Wednesday, July 23, 2014

Ethiopia Becomes China’s China in Search for Cheap Labor

By Kevin Hamlin, Ilya Gridneff and William Davison


Ethiopian workers strolling through the parking lot of Huajian Shoes’ factory outside Addis Ababa last month chose the wrong day to leave their shirts untucked.
Company President Zhang Huarong, just arrived on a visit from China, spotted them through the window, sprang up and ran outside. The former People’s Liberation Army soldier harangued them loudly in Chinese, tugging at one man’s aqua polo shirt and forcing another’s shirt into his pants. Nonplussed, the workers stood silently until the eruption subsided.
Shaping up a handful of employees is one small part of Zhang’s quest to profit from Huajian’s factory wages of about $40 a month -– less than 10 percent the level in China.
“Ethiopia is exactly like China 30 years ago,” said Zhang, 55, who quit the military in 1982 to make shoes from his home in Jiangxi province with three sewing machines and now supplies such brands as Nine West and Guess?. “The poor transportation infrastructure, lots of jobless people.”
Almost three years after Zhang began his Ethiopian adventure at the invitation of the late Prime Minister Meles Zenawi, he says he’s unhappy with profits at the Dongguan Huajian Shoes Industry Co. unit, frustrated by “widespread inefficiency” in the local bureaucracy and struggling to raise factory productivity from a level he says is about a third of China’s.
Four Tongues
Transportation and logistics that cost as much as four times those in China are prompting Huajian to set up its own trucking company. And the use of four languages in the plant -- Ethiopia’s national language, Amharic; the local tongue, Oromo; English and Chinese -- further complicates operations, Zhang says.
It takes two hours to drive 30 kilometers (18 miles) to the Huajian factory from the capital along the country’s main artery, illustrating the challenges. Oil tankers and trucks scream along the bumpy, potholed and, at times, unpaved road. Goats, donkeys and cows wander along the roadside and occasionally into bumper-to-bumper traffic. Minibuses and dented taxis, mostly blue Ladas from the country’s past as a Soviet ally, weave through oncoming traffic coughing a smoggy exhaust.
Huajian is nonetheless becoming a case study of Ethiopia’s emerging potential as a production center for labor-intensive products from shoes to T-shirts to handbags. In a country where 80 percent of the labor force is in agriculture, manufacturers don’t have to worry about finding new workers. Its population of about 96 million is Africa’s second-largest after Nigeria’s.
Seeking Investment
A combination of cheap labor and electricity and a government striving to attract foreign investment makes Ethiopia more attractive than many other African nations, said Deborah Brautigam, author of “The Dragon’s Gift: The Real Story of China in Africa” and a professor of international development and comparative politics at Johns Hopkins University’s School of Advanced International Studies in Washington.
“They are trying to establish conditions for transformation,” Brautigam said in a telephone interview. “It could become the China of Africa.”
Huajian’s 3,500 workers in Ethiopia produced 2 million pairs of shoes last year. Located in one of the country’s first government-supported industrial zones, the factory began operating in January 2012, only three months after Zhang decided to invest. It became profitable in its first year and now earns $100,000 to $200,000 a month, he said, calling it an insufficient return that will rise as workers become better trained.
Fleeing China
Under bright fluorescent lights, amid the drone of machines, workers cut, glue, stitch and sew Marc Fisher brown leather boots bound for the U.S. Meanwhile, supervisors monitor quotas on whiteboards, giving small cash rewards to winning teams and criticism to those falling short.
China, Africa and global retailers all have stakes in whether Ethiopia and such countries as Tanzania, Rwanda and Senegal become viable production bases for labor-intensive products. Promoting trade, boosting employment and spurring investment are among the topics that will be discussed on August 4-6 at the first White House U.S.-Africa Leaders Summit in Washington.
African nations have a compelling opportunity to seize a share of the about 80 million jobs that China will export as its manufacturers lose competitiveness, according to Justin Lin, a former World Bank chief economist who now is a professor of economics at Peking University.
‘Manufacturing Powerhouse’
Chinese Premier Li Keqiang and Ethiopian Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn, who met on May 4, backed the move of Chinese industries to Ethiopia. China is “supporting Ethiopia’s great vision to become Africa’s manufacturing powerhouse,” Hailemariam told reporters at a joint press conference in Addis Ababa.
Weaker consumer spending in the U.S. and Europe after the financial crisis prompted global retailers to hasten their search for lower-cost producers, said Helen Hai, head of China Africa Consulting Ltd. in Addis Ababa. She ran Huajian’s Ethiopia factory until July of last year.
While China’s inland regions offered manufacturers a cheaper alternative to the export-linked coastal areas, rising costs and a limited pool of available workers now are undermining that appeal.
Average factory pay in Henan, about 800 kilometers from the coast, rose 103 percent in the five years ended in September and 80 percent in Chongqing, 1,700 kilometers up the Yangtze River. In the same period, salaries rose 82.5 percent in Guangdong, where Huajian has its base in the city of Dongguan.
‘Great Potential’
Cost inflation in countries including China has prompted Hennes & Mauritz AB, Europe’s second-biggest clothing retailer, to work with three suppliers in Ethiopia. The nation has “great potential” for production, H&M head of sustainability Helma Helmersson said in an April interview.
China’s average manufacturing wage is 3,469 yuan ($560) per month. Pay at the Huajian factory ranges from the basic after-tax minimum of $30 a month to about twice that for supervisors. By contrast, average manufacturing wages in South Africa, Africa’s biggest manufacturer, are about $1,200.
The duty-free and quota-free access that Sub-Saharan Africa enjoys for the U.S. and EU markets gives additional savings thanks to the African Growth and Opportunity Act for the U.S. and the EU’s Everything But Arms accord for the poorest countries. Import tariffs on shoes made in China range from 6 percent to as much as 36 percent, Zhang said.
Past-Future Business
A spokeswoman for Guess? confirmed that a licensee has done business with the Huajian Ethiopia factory in the past and may do so in the future.
A spokesman for Sycamore Partners, which owns Nine West, declined to comment on its business relationships and whether it has a relationship with Dongguan Huajian Shoes Industry Co. Marc Fisher Footwear is making shoes in the Ethiopia factory, Jaclyn Weissman, a spokeswoman for the company, wrote in an e-mail.
Signs of Ethiopia’s allure include factories outside Addis Ababa set up by leather goods maker Pittards Plc of the U.K. and Turkish textile manufacturer Ayka Tekstil. Foreign direct investment in the nation surged almost 250 percent to $953 million last year from the year before, according to estimates by the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development.
