. For lack of formidable political organization, students are taking the lead as during the emperor’s days. Just like those days, if old OLF is not ready, other organized group will come forward and revitalize the originalKaayyoo of the liberation movement. As long as repression continues, Oromo revolution cannot be stopped. The wisest thing for Oromo activists is not to waste time lamenting about what happened yesterday, but on what should be done henceforth. Yesterday with its best and worst has gone; to make or break, we have today aiming at better tomorrow.
Committing more crimes to silence the Oromo is already in full gears. The tragic events of past weeks cannot be reversed. But it is hoped that all nationals have already started to ponder on how to stop such crime continuing. Domestically, the wheels of resistance have already started rolling. People who are feeling the brunt of alien repression will continue to put up resistance against dismantling Oromiyaa, and evicting the inhabitants from their ancestral grounds where umbilical cords of generations were buried. They may require only to strengthening their movement as to make it difficult for the enemy to control Oromiyaa. The death of young students and innocent nationals is heartbreaking, but there is always price to be paid for freedom. The spy networks of “Goox,”“Garee” and “Aand Laamist” are broken. The enemy has already started to be frantic; keeping the moment could make it entangled with its own follies and forced to negotiate for own survival. Let us raise issues of concern on how nationals and people in the Diaspora help Oromo struggle back home by assessing areas of sustainable cooperation.
Oromo all over the world are organized into communities as well as faith based and professional associations. But all organizations are infested with active and sleeping cells of infiltrators. To be useful for the national cause, they need to cleanse themselves first. What is said of civic entities is also true for political organizations. The functions of a community organization are limited to a surrounding. The Oromo predicament requires global coordination. It needs an in depth assessment of possibilities and thorough understanding of the issue to operate in unison for pan Oromo benefit. Past experiences have lessons to learn from.
Political organization will be effective if they could coordinate their operations. If they fail, it must be known that organizations and leaders can be born out of a situation and make them irrelevant. Those that cannot for reasons take part in joining efforts should take necessary care as not to be obstacle to people’s struggle. Refusing to yield to ideas of majority and stubbornness do not serve under the prevailing situation. The enemy pokes there to trigger conflict. So everyone has to be vigilant not to be caught off guard. On has also to beware of gents of colonialists and expansionists disguised as missionaries of religious establishments to take part in creating obstacles for cultural development and peoples’ struggle for freedom. These are also to be countered by nationals from faiths for they are divisive and anti-peace.
One important thing to remember is that Wayyaanee is using structures created in its embassies and government fund for espionage wherever there is dissidence. Among its objectives are creating conflicts among nationals abroad to paralyze opposition against it and also to gathering information on their movements. Where possible, they also recruit from among their ranks for their PDO’s. For this, they use modern technics as well as human spies, infiltrators who act more radical than true nationalists. This is carried out in accordance with permanent guidelines given to diplomatic missions. That is why tight organization of trusted members is needed. Oromo nationals are either with national organizations or with the enemy. They cannot serve both camps. Liberal attitudes have to stop in such matters. Safuu serves in Oromo context and only with those who have similar values.
There are peoples neighboring Oromiyaa – who had fallen to colonial rule and still face alienation by the same source. Solidarity of struggle with those is indispensable. Those are sovereign peoples with own territory, and deserve unequivocal recognition from all nations, including Oromo, without any precondition. Those who had already joined hands in struggle have to take it to higher level whenever possible. Enemy hand to divide them has to be watched out. Oromo activists have to give benefit of the doubt for such people as not to jeopardize relations by jumping to conclusions on assumptions. Otherwise, it will be walking into enemy trap.
Many Oromo living abroad are citizens of respective countries they live in. These, as ethnic groups, may have civic organizations. There are many arenas open to them to influence decision making of their respective countries. As long as they have the votes, they will have the voice as well. They have always to keep in memory that the people they left behind are crying to be rescued from dictators. Oromiyaa, a historically free and democratic country, should not remain dependent when they are there for her. It has to remain a challenge to their conscience. Therefore, they should take on themselves that they have at least a role to play in the peaceful or diplomatic struggle of their people. Their people need knowledgeable and skilled manpower as well as material support of all sorts. No Oromo group has more exposure to resources than they do.
