HRLHA Holds Public Meetings with Oromo Community Members

The Human Rights League of the Horn of Africa (HRLHA) held, over the past three weeks, public meetings with members of Oromo Communities in four cities of Canada and discussed human rights issues in the Horn of Africa in general and in Ethiopia in Particular. The Oromo communities involved were those of Toronto/Ontario, Edmonton & Calgary/Alberta and Winnipeg/Manitoba; and the major topic of discussion at all the four public meetings was the unabated gross human rights violations by the different regimes of the Ethiopian Government for over a century, with particular focus on what have been happening in the past twenty years under the current TPLF/EPRDF government.

Toronto:
The public gathering in Toronto was held on December 13, 2014 at the office of Oromo Canadian community Association. At the gathering, HRLHA Executive Director Mr. Garoma B. Wakessa explained in his presentation “the gross and Systematic violations of human rights against Oromo nation and other nationals in Ethiopia in the past and at present” by different governments that ruled the country. Extra judicial killings, mass arrests and detentions, kidnappings and disappearances, and tortures under the present government in particular have been discussed in details.
Besides, Mr. Tesfaye Dheressa Kumsa, Director of Investigations and Dissemination with HRLHA, who did a presentation on “Land Grabs and Evictions as a Cultural Genocide”, explained how forced displacements of the Oromos and others from their farm lands and the resultant detachments and disconnections from traditional rural lives have been causing destructions of precious cultural assets, values, and wisdoms from which the societies have been benefiting generation after generation.

The HRLHA presenters explained that they are working with other civil society organizations to bring the perpetrators to justice and urged all human rights advocates to stand together in this regard.

Edmonton and Calgary:

On December 20 and 21, 2014, similar public meetings were held in Edmonton and Calgary/Alberta respectively, and many Oroms participated and discussed human rights violation issues in Oromia and Other  regions in Ethiopia.
At the gathering, HRLHA Executive Director Mr. Garoma B. Wakessa presented “the gross and Systematic violations of human rights against Oromo nation and other nationals in Ethiopia in the past and at present”  by different governments that ruled the country.

Extra judicial killings, mass arrests and detentions, kidnappings and disappearances, and tortures under the present government in particular have been discussed in details. The participants have actively participated in discussion by giving their perspectives on the continuous gross human right violations by EPRDF government of Ethiopia against Oromo young generation in particular. At the end of the meeting, the consensus has been reached that the perpetrators should be brought to justice for genocide they had committed and also Oromos must pay all necessary sacrifices to resist the evil action of the EPRDF Government to save Oromo nation from more victimizing.

Winnipeg/Manitoba:

On Dec 27, similar meeting was held in Winnipeg/Manitoba and many Oromos participated and discussed human rights violation issues in Oromia and Other regions in Ethiopia.

Winnipeg

Extra judicial killings, mass arrests and detentions, kidnappings and disappearances, and tortures under the present government in particular have been discussed in details. After many hours’ explanations and discussions on genocide the EPRDF government has committed against Oromo nationals and others, the consensus has been reached that the perpetrators should be brought to justice for genocide they had committed and also Oromos must pay all necessary sacrifices to resist the evil action of the EPRDF Government to save Oromo nation from more victimizing.

During the discussions at four meetings held, it has been concluded that, by committing such well documented human atrocity, the Ethiopian government has violated the constitution of the land, regional, and International human rights treaties it has signed and ratified. The continued gross human right violations in Oromia, Ogadenian and Gambela regions in the past twenty three years by the EPRDF Government were/are intentionally committed genocides and crimes against humanity. For its deliberate actions of killings, torturing and disappearing its citizens, the EPRDF Government should be accountable. For the heinous human atrocity of EPRDF government against Oromo, Ogaden and Gambela people there are credible documents and proofs to hold the EPRDF Government accountable for its criminal actions and to bring the perpetrators to justice. The participants raised several questions on the possibilities of bringing the government to justice and all possibilities were explained by the presenters.


Finally Oromo participants of the four meetings thanked all HRLHA members for their commitment of defending human rights and promised to support HRLHA financially to make the organization stronger. HRLHA chapter organization was created during the meetings to help the organization’s more involvement in the communities.


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OPride’s Oromo Person of the Year 2014: Oromo Student Protesters

(OPride) — For energizing and unifying the Oromo public both at home and in the Diaspora, for keeping the beacon of liberty from being extinguished, for selfless sacrifice to advance Oromo rights and for bringing international media attention to the plight of Oromo people, Oromo Student Protesters are OPride’s Oromo Person of the Year.

The Master Plan 

In March 2014, the Addis Ababa and Surrounding Oromia Special Zone Integrated Development Plan Project Office organized a workshop for journalists and civil servants in Adama, 90 kms east of Ethiopia's capital, Addis Ababa. The training, conducted by officials from the Oromia regional state and representatives of the Addis Ababa city administration, continued through mid-April. It was intended to generate momentum before “a joint master plan,” which would ostensibly facilitate efficient resource use, eliminate existing contradictions and link the city’s developmental activities with the Oromia Special Zone, is unveiled.

Established in 2008, the Oromia Special Zone is comprised of eight towns (Dukam, Lagatafo-Lagadadhi, Sandafa Buke, Sululta, Holota, Burayu, Sabata and Galan) and six districts (Walmara, Sabata Hawas, Akaki, Sululta, Mulo and Barak). The zone has a total area of 4,800 square kms and 15 townships.

The special zone was established in response to local concerns over lack of attention and proper planning in the hinterland and the unchecked, horizontal urban sprawl around the capital. The renewed interest in the area, which ironically coincided with rampant land speculation and a chaotic industrial construction boom, was further strengthened by Oromia’s local development plan crafted in 2010.

Founded in 1886 by emperor Menelik II and his wife Taytu Betul on conquered Oromo land, Addis Ababa, which Oromos call Finfinne, has “complete powers of self- administration” with its own police, city council, budget and other public functions overseen by a mayor (appointed by the ruling party). Regardless of the reasons for the creation of the Oromia special zone, the city’s unique place as both a state capital and federal capital— the constitution granting special interest  in the provision of services or the utilization of resources to Oromia — has been at the center of the debate over the city’s horizontal spread over the years. Oromo activists have been calling for clarification of the Ethiopian constitution’s special status clause, as well as language instruction and other services for the city’s Afaan Oromo speakers. In theory, the creation in 2011 of a joint project office tasked with fashioning a joint strategy and a master plan was meant to assuage these grievances.

However, as noted by workshop participants in April, the project office not only took an arrogantly top-down approach in crafting the master plan but also expanded the city's territorial jurisdiction by a whopping 1.1 million hectares, an area more than 20 times the capital’s current size, according to leaked documents. The proposed plan would put 36 Oromia towns under Addis Ababa's — thereby federal government’s — direct control.

In a rare report by the state-run Oromiyaa TV (OTV), journalists and officials from the Oromo People’s Democratic Organization (OPDO), the Oromo elements in Ethiopia's ruling coalition, sounded-off about the lack of public consultation and potential violation of Oromia’s autonomy and territorial integrity, as well as threats to the livelihood of Oromo farmers in the areas covered by the proposed plan. The planning office apparently did not even bother to consult with mayors of the affected municipalities and other regional and Oromia Special Zone officials. Moreover, the state’s rubberstamp legislative chamber, Chaffee Oromia, did not deliberate on it, leaving rank-and-file OPDO members deeply disgruntled.

“The issue of Addis Ababa and surrounding Oromia towns is not a question of towns; it is a question of identity,” one speaker