Zhang spends about half his time in Ethiopia, he says. During the visit last month, he spoke to about 200 uniformed Huajian supervisors, a mix of Ethiopians and Chinese, gathered in the parking lot. A giant plasma screen mirrored the crowd as Zhang hurried onto the stage.
Chant, March
He berated those assembled for a lack of efficiency, then praised them for their loyalty to Huajian, his words translated into Amharic and Oromo. He ordered them to march on the spot, to turn left and to turn right, all chanting together in Chinese.
“One two one,” they chanted. “One two three four,” as they marched in step. Slogans followed: “Unite as one.” “Improvement together.” “Civilized and efficient.”
They sang the “Song of Huajian,” whose words urged “We Huajian people” to bravely move forward, to hold the banner of Huajian high and to “keep our business forever.” Chinese supervisors led the song, their Ethiopian colleagues stumbling over some words and struggling to keep up.
Later, Zhang explained that he can’t be as tough on the staff as he would like.
“Here the management cannot be too strong as there will be a problem with the culture,” he said via a translator. “In China you can be strong, but not here. The conditions here mean we have to show respect. On one hand we have to have strict requirements; on the other hand we have to take care of them. They have their own dignity. They may be poor but we have to respect their dignity.”
Labor Demands
About 200 of the workers rebelled in early 2013, going on strike for two days after demanding a share of profits following a period in which Huajian’s orders surged, said Hai. The incident was resolved with the help of Ethiopian labor officials, she said.
Five workers interviewed at the factory on July 10 described a workplace of strict standards, with rewards for good results and penalties such as docked pay for ruined shoes.
Taddelech Teshome, 24, said her day starts at 7:20 a.m. after her Chinese employers provide employees with a breakfast of bread and tea. When her morning shift ferrying shoes from the factory floor to the warehouse is over, she gets fed the national staple, sour bread, for lunch. After work, a Huajian bus takes her to nearby Debre Zeit, a town where she rents a room with her sister for $18 a month.
Following Sister
She came to Huajian just over a year ago from her home 165 kilometers away in Arsi region after her sister started at the factory.
“The work is good because I pay my rent and I can look after myself,” she said, wearing an aqua Huajian polo shirt. “It’s transformed my life.” Taddelech said she wants to work for two more years at the plant and become a supervisor. She eventually aspires to build her own house.
With inflation at 8 percent -- down from 40 percent in July 2011 -– saving cash is tough. Mohammed al-Jaber, who earns $30 a month for gluing shoe linings eight hours a day six days a week, said he can add to his pay with perfect attendance each month -- a $7.50 bonus -- and overtime. Any extra gets sent home to his family in the Arsi region.
Once famine-plagued Ethiopia, run by former rebels since they overthrew a socialist military junta in 1991, is seeking investment to support a growth rate that’s expected to fall to 7.5 percent this year from 9.7 percent in 2013. The population is expanding annually by 2.9 percent, at a time when the urban unemployment rate is 17.5 percent.
Economic Transformation
Ethiopia aims “to transform the economy” via industrialization by attracting foreign investors to zones where key public services will be concentrated, State Minister Of Finance Ahmed Shide said in an interview in Addis Ababa.
One appeal for China: Ethiopia follows a similar tightly controlled, state-heavy economic model. Opposition parties won only one out of 547 parliamentary seats at the last election in 2010.
Ties are strong between the Communist Party of China and the Ethiopian Peoples’ Revolutionary Democratic Front: On July 10, Central Committee Political Bureau member Guo Jinlong visited Ethiopia and met with Prime Minister Hailemariam. The two pledged to enhance cooperation, the official Xinhua news agency said.
Key Bottlenecks
Ethiopia’s heavy public investment in infrastructure using credit from Chinese state banks promises to relieve some key bottlenecks. The Export-Import Bank of China is funding a railway from Addis Ababa to landlocked Ethiopia’s main port in neighboring Djibouti. Ethiopia lost its coastline when Eritrea became independent in 1993.
The Chinese and Ethiopian governments also are investing in hydroelectric plants -- including what will be Africa’s largest, the domestically funded Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam on the Blue Nile -- that should increase Ethiopia’s power supply five-fold by 2020.
That may help overcome obstacles including the supply of electricity and cumbersome customs and tax procedures. In May, a World Bank team went to visit a textile factory in the Eastern Industrial Zone, where the Huajian plant is located, and found they are faced with daily power outages lasting for hours, Ethiopia country director Guang Zhe Chen said.
Sustainable Power
“There’s a big issue if you can’t ensure sustainable power supply for industrial zones,” he said.
While countries like Ethiopia have the potential to host Asian manufacturers, a “surge” hasn’t occurred, in part because of trade logistics constraints. “Getting things in and out of Ethiopia is very expensive and time consuming.”
Ethiopia slipped one place to 125th in the World Bank’s 2014 Doing Business rankings for 189 economies. It was behind China, at 96th, and ahead of competitor Bangladesh, which ranked 130th, the Washington-based lender said on its website.
It’s easy to forget that China’s infrastructure also was rudimentary at a similar stage of development, said Lin. He recalls that the first time he made the 96-mile trip between Shenzhen and Guangzhou in southern China in the early 1980s it took more than 12 hours, including long waits for ferries to cross rivers. The same trip now can be done in two hours.
“There were no bridges,” Lin said in an interview.
Nor were workers accustomed to modern production techniques. When auto-parts maker Asimco Technologies Ltd. began manufacturing in China in the 1990s, workers weren’t responsive to training, said Tim Clissold, former president of the Beijing-based company and author of a memoir, “Mr. China.”
Smiling Politely
“It was very difficult to deliver improvements at individual factories,” he said. “You could do training, and everyone smiles politely and then continues doing what they were doing before.”
Now, rising Chinese wages that Zhang calls “an inevitable trend” are pushing Huajian to try to increase its workforce in Ethiopia to as many as 50,000 within eight years.
A model of a planned new plant at the edge of Addis Ababa is displayed at the factory. The 126-hectare (341-acre) complex, partly financed by more than $300 million from Huajian, will include apartments for workers, a “forest resort” district and a technical university.
At the gathering in the parking lot, after supervisors sang Huajian’s company song, Zhang dismissed the Ethiopian contingent. Then he continued haranguing the Chinese managers. To make his point that structure was needed to keep employees in focus, he thrust a broomstick toward them repeatedly, then toward the remote camera that was feeding to the plasma screen, the image blurring with each prod.
Then he left the stage, laughing and raising a triumphant fist.