People back home are not free to gather and discuss matters of common interest. But when oppression pass their limits, fear of being caught fades away. That is the stage where Oromo is reaching. Whether children demonstrate or not, the Wayyaanee will is not stopping incarcerating and killing Oromo. Unless it breaks the morale of the nation, it is afraid that Oromo will demand ownership of the land and resources it is plundering. As far as possible, it will try to gaga it so that it does not utter a word, produce wealth and it remains uninformed. All who believe being Oromo have to help and devise means that this nation can release itself from the alien entanglement. Those who give their lives and freedom to maintain the name high are doing so believing in their rear.
There is nothing worse than living despised and humiliated in own country. For this reason, those who are not living under that scourge have to be strong and dependable rear. Oromummaa demands that. Because when a person is imprisoned or killed, not only the person, but the community and family enter into political, social and economic crisis that is why to support from the rear becomes essential.
Those activists who started with carbon copying and have passed through alcohol and stencil duplicators have now reached the electronic printer age. Messenger and copper wire telephone they used are now replaced by computer communication. Many did not get chance to see it, but they have traveled tortuous road and passed away contributing to our self-consciousness. We may not realize that the older one is the less comfortable one becomes with computers and modern ideas. Therefore, computer suave and better informed younger generation has to be entrusted with that for efficient functioning of the struggle. The old ways have to phase out, be it in communication or administration, for they are becoming obsolete. In other words, the Gadaa principle of rejuvenation of political process has to be adopted in a way fitting changing times. Wisdom acquired through ages has its proper role to play in Oromo tradition. The Oromo have to gear up for the drive towards liberation in memory of their old and recent martyrs. We cannot help being in tears when our hearts bleed remembering the recent atrocities committed against Oromo youth by occupation’s special force sent by TPLF/EPRDF butchers.
Honor and glory for the fallen heroines and heroes; liberty equality and freedom for the living, and nagaa and araaraa for the Ayyaanaa of our fore parents!

Sabboonoti qabsoo ummataa biyyatti gargaaruuf maal gochuu danda’u?

Ibsaa Guutama irraa* | Caamsaa 2014
Finfinneen Oromiyaa keessatt bu’uurfamte kanaaf qaama see ta’uun wal hin falmisiisu. Oromiyaan jaarraa oliif qabaa halagaa jala jirti. Finfinneen akka battala human qabateetti tajaajiltuu waan taateef Oromoon too’annoo bucuullee irraa hin qabu. Finqiclha Dargii duuba Oromiyaan humna qabatee jiruun kan fakkeessaa ta’us ifatt beekamtee caasaan bulchaa dhaabbateefii jira. Waan hariirtii ulee falfalaa fakkaatuun empayerittiin Federeeshinatt jijjiiramte. Kanaaf finnooti federeeshinaa hundi ijaaruu fi gaggeessuuf gumaacha walqixee qabu jedhamee yaadama. Kanaaf finnaan federaalaa tokko kophaa ba’aa baatu hin qabatu jechuu dha.
Yoo Oromiyaan feete Federeshinichi Finfinnee Oromiyaa irraa kiraayi fudhachuu yookaa bakka tolaa lafa bitee magaalaa mummittii haaraakaroorfatee ijaarrachuu qaba. Sun hafee ammmas Finfinnee akka lafa qabaa jala jiruutt fudhachuun ofumaa baballisuu yaaluun geeddarama uumaa empayerichatt goone jedhame haaluu dha. Filmaati biraa federalummaa gaabbanii akkuma durii ifaan finnaa empayeraatt deebisne jechuu dha. Sana duuba gaaffiin jiru federalummaa utuu hin ta’in kan kolonummaa ta’a. Akka fedhettuu humni halagaa biyya abbaa keessatt Oromoo ajjeesuun qajeelaa utuu hin ta’in yakka yakka hundaa caaluu. .