In Ethiopia, Protecting Yourself Online Is a Crime

This post was written by PEN America's Freedom to Write Fellow Deji Olukotun.
Six Ethiopian bloggers were formally charged with terrorism in Ethiopia's Lideta High Court last week, a move provoking deep concern for hackers and human rights activists in Ethiopia and around the world. Three journalists were also charged and a seventh blogger, Soleyana Gebremicheal, was charged in absentia.
The seven members of the Zone 9 blogger collective, who sprung to international attention upon their arrest last April, stand accused of associating with outlawed political groups and of attending a digital security training, among other charges. The criminalization of digital security training generates particular alarm among human rights activists, including PEN, who often promote these trainings for bloggers in repressive societies as a preventative measure against exactly the kind government spying and twisting of information that can lead to bogus charges like associating with outlawed groups. The bloggers maintain that they were openly critical of the outlawed groups and not, in fact, allied with them in any way.
"It is terrible that all of the articles we have written for two consecutive years have been brought to court as 'evidence' to support the terrorism charges. It is insane," said Endalkachew Michael, a Zone 9 blogger currently living in exile.
Thinking and reflecting on the realities of the country is literally impossible in Ethiopia today. I have seen the charge sheet and they brought the laptops of the bloggers as evidence against them, including attending a training on encryption tools. The government has also accused us of associating with two ideologically hostile opposition groups which are outlawed. The paradox is that we have been very critical of these outlawed political parties.
The name "Zone 9" is derived from a section of Kality Prison in Addis Ababa where journalists are held, called Zone 8. According to the bloggers, Zone 9 represents the invisible prison that surrounds all the citizens of Ethiopia, who may be arrested at any time for speaking out. Their motto is simple: "We Blog Because We Care." Those who can continue to blog in the face of government harassment, threats, surveillance and intimidation to fill the silence created by the government's ongoing crackdowns on free speech and dissent.
2014-07-22-Zone9_Collage4_1200.jpg
Ethiopia is among the greatest violators of the right to free expression, operating one of the most sophisticated Internet monitoring and filtering systems in the world with near total impunity. JournalistsEskinder Nega, winner of the 2012 PEN / Barbara Goldsmith Freedom to Write Award, and Reeyot Alemu continue to suffer in prison on lengthy sentences for exercising their right to free expression.
Hackers from the HOPE X convention in New York City posed in support of the Zone 9 bloggers and free expression.




Monday, July 21, 2014

Ethiopia under fire over prosecution of Zone 9 bloggers

July 20, 2014 (NAIROBI) – International condemnation mounts against Ethiopia following a Federal High Court’s decision on Friday to press charges against a group of nine Ethiopian bloggers and journalists.

The bloggers who are members of a social media activist group known as Zone 9 were arrested late in April for alleged links with an outlawed group and planning to carry out terrorist attacks to destabilize nation.

The reporters had been accused of receiving financial and logistical support from a US-based Ethiopian opposition movement, Ginbot 7, a group labelled by Ethiopian government as a terrorist entity.

Human Rights Watch (HRW) on Saturday urged Ethiopian authorities to immediately drop the charges pressed against the bloggers and journalists saying the charges were “politically motivated”

Leslie Lefkow, deputy Africa director at Human Rights Watch accused Ethiopia of ’making a mockery’ of its judicial system.

“Hiding behind an abusive anti-terrorism law to prosecute bloggers and journalists doing their job is an affront to the constitution and international protection for free expression.” He said.

The New York-based press freedom group, Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) to its side said the government in Addis Ababa was trying to stifle opposition voices and media freedom in the country.

"Expressing critical views is not a terrorist act. Once again, the Ethiopian government is misusing anti-terrorism legislation to suppress political dissent and intimidate journalists," Tom Rhodes, CPJ’s East Africa representative, said in a statement.

An opposition official on Sunday told Sudan Tribune that crackdown against critical journalists, opposition figures members and supporters was a common trend of the Ethiopian government ahead national elections.

Ethiopian prime minister Hailemariam Desalegen earlier this week denied the that members of the Zone 9 bloggers were arrested for being critical to government but for having links with terrorists and for receiving instruction from the banned group.

Desalegn pledged his government will conduct democratic, free and fair elections something an opposition official referred it as “empty pledge”.

Ethiopia which is considered as regional key security partner of the US government had long been under fire of using the broadly defined anti-terrorism law as a tool to curb freedom of expression and to silence opposition voices.