Amma ummati Oromiyaa mirga saanii irraa hamaa ittisuuf yoomuu caalaa, meeqayyuu itt haa bahu walii tumsa agarsiisaa jiru. Barattootii fi warri kaaba, kibba, bahaa fi lixaa mootummaan Itophiyaa dubbii Oromoo keessa lixanii burcuu yeroo tokko ka’uun morma agarsiisaa jiru. Mootummichi heera harkuma saatiin midhaasse kan hin kabajne ta’uu beekanuu bu’aa ciicannoo kennufiidhan bahanii heerichi dhugaatt heera ta’uu saa mirkaneessuuf yaaluutt bobba’ani.
Kuunnoo kaa, mootummichi eenyummaa saa dhugaa saaxiluun rasaasa, dullaa fi fuura imimsaa garba gamaa galfateen loltu addaa Agaazii jedhamtu hiriirsee isaan simate. Daa’imman hedduun lubbuu saanii dhabanii qabeenyi hedduunis barbadaawe. Addunyaan empayera fi mootummaa farra ilmoo namaa akkasii jalatt qabsoon nagaa akka hin danda’amne taliila ta’uu saaf akka hubatu taasifameera. Seerooti saanii dhooftuu sobaati. Ummatooti mirga saanii dhalootaa irratt kan hin callifne waan ta’aniif filmaati jiru lola qofa ta’uun waan nama gaddisiisuu.
Itophiyaa waan halle, durooma waa tattaa, human namaa fi surrii saamuu malee hanga yoonaa waan Oromiyaaf buufte hin qabdu. Surrii itt lola’e kan waajjirbulchii Itoophiaa bara dheeraaf jiraachise. Surroota sana isaanii kan fuuloo ta’ee fula saanii xuraawaa dhosseef. Gaaffiin Oromoo gaaffi bilisummaa sabaawaa sammicha seermalee akasii hambisuuf kan dhihaate yoo ta’u kan koloneeffataa olhaantummaa gad jabeessuuf kan dhihate. Yoo qabamsi raawwate malee dhoofsisaaf irraa ka’i waloo hin jiru. Kan golli sadaffaan qayyabachuu dadhabu sana ta’a. Gaaffiin hiree ofii ofiin murteeffachu dhugooffachuu mirkanii jireenya seenaa sabichaa irratt hundaawaa.
Mootummaan amma jiru kana beekuun kan heera saa keessatt mirga kana galche. Sun waan qajeelaa dha. Sobaan dhiheessuun garuu addagummaa dha. Oromomitiin seexaa qaban kan Oromiyaa keessatt dhalatan, jiraatan, yk hojjetan kanneen keesumsiisoo, michuu, nama biyya walii ta’an waan bilisomuu irraa sodaatan kan hin jirreef isaan waliin qabama raawwachiisuuf akka dhaabbatan eegamuu. Kanneen jibba sanyii fi amantee koloneeffamoo hin qabne ummati Oromoo naga qabeessoo fi aada qabeessoo akka tahan beeku. Nama nagaatt roorrisuun uumaa sabichaa keessa waan hin jirre. Garuu Wayyaaneen ofii yakka hamaa tolchee kan biraatt maqachuun amala see waan ta’eef dammaqanii eeggachuu dha.
Koloneeffataa inni eegalaallee yeroo mootii Itophiyaa fi biyya Oromoo ofiin jechuu labse adda addummaa biyyooti lamaan, Itophiyaa fi Oromiyaan qaban beekuufii saa agarsiisa. Oromoon akka wallaaloti tokko tokko xeeban gosa hedduu of keessaa qaba malee ofii gosa miti. Mootummaan ammaa gaaffii bilisummaa Oromoo irra darbama jira. Heera tumuun, Oromoo qabsoo saanii irraa dagachiisee, hamaa dhiiga lolaasu duuba fiduu deemuuf yeroo bitachuu saa ture. Hacuuccaa hagamiittu dhimma bahuun deebii gaaffii akkasiif barbaachisu yeroo hin beekamneef dabarsuun boombii innaa eeggatee dhukahu waan ta’eef irra darbuun hin dandahamu. Kanaaf bu’aa olloototaa fi addunyaa jedhamee ariitiii dandahamuun ilaalamuu qaba.
Ka’ka’i barattoota dhiheenya ta’e qabattee ilaalamu qaban hedduu keessaa tokko qofaa. Kanneen biro akka “Ittissa Haaromaa” (GRD) kan nammi hedduun kuusaa saa jireenyaa gowwoofamee bondi bituun itt dhagalaase; “Samicha lafaa” kan Oromiyaan ummati see buqqifamuun gatii yartuun gurguramte; Afaan Oromoo waajjiraalee fi waabaroota Finfinnee akka hin seene ittifamuu fakkaatan Oromoo waan laalaniif roorroo biraa irratt dabalamuun qabattee morma guddaa kaasuu danda’an keessatt argamu. Lagi Abbayyaa bishaa gara caalu Oromiyaa irraa argata. Yaa’aan saas lafa Oromiyaa guddaa tuqa. Bishaan qajeellaan dhimma itt bahamuu kan mormu hin jiru. Garuu akki inni itt eegalee malbeekiin kan gorsamu mitii, horiin barbaachisu kan hanga dhumaatt baasu miti, yaadi duuba jirus mamsiisaa dha. Wanti sanaan dhufuu kan Oromiyaa hubuu danda’u samicha lafaa gadi hin ta’u.
“GRD” surraa yeroo abba tokkee yk murnaaf moo, dhuguma akka jedhame dantaa Itoophiyaafii? Gartokko leellisuun mufannaa hariiroo sabgidduu mimichiiruunf malee dantaa Itophiyaa waliin kan wal hin agarree laata? Uumaa mootummichaa, martii dhibantootaa dhiphoo qabeenya walitt guuruuf araada qabu irraa yoo laalamu hamilaticha dhumaan gahuuf utuu hin ta’in kan dhoofsisa “dhaabuu yk jijjiiruuf ta’u” irraa bu’aa argamuu jedhanii eegalan fakkaata.
Laggeen Oromiyaa hamma yoonaa hidhaman irraa bu’aa kan argatan Oromiyaa utuu hin ta’in biyya koloneeffatoo fi daldaloota alaatii. Abbayyas adda hin ta’u. Waan lafa laalutt laftii ammayyuu kan mootummaati akka jedhamett hafe. Abbaan akka fedhutt dhimma itt bahuu danda’a. Kanaafi mootummichi kan gaafate hundaaf gatii salphaan gurguratu yk deggertoota saaf hiree akka gurguratanii durooman godhu yk galtuu Oromoo booda “kiraayi sabsaabii” jedhee ittiin dorsisuuf gurguraddhaa jedhee kennuufiitt jira. Jara akksii irraa kan bitatetu abbaan lafaa akka diinaatt ilaala malee kittillayyoon TPLF Oromoo buqqiftee jalaa miliqaa jirti. Lafti kan Oromooti, Oromoon keennaa haa ta’u gurgurtaa akkasii hin hayyamus kontraata akkasiisn seenames kabajuuf hin dirqamu. Kontraata seermalee, fedha Oromoo hin eegnee. Gaaffii Oromoo walii galaa kan laalutt mootummichi raawwachuu mirga of ifsaa gabbaarotaa irratt kan mallatteesse fakkaata. Kanaaf akkaataan ofirraa faccisuu jijjiiramuun dirqii dha; sana malee hiriirri nagaa kamuu of ajjeesuu ta’aa
Fixiisa duuba wanti nama aarsuu, mootummaan afaan dadhabootaa keessatt qooqa hudumuun obbolaa saanii du’anii fi qabsoo saanii akka balaaleffatan gochuu dha. Dubbiin saa kan Federaalati. Kan qawwee daa’imatt jifffatanis isaanii. Garuu kaasaa jeequmsichaa jajallisuun hamajaajii gooftoliin saanii uumuuf deeman balaaleffachuf kan ergaman Goobanoota haaraa dha. Ummatooti Itophiyaa balaaleffannaa akkasii duruu beeku. Mootii moototaaf “harka alaa”, Dargiif “CIA Qixiranyaa”, Wayyaaneef ” gooltuu fi farra guddinaa” jedhamu turan. Goobanooti haaraan akeeki “Karoora Muummichaa” barruun jiraachuu dagatanii Finfinnee magaalaa “Metropolitan’ guddaa tokkott jijjiiruf akka tahe haaluu yaalaniiru.