The US government has also expresses grave concern against the prosecution of the journalists and urged the Ethiopian government to ensure that the trial is fair, transparent, and in compliance with Ethiopia’s constitutional guarantees and international human rights obligations.

“We urge the Ethiopian government to ensure that the trial is open to public observation and free of political influence” said, Jen Psaki, US state Department Spokesperson.

“We reiterate Secretary Kerry’s May 1 call on Ethiopia to refrain from 
using anti-terrorism laws as a mechanism to curb the free exchange of ideas” Psaki added.

The trial against the nine bloggers and journalists – one is charged in absentia – is expected to resume on 4 August.
Lawyers of the suspects have all dismissed the charges and told reporters that there was no credible evidence to prosecute them.



OLF & SLF Joint Statement: Instigating violence between the two cousins never stops us from marching to our goal

JointOLF_SLF2
July 20, 2014
Joint Press Statement
By Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) & Sidama Liberation Front (SLF)
Time and again, we all have witnessed the Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) led dictatorial regime of Ethiopia deliberately masterminding various forms of atrocities in order to remain in power. The regime uses its organized agents  to deliberately instigate violence between the various oppressed nations in the country. Although the ‘divide-and-rule’ tactics have been adopted by all oppressive rulers all over the globe, the tactics of the current regime in Ethiopia differ in one key aspect. They are aimed at driving a wedge between the most closely related peoples and communities. The regime has done this between the two Kush cousins, the Oromo and the Sidama people, time and again seriously undermining their basic human dignities and democratic rights.
The Oromo and the Sidama people are culturally, ethno-linguistically, socially, geo-politically & morally intertwined nations. The two largest Kush cousins also share similar ancestral origins and large expanse of territorial boundaries. The alliance between these two sisterly nations is founded on historical roots, therefore, it is unshakable. Moreover, the Oromo and the Sidama nations are fundamentally democratic and egalitarianism societies, and govern their respective nations by using their traditional democraticGadaa and Luwa systems, respectively. Both nations use the aforementioned noble socio-cultural and politico-economic heritages as the pillars of genuine democracy, just and fairness.
The successive Ethiopian regimes are aware of the unshakable power the Kush brothers can galvanize if they are left to freely and peacefully exercise their rights.  For these simple reasons, the successive Ethiopian regimes have done what they could to instigate wars between the two cousins under various pretexts although their successes have been limited to the actions of uninformed immoral messengers sent out by these regimes to do their dirty jobs in both Oromia & Sidamaland. Due to such tragedies instigated sadly by the current regime, several lives have been unnecessarily lost in the past 23 years from both Sidama and Oromo people. However, our noble elders from both nations have effectively foiled the repeated plots of the current regime time and again. In spite of the repeated attempts by the current regime to divide the two brotherly nations permanently, our beloved nations have managed to maintain peace and harmony, and centuries old unity. However, this has never been palatable to the current regime. The regime is once again playing its dirty game of instigating further conflict between the two nations. Cognizant of the significance of the Oromo-Sidama alliance on its political future, the TPLF regime is sending out its messengers to fuel further instability in the neighbouring lines of the Sidamaland and Oromia.
In the Angettuu district of the Bale zone in the Oromia, the Sidama and the Oromo made their unity reality by cooperation and living together for centuries. In this very region, where both peoples peacefully and harmoniously live together, TPLF’s messengers are currently sent out to instigate hatred between the two. However, they weren’t successful in doing so as both peoples fully understand the regime’s divide and rule tactics. When the Oromo elders and the wider community refused to create any disagreements with their Sidama cousins, the TPLF’s Oromo messenger cadres themselves began burning the houses of Sidama residents by demanding the Sidama people to completely vacate the area. The situation remains tense where over 40 Sidama houses have been burned to ashes by the TPLF’s Oromo messengers when the Oromo people refused obeying their orders.
Similarly, repeated previous attempts of the regime have been foiled by the normalising actions of noble, wise and farsighted elders of both Oromo and Sidama nations. As the Oromo and Sidama are working hard for genuine political alliances, both within the country and in Diaspora, the regime feels extremely anxious and restless. Cognizant of the likelihood of the creation of a significant political alliance, the regime is working day and night to destabilise both nations.
Therefore, we call upon the peoples of both nations to be extremely vigilant and unconditionally reject the regime’s divide-and-rule tactics by sticking together to further our struggle for liberation.
We also call upon both nations to stick to our traditional values, and stand shoulder to shoulder to fight our common enemy which is robbing our dignity and pride by uprooting our peoples from their lands and incriminating those who demand for their rights. We also urge the TPLF Oromo cadres to stop burning the Sidama houses for the political gain of the regime in power.
Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) & Sidama Liberation Front (SLF)
July 20, 2014

Sunday, July 20, 2014

Galmee Seenaa Mammoo Mazaamir

Tolcha Wagii irraa 



Maammoo_MazamirKabajamaa Mammoon abbaa isanii Obbo Mazaamir Haabitee Doorii fi, haadha isanii addee Umee Guremeessaa irraa Koonyaa Jibaati fi Maaccaa magalaa Guudar keessatti bara 1937 tti dhalate.
Mammoon barnoota sadarkaa duraa magalaa Guudar Keessatti baratee erga Xumureen booda sadarkaa lammaffaa mana baruumsa Ambooti barateera. Mammoon baruumsa sadarkaa lammaffaa olanaa gara magalaa Finfinneetti dhufudhan yeroo sanaattii mana Baruumsa “Tafarii Mokonnon” jedhamee beekamutti barataa osoo jiruu fedhii fi hawwii isaa malee, rakkina jireenyaa isa mudataa ture, of irraa saliphisuuf jecha Akaadamii mana leenjii “barisiisoota Haraar” seenudhan qaphixxii olanadhan eebbifameera.
Mammoon barnoota isaa qaphiixxii olanadhan waan xumureef “mana barnoota Akkaadamii waranaa kana” keessatti, hafee barsiisaa tureera. Mammoon mana barnoota kana keessatti qondallummaa (ajajaa dhiibbaa) ta’ee barsiisaa osoo jiru barnoota sadarkaa olanaa argachudhan Universitii Finfinnee seenee bara 1962 barnoota seeraa (Law)tiin Deegriin eebbifameera.
Mammoon jireenya ijoollummaa keessaa jiru fi keessa darbe kana keessatti, rakkolewwan ummata Oromoo irratti fe’amee jiru sadarkaa adda addatti hubataa eerga dhufeen, hanga gaafa, Moorma isaa fuunyodhaa keennutti murannoodhan hojjataa tureera. Jalatamaa, Mammoo Mazaamir 1958-1962 yeroo Universitii Finfinnee keessa tureetti Waldaa Baratoota Oromoo duran dhabattee jirutti miseensa ta’udhan ka’ee akkakunmmu kanneen waldaan qindomina fi tokkummadhan ijaramee mirga ummata Oromoof ka’ee akka falmmu kanneen godhan keessaa Mammoon sadarkaa duraa irratti nama argamudha. Mammoon ummata Oromoo isa waanjoon garbummaa itti fe’amee jiru, irraa darbuuf beekumsa fi dandeetti qabu, akkasumaas kutannoo fi murannoo qabu walitti fiidee Jijiirama lammii isaa, ummata Oromoof fiiduuf halkanii guyyaa hojjataa akka turetti beekama.
Mammoon kitaaboota siyaasaa dubbisuun gamaatti yeroo isaa irraa calaa seenaa ummata Oromoo barreesuu fi qormaata irratti godhaa akka dabarsu namoon isa beekan ni dubbattu.