Oromoon namoota maqaa guddinaatiin Oromiyaa babbaqassanii qabeenya saanii mulquu kan yaalan dura ni dhaabbatu. Qabsoo bilisummaa fi tokkummaaf Oromoon tolchu hololli hamaa n akkamiiyyuu dhaabuu hin dandahu. Oromiyaa walaba tokko taate malee sabi Oromoo jedhamu hin jiraatu. Jaarmaa malbulchaa jabaa dhabuun baraatooti qooda dursuu akkuma yeroo mootii moototaa fudhachaa jiru. Akkuma barasii ABO dullachi hin qophaawu taanaan murni ijaarame biraa fulduratt cehuun kaayyoo sochii bilisummaa ganamaa haaromsa. Hanga roorroon hin raawwannett warraaqsa Oromoo dhaabuun hin danda’amu. Gamnoomaan qabsaawoti Oromo kan gochuu danda’an waan kaleessa ta’eef gadooduuti yeroo dabarsuu dhiisanii amma kaasee maaltu hojjetamuu qaba kan jedhu ilaaluu dha. Kaleessi hamaa fi tolaa saa waliin sokkeera; tolchuuf haa tahu balleessuuf hardha qabannee wayyaa ta’a kan jennu boritt aggammataa jirra.
Oromoo callisisuuf yekki tolfamu caalaatt o’ee oofamaa jira. Haalli badaan torbanoota darbanii kan fuggifamu miti. Garuu sabboonoti hundi akkaataa yakkooti sun itt hinfufne irratt yaaduu akka jalqabantu abdatama. Biyya keessatt geengoon ofirraa ittisuu qaata naanna’uu eegalee. Namooti miidhaan hacuuccaa itt dhagahamaa jiru caccaba Oromiyaa fi jiraattota arraddaa akaakilee fi bakka hiddi hannura dhaloototaa itt bu’ee buqqisuu ofirraa faccisuu ittuma fufuu.
Too’annaa gabii dhabsiisuuf sochii saanii cimfachuu qofa isaan barbaachisa ta’aa. Duuti dargaggoo fi namoota homaa hin balleessinee garaa nama guba garuu yeroo hunda bilissummaaf gatiin baafamu jiraa. Sannaayiroon basaasaa“Goox”, “Garee” fi “Aand Laamist” cabaniiru. Diinni ababbarutt ka’eera; itt fufanii jarjarsuun balleessaa ofiin xaxamee of oolchuuf dhofsisisuu dirqamuu danda’a. Mee, qabattee dhimmasiisan tokko tokko akkaataa sabboonotii fi namooti hundeen Oromiyaa ta’an ala jiraatan gamtaa walirraa hin citneen qabsoo biyyatt tolfamu itt gargaaran xinxaluu dandahan haa laallu.
Oromoon addunyaa guutuu keessa jiran hawaasatt, waldoota dhugeeffannoo fi ogumaatt ijaaramanii jiru. Garuu hundi saanii basaasotaa fi maandhee riphoo luuxxee galtuunkan faalamanii. Dhimma baasuuf dura of afalla’uu qabu. Jaarmaa noolaaf kan jedhame hundi kanneen malbulchaafis dhugaa dha. Akeeki jarmotaa hawaasaa naannaan danga’amaa dha. Gidiraan Oromoo garuu qindooma baaqula guutuu gaafata. Oromoo hundaaf waan dhimma baasuu gochuu waliin bobba’uuf waan danda’aman irratt xiinxala gadi fagoo gaggeessuu fi qabaticha sirriitt qayyabachuu feesisa. Muuxannoo darban irraa wanti baraman yoo jiraatan ilaalamuu qabu.
Jaarmoti malbulchaa yoo bobbaa saanii qindeeffachuu danda’an shaffisoo ta’uu. Yoo hanqatan dhaabotaa fi hooggani haala keessa dhalachuu waan danda’aniif isaanii dhimma hin baafnee ta’uun akka jiru beekamuu qaba. Kanneen sababa addaaf jara kaaniitt makamuu hin dandeenye qabsoo ummataatt gufuu akka hin taane eeggachuu dha. Haala amma jiru jalatt yaada wayyabaa tuffachuu fi mata jaboo ta’uun hin baasu. Biyyatt ijoo dadhabaan Oromoo lammooma, amantee fi gosaa. Diinni sana tuttuquun waldhabdee uumuu yaala. Kanaaf hundi utuu hin yaadin akka hin qabamne dammaqee eeggachuu gaafata. Nammuu guddina aadaa fi qabsoo ummataatt gufuu ta’uuf keetolee koloneeffatoo fi baballatoo kan ergamoota dhaabota amantee fakkaatanii dhihataan jiraachuu hubachuu qaba. Jarri kunis gargarbaaftuuf farra nagaa waan ta’aniif sabboonota amantoota hundaa keesssa jiraniin dura dhaabbatamuu qabu.
Kan irraanfatamu hin qabnee Wayyaaneen basaasota bobbaasuuf qabeenya motummaatt dhimma bahee kan didaniin hunda akka hordofuu. Akeekota saa keessa waldhabdee sabboonota ala jiran gidduutt uumee mormituu saa laashessuu fi iyyaatii sochii saanii corachuufi. Bakka danda’amett isaan keessaa PDO saaf namoota madaqfata. Sanaaf mala haaraa fi dooyaa namaa, luuxee galtuu abbaa dhimmaa caalaa dhimmamaa taatee dhihaattutt dhimma baha. Kun akka masaka dhaabbataa ergamtoota malbeekii kennamett gaggeeffama. Kanaafii jaarmmaa qilleensi hin seennee fi miseensoti amanamoon kan soqaman. Sabaawoti Oromoo jaarmaa saba saanii waliin yk diina waliin jiru. Mooraa lama tajaajiluu hin danda’anii. Waan akkasii keessatt waandhibnummaan dhaabbachuu qaba.Safuun, Oromoo fi nafii walfakkaataa kan qaban gidduu qofatt dhimma baasaa
Ummatooti olla Oromoo kan kolonoma jalatt kufanii fi ammas muummee sanaa ciiga’ami kan irra gahu jiruu. Jar asana waliin hidhata qabsoo uumuun bu’a qabeessa. Jarri sun ummata moo’oo daangaa ofii qabanii fi saboota kanaan dura hidhata qabsoo uummatan hariiroo saanii yeroo danda’ame sadarkaa olhanutt guddifachuu yaaluu dha. Harki diinaa gargar isaan baasuu fedhu caqasamuu qaba. Qabsaawoti Oromoo jara akkasiif bu’aa cicannoo kennuu malee ta’innaan hariiroon akka hin boorofne eeggachuu qabu. Kana malee kiyyoo diinni kaa’ee seenuu ta’a.