Maaccaa Tulaamaa fi Mammoo Mazaamir

Hoggantoota Maaccaa fi Tulamaa keessaaa ijoollee ta’uu isatiin kan beekamu Mammoon, dagagiinaa fi guddiina Maaccaa fi Tulamaa keessaatti qooda guddaa qaba..
Waldan kun, akkuma dhabbateen Mammoon ijoolleen Oromoo waldaa kana jalatti ijaaramanii mirga isaniif akka falmatan gochuu irratti qooda guddaa qaba. Barnoota seeraa qabu irratti hunda’udhan Waldichi seeran deeggaramee akka ijaaramu godhuu irratti qoonni Mammoo bakka guddaa qaba. Afaan, aadaa fi seenaa Oromoo keessattuu sirni gadaa maal akka turee fi maal akka fakkaatu barsiisaa akka ture namonni yeroo ammaa lubbuun jiran ragaa ba’u.. Mammoon Umman Oromoo mirga afaan Qawweetiin dhabe deebisee argachuu kan danda’u “Qawwee qofan akka ta’e amanaa aka ture dubbatama.
Mammoon Xalayaa yeroo sana Qabsa’oota Baleef barreesse jecha arman olii kana mirkaneessa.
Hoggantoota Qabsa’oota Baleef
Seenaa dhaala namaa addunyaa kanaa, akka nu mirkaneesutti Ummatonni Blisummaa fi birmaduumaa isaanfitti kutannodhan falmatan dhumatiin heddun Jiraatuyyuu dhumarraatti injifannodhan xumuru. Qabsoon lubbuu kabajamaa kennamee gita bitoota habashoota harraa jiran irratti geegefamuu lammiwaan keenya kanneen sirna cunqursa jala jiran Miliyonotan kan lakkawamaan bliisummaa isanii gonfachiisa. Qabsoon hanga garbummaan hiddan buqqifamuutti itti fufuu qba.
Akkuma beekamu sochiin Waldaa wal-gargaarsa Maaccaa fi Tulmaa inni guddan damaqiinsa ummataOromoo ol kaasuun, harka wal-qabannee gara funduratti akka tarkafannu irratti halkanii fi guyyaa hojjachuun gara galma keenyaatti deemaa jirra.
Dhugaa fi fedhii ummata keenya irratti hundofinnee, miseensoota waraanaa ijarree guutuu biyyaa irratti sochii godhuuf jirra .. isins Qabsa’oonni Balee qabsoo keessan isa jaginummadhan eegalitan ciiminaan itti fufaa!
Falmii mirga Ummata Oromof gotaniif hanga dhumaatti dhiiga keessan dhangalasaa!
Sochii Qabsaoota Balee seenaa ummata Oromoo keessatti, bakka guddaa qaba.Milkaawa!
Injifannoon kana keessani!
Mammoo Mazaamir
Xalayaa Armaan oli kun Qabsaoota Balee tiif bara 1965 barreefame.
Adeemsa Falmataa Blisummaa Oromoo, Mammoo Mazaamir fi Maaccaa Tulamaa hordofaa turan gita bitoota habashotaa kanneen Mootummaa sirna gonfoo jalatti walitti qabamani jiran, Waldan kun, fuula dura, jireenya bulichiinsa isanii, kan gababiisu ta’uu isaa waan hubataniif attataman akka Waldan Maaccaa fi Tulamaa rukutamu murteessan.
Waldaa kana jalatti ijaaramanii kan jiran hedduu ta’anyyuu isaan kan barbadaan hoggantoota waldaa kanaa akka ta’e ifadha.
Kanneen Sadarkaa duratti barbadaman keessaa Mammoon isa durati. Kabinnoon Mootummaa H/Silasee kanneen Akililuu H/Waldiin hogganaman Diramaa Mammoo fi hoggantoota Maaccaa fi Tulamaa ittin dhabamisiisan qopheefatan.
Diraman sobaa fi Cubbudhan qophawe kun gaafa 19/11/1966 hojii irra oole..Innis magalaa Finifinnee keessatti kan argamu mana Fiilimmii “Sinima Empayer” jedhamee beekkamu keessatti galgaala keessaa 9:00PM tti namoota taani Fiilimmii “Zorba the Greek “ jedhu ilalaa jiran irratti Boombii darbachudhan namoota 14 madeessan.
Waldaa Maaccaa fi Tulamaati Kiyyoo gara biroo qopheessuu osoo danda’ani yakka hoggantoonni waldaa kanaa hojjatan jedhu ittin jabeessuuf jecha,namoota nagaa fiilmmii ilaala jiran fiixuun cubbuu irriyaa hi qabinne hojjatan. Guyyaa lammataa, duran iyyuu irratti qophawanii waan jiraniif, Raadiyoo of harkaa qabaniin fashistummadhan mana Sinimaa Empayeer irratti Boombbii darbatee namoota taanii Fiilmmii ilaala jiran kan fiixe Mammoo Mazaamir akka ta’e addeesan. Gochaa kana ammoo Mammoon ana godhe! jedhe jedhanii, dabalanii sooba dhugaa fakkeessanii gama Poolistiin ummatatti bal’inaan ibsa itti fufan.
Yeroo mana Mammoo dhaqanii sakata’an Mammoon halkanii fi guyyaa irratti hojjataa kan ture, bareefamoota Seenaa Ummata Oromoo kan ilaalan hedduu mana isatii argamaniiru.
Boombii fi meeshawan Waranaa adda addaa ofi isanitii mana isaa geessanii ka’udhan akka mana isatii argameetti gabasaniiru.
Wa’ee Mammoo ilaalchiisee H/Silaseen akkana jedheera. afaan amaratiin “Lazii hullu Qimamuu Mammo naw jedhe”jedhu. Wa’ee gochaa Maacca fi Tulamaati Qoorsa kan ta’’e Mammoodha jedhe. H/S kana kan jedhe barreefamoota Seenaa Oromoo Mammoon dhaloota booriif bareessaa ture eerga dubbisee hubateen booda.
Barrefaminni Mammoon dhaloota harraa fi boriif barreessaa ture kun ammoo yakka ta’ee Mooma isaa Funyoof keenisiseera.
Qabsaan Oromoo Mammoo Mazaamir balleessaa tokko malee sooban yakkanii ragaa soobaa itti dhiyesanii ajajaa fi Mallaattoo H/Silaseetiin fannifamee akka ajjeefamu godhameera.
Kabajaman Mammoo Mazaamir bara 1970 osoo hin fanifamiin dura haadha manaa isa fi ilma isaa dhalatee kan waggaa 5ni isa dhumaaf dhungate gara Funyoo isaf qophaweetti qajeleera.
Mammoon bakka itti fanifamuuf qoophawe mana hiidhaa Finfinnee Keessatti akkuma haarki isaa dubatti hidhamee jirutti ,Wadaroo ittiin fannifamu isaaf qopheessan of funduratti ilaala jecha Maartiin Luter jedhe (I have a dream speech) jedhen kan wal fakkatun kanneen ajjeefamuu isaa ilaaluuf achitti argamaniif dhaamsa armaan gadii kana dhameeraaf..
Maammoo_Mazamir1
“Dhiiginni kiyya dhiiga,mirga Ummata Orromoo kabachiisuf gadi nammewaan ta’eef dhiiga tasa badee miti. Yakkan hin hojjaneen ragaa Soobaa natti barbaddanii na ajjeeftanirtu. Isinis bori H/Silasee fi kabinnon isaa dabalatee bakkuma kanatti adaba keesssan Umman Oromoo ykn Umman Ithiopiyaa akka isiniif keennu nan amana. Haa turu malee, mirgi ummata Oromoo isin ukkamisitani jirtan kun fuula dura 100/100tti akka kabajamu shakkii tokkollee hin qabu.”,
jechudhan eergaa isaa, isa dhumaa isaanif himee gara wadaroo (haada) isaaf qophaweetti qajeele.
Mammoo abbaa ijoollee 2 yoo ta’u dhalatee waggaa 33 tti yakkamitoota kanan ajjeefame.
Akililu H/Wald Prime Minster of Ethiopia  Mammoo Mazaamir dhabbatee kan fansiise
Akililu H/Wald
Prime Minster of Ethiopia
Mammoo Mazaamir dhabbatee kan fansiise
Waanitti nama dinqisiisu kanneen dhabbatanii Mammoo Ajjeesisan
1. Akililuu H/Wold Mumicha Minsteera (Prime Minster)
2. Akala Waarqi H/Wold (oboleessa Akililuu)
3. Daja. Kiflee Yirgatuu
4. Mej. Jeneral Derese Dubbalaa
5. Mej. Jeneral Yilmaa Shibashii
Dallaa mana hiidhaa Finfinnee bakka Mammoo Mazaamar itti fanfamuutti argamanii ilaalaniiru. Jarreewwan kun hundi isaani /Silaseetti anaani kannen Jiraniidha. Jarreewaan kun hundi, akkuma Mammoo Mazaamir fuula duree isanii isaniif hime, gaafa Dargiin Mootummaa H/Silasee angoo irraa fonqolchu yakkamitoonni goota Oromoo Mammooo dhabbatanii fansisaan kun hundi isaan kabinoota H/Silasee namoota 60 waliin mana finfinnee bakkuma Mammoo Mazzamir dhabbatanii itti ajjeesisan sanatti Daargiin rasasaan isaan fiixee, boolla tokkotti isaan awwalle.
Mammoo ajjeesanii waggaa 4n booda hojii isaanii bakkuma sanatti argataniiru.

Farra Oromoo ta’udhan kan beekmu Akililuu H/W Iccitii isaan malee Oromoonni beekuu hin qabinne Taddasaa Birruu Lammii Amaraati se’ee waan hedduu itti himaa eerga tureen ,booda Taddaasaa Birruu Oromoo ta’uu issaa gaafa beeku “Taddasaa Birruu atattamaan akka ajjeefamu H/Silasee irraa eeyama akka argate seenaan galmeseera.

ETHIOPIA’S FLAWED CONSTITUTION: WHY THE LAW CANNOT PROTECT YOU

andargachew(OPride) Irish political philosopher Edmund Burke once remarked, “Bad laws are the worst form of tyranny. People crushed by law, have no hopes but from power.
If laws are their enemies, they will be enemies to laws; and those who have much to hope and nothing to lose will always be dangerous.” His eloquent observations from 1770s ring even more true in today’s Ethiopia than the monarchical European society of Burke's era.
Admittedly in present-day Ethiopia, many of our fundamental freedoms are increasingly sacrificed at the altar of protecting state security using a spate of draconian laws. The Ethiopian regime's law making machine seems to know no other overriding concern than national security, which essentially means any credible threat to its perpetual rule.
To the extent that they conflict with the ruling elite's self-interested definition of state security, important social goals that promote human dignity, freedom, equality and prosperity do not matter.
In fact, the Tigrean People's Liberation Front (TPLF) regime has perfected the art of governing through arbitrary and oppressive laws. Protection of the rule of law was  the mantra used for carrying out its  sinister political projects ranging from persecuting dissidents to narrowing down the political space through enactment of overly broad and vague legislations. As the regime upholds an instrumentalist version of the rule of law (which sees law as an instrument of politics), it can take sweeping measures in any areas of public life with one stroke. Since it fully controls the parliament, there is no restraint against the regime -- institutional or normative -- that stops it from formulating partisan legislations. By doing so, the regime destabilizes the legal order by changing laws abruptly and compelling the courts to be seen as mere managers that should meticulously apply the laws rather than being viewed as independent interpreters of laws.In the words of renowned legal philosopher Joseph Raz, it is such “promiscuous use of the rule of law" that enabled the TPLF's ever-expanding art of subduing the public by using the legal system.
The phrase rule of law has become so sanctimonious that both dictators and democratic leaders equally swear by it. But when tyrants (especially those in the mold of the TPLF) perniciously invoke a political ideal as elegant as the rule of law, it loses any substantive meaning.
A blatant breach of international law
TPLF's latest successful enforcement of the rule of law is packaged as a heroic endeavor to bring home a fugitive to meet the full force of justice. The regime in Addis Ababa seems to justify the recent abduction in Yemen of Ethiopian opposition leader Andargachew Tsige. Tsige, an Ethiopian-born British citizen, was nabbed last month by Yemeni security forces while in transit at Sana'a airport and handed over to Ethiopian intelligence officials in what has been characterized as a blatant breach of international law. First, Tsige’s deportation to Ethiopia where authorities are known to routinely using torture as a method of interrogation violates Article 3.1 of the United Nations Convention Against Torture, which Yemen ratified in November 1991.
Second, the principle of non-refoulement is a fundamental norm from which derogation under any circumstance is not allowed. Third, the evidence on whether there is a ‘substantial ground’ to believe that Ethiopia does indeed torture its critics is simply overwhelming. Since the TPLF came to power in May 1991, each year, the U.S. State Department and other concerned international human rights groups had reported extensive incidents of torture in Ethiopia. Moreover, in 2010, the U.N. Committee Against Torture examined Ethiopia’s implementation of the Convention’s provisions. After a thorough review, in a January 2011 report, it concluded: “the Committee is deeply concerned about numerous, ongoing and consistent allegations concerning the routine use of torture by the police, prison officers and other members of the security forces, as well as the military, in particular against political dissidents and opposition party members, students, alleged terrorist suspects and alleged supporters of insurgent groups.” Ethiopia signed the Convention Against Torture in 1994.
Fourth, Yemeni authorities denial of British consular access to Tsige is a clear violation of Article 36 of the Vienna Convention on Consular Relations. One may also argue that Tsige’s rights under the 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) such as freedom from persecution and freedom from arbitrary arrest have also been violated. The rights packaged under UDHR have attained the status of customary international law meaning that they are binding on all states.
Finally, Tsige, who was convicted twice in absentia on charges of plotting to overthrow the government by Ethiopia's kangaroo court, faces the death penalty. There is no doubt that regime will invoke its constitutional duty to enforce the law of the land, including its sweeping anti-terrorism legislation. But it will not be the first time the regime uses such justification. In the aftermath of the 2005 disputed election, more than 200 innocent citizens were massacred, several hundreds injured and thousands detained arbitrarily under the veil of protecting the “constitutional order” and the rule of law. The recent cold-blooded murder and indiscriminate shooting at Oromo student protesters opposing the unconstitutional expansion of Addis Ababa was also justified as a necessary measure to maintain law and order. Over the two decades, the TPLF-led government has wrongfully arrested and indicted prominent opposition leaders, activists, journalists and bloggers using the rule of law as a repressive weapon.
Ethiopia’s constitution: the mother of all ills  
Some government lawyers have attempted to delude the public by writing books with misleading titles. A good example is Fasil Nahum’s “Constitution for a Nation of Nations: The Ethiopian Prospect.” However, Ethiopia does not possess a constitution in the real sense of the term nor does it have a constitutional tradition. To be clear, Ethiopia's current constitution is an elite pact among TPLF chief architects from Tigray and few willing subservient associates from the rest of the country.
Other regime loyalists, including foreign surrogates, have praised TPLF's “bold” move “to face the fact of ethnic diversity” by going against the prevalent political practice in Africa, which gives preeminent place to political unity over plurality. For their expert testimony, their bosses expertly rewarded the discussants with political appointments such as advisors to the prime minister with ministerial portfolio and I hasten to add, with little exaggeration, government limo and infinite money supply.  
In the aforementioned Burkean sense, it is clear that the TPLF laws are at the heart of our systematic oppression and should be categorized as enemies of the Ethiopian public. But the mother of all these arbitrary laws is none other than the TPLF constitution itself. Those who have read through the impressive list of fundamental human rights, political, economic, social and cultural rights from collective right to improved living standard and sustainable development, every citizen’s right to participate in national development planning and policymaking, right to clean and healthy environment and etcetera may be shocked by my characterization of the constitution as the mother of all of Ethiopia’s ills.
However, I believe this is where TPLF has been a little brilliant. They catalogued as many rights as their bigwig lawyers could imagine into a sham constitutional document with two immediate purposes: a) to outwardly project an image of good students of democracy to their principal donors from London to Berlin and Washington; b) to arm themselves with soft technologies and vocabularies of mass-manipulation when the effectiveness of brute force as a crude technique of governance hits its upper limit. But, upon critical scrutiny, it becomes vividly clear that the TPLF’s constitution is a scheme of organized coercion built on contradictory principles. It is also structurally flawed due to certain “congenital infirmities”.  
First, the constitution lacks what leading American constitutional theorist Richard Fallon calls the three distinct criteria to measure any constitution: legal, sociological and moral legitimacy. The Ethiopian constitution lacks legal legitimacy because both the drafting and ratification processes were deeply flawed. There is a plethora of literature demonstrating how TPLF systematically excluded key stakeholders and dictated its will into the document as if this was a simple writing exercise for a founding memorandum of a fraternal association among close friends.The TPLF chaired the Transitional Government which facilitated the establishment of the constitutional commission, supervised and competed in the election of members of the constituent assembly, cleared the political environment through heavy-handed security crackdown on serious political forces vying to put their imprint on the constitution and filled the constitutional commission with its hand picked candidates.
Under such circumstances, the outcome could only be a genius elite pact at best. As such, calling the document a constitution would be a misnomer. In addition, while available empirical evidence is very thin, the lack of acceptance among most Ethiopians puts its sociological legitimacy very much in doubt. But until such evidence is brought to the fore, the fact remains that both for right and wrong reasons an overwhelming majority of Ethiopians do not trust the current constitution as a real constraining force with normative grounding and institutional efficacy that could safeguard their rights against excesses of the government.
Transgressions of municipal and international law
Besides, the practices of TPLF top brass in the last 19 years since the enactment of the constitution as the supreme law of the land sufficiently show that whenever the law contravened their political interest, the latter usually won. In other words, the TPLF leaders have not internalized the constitution enabling them to lord over others by bending the law at will while they seek to avoid submitting themselves to the candid application of the constitution.  Furthermore, a document that puts the fundamental of all rights the right to life at the whim of the executive branch by making it derogable whenever the Council of Ministers see fit (under the emergency decree art. 93) is morally outrageous. Under the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights signed and accepted by Ethiopia in 1994 the right to life is non-derogable at all times, including during times of emergency where the sovereignty and security of the state is at stake. This is emblematic of the fact that TPLF is addicted to signing international human rights instruments but not to ever honor them.
Second, as Ethiopian constitutional theorist Minasse Haile has persuasively argued in two essays published in 1996 and 2005, the TPLF constitution fails to respect the normative principle of separation of powers, institutional checks and balances and above all strips the courts of the power to review executive and legislative acts and decisions. These structural flaws in the document cannot limit the government’s overreach. As such, when the executive branch abducts a citizen by transgressing both municipal and international law, Ethiopian courts cannot review the acts of the government and see to it whether the constitutionally embedded right of liberty or security of the person is violated or not. Ethiopian courts cannot hold officials in the incumbent government accountable; families of murdered Oromo students seek judicial review into the circumstances of their death in police custody.
The TPLF bigwigs might say one can take the case to the House of Federation if there is any constitutional issue of concern. But this is not true for several reasons: a) the House of Federation is neither a legislature nor a proper constitutional court: it’s an institution with “congenital infirmity” to seriously adjudicate constitutional questions; b) a House full of regime cadres cannot be taken as a serious constitutional mechanism with institutional independence and constitutional experts. So, the infirm design of the House of Federation does not allow for any meaningful constitutional interpretation. And its defects can only be remedied by dumping the law that created such an elusive institution  into the dustbin of history as a failed institutional experiment.
In the absence of normative and institutional framework to restrain the excesses of the government, the TPLF is free to enact whatever laws it wants without consulting those whose lives and interests it affects the most. All the repressive laws, whether you call them civil society law, anti-terrorism legislation, media law, etc. are the by-products of TPLF’s draconian constitution. It is the source of all the oppressive laws that keep the regime on power and continue to deepen the purse of our “democratic” overlords.
What can be done about it?
As Burke noted so long ago, “people crushed by law, have no hopes but from power” which in this context may mean that the credible alternative left is to collectively work toward exercising our natural right to abolish tyrannical government by rising up as one, strong and united political community. The TPLF’s “reign of terror”  seems to understand no other law than lex talionis  as repeated calls to the regime  leaders for opening up the political process has fallen on deaf-ears. As seen during the Arab Springs and so-called color revolutions in Eastern Europe, a coordinated cross sectional political bloc can coerce the minority TPLF regime to abdicate power. For instance, a nationwide labor strike, coupled with simultaneous demonstrations around the country and mass boycott of TPLF’s economic empire could make the country virtually ungovernable. The late Nelson Mandela once said of his country, “The time comes in the life of any nation when there remains only two choices - submit or fight. That time has now come to South Africa. We shall not submit and we have no choice but to hit back by all means in our power in defense of our people, our future, and our freedom.” Is that time coming to Ethiopia sooner than the regime wants to admit?
Thus, when the laws cannot protect you but become tools of a tyrannical rule, resistance by all means necessary so as to reverse this anomalous predicament is not only a natural right but also a necessary measure for survival and continuity as a stable political society.
*The writer, Urgessa Tura, is an exiled Ethiopian-Oromo lawyer and former staff  of the Supreme Court of Oromia.