Oromooti ala jiran hedduun nambiyyoota biyya keessa jiraniiti. Jarri kun akka murna lammiitt waldaa noolaa qabu. Kanaaf yeroo hundaa ummati duubatti dhiisanii dhufan birmadhaa harka abba hirree jala nabaasaa jedhee iyyataa akka jiru irraanfachuu miti. Utuu isaan jiraniifii Oromiyaa, biyyi seenaan walaba fi demokaraatoftuu taate hirkattuu taatee jiraachuu hin qabdu. Kun seexaa saanii fi didhaa tahuu qaba. Kanaaf qabsoo nagaa malbeekii ummata saanii keessatt qoda taphatan akka qaban fudhachuu qabu. Ummatichi aangoo namaa beekoo fi ogeeyyi akkasumas deggersa waatattaa gosa hundaa barbaadaa. Murni Oromoo hamma saanii madda qabeenyaatt saaqaa qabu hin jiru.
Nammi biyyaa dhimma waloon isaan ilaalu mari’achuu walitt qabamuuf birbadummaa hin qabu. Garuu yoo hacuuccaan dangaa darbuu sodaan qabamuu ni haqamaa. Oromoon sadarkaa sana ga’aa jira. Wayyaaneen ijoolleen hiriirtee dhiistee Oromo hidhuuf ajjeesuun see hin hafuu. Sabicha keessatt hamlee yoo cabsite malee abbaa biyyumaa fi qabeenya samaa jirtu gaafata jettee sodaattii. Hanga danda’amett akka inni hin xiixne, qabeenya akka hin horanne, akka waa hin baranne ukkaamsitee bulchuu yaaltii. Kan Oromummaa ofiitt amanan karaa sabi kun xaxaa halagaa keesssaa futtaafatu maluu fi gargaaruu qabu. Kan lubbuu fi bilisummaa saanii maqaan akka hin badne wareegaa jiran duubbee ofiitt boonaniitu. Biyya ofii keessatt tuffatamanii, birmadummaa dhabuun jiraachuu caalaa wanti badaa fi salphisaan hin jiru. Kanaaf kanneen balaa sana jala hin jirre dubbee cimaa fi amansiisaa ta’u qabuu. Oromummaatu sana gaafata. Nammi tokko yoo hidhamu yk ajjeefamu abbicha qofa utuu hin ta’in hawaasi, warraa fi maatiin, jeeqama malbulchaa, hawaasomaa fi diinagdee keessa wan seensisuuf dubbee ta’uufiin barbachisa.
Qabsaawoti barruu karbooniin garagalchuu eegalan heddummeessituu alkoolii fi stencil keessa darbanii amma bara maxansitu elektronik gahaniiru. Ergamaa fi shiboo sibila isaan dhimma itt bahaa turan amma quunnamtii koputaraan bakka buufameeraa. Hedduun sana utuu hin dhaqqabin karaa mirgoo deemaa of akka barru nu tolchanii darbani. Nammi tokko akka dulloomaa deemeen komputaraa fi yaada ammayyaan walfudhachuun akka isa dhibu beekamaa dha. Kanaaf dhalooti haaraan komputaratt colluma qaban qabsoo shaffisiisuuf itt gaafatama karaa sanaa akka fudhatan jajjabeessuun dansa. Karaa dullachi qunnamtiif haa ta’u bulchaaf yeroon waan itt darbeef jijjiirrachuun anjaa qaba. Akka biraatt akeeki Gadaa kan yaa’a malbulchaa haaromsuu akka baraaf ta’utt guddifamuu qaba jechuu dha. Beekumsi muuxannoon argames dudhaa Oromoo keessatt qooda taphatu qaba. Oromoon yaadannoo ulfina dabankufoota durii fi dhihoo jedhanii bilisummaa irraa fuula deeffachuu hin qabanii. Balaan dhiheenya humna addaa adda koloneeffataa, nama nyaatoo TPLF/EPRDFn ergamaniin dargaggoo Oromoo irratt bu’e yaadachuun yeroo garaan nu madaawu imimmaan qabachuun nu dhiba. Gumaan saanii lafatt akka hin hafne booree nurra kaa’anii darbanii.
Ulfinaa fi surraan gootota kufaniif; walabummaa, walqixxummaa fi bilisummaan kan hafaniif; nagaa fi araarri Ayyaana abboolii fi ayyoliif haa tahu!

Gadaa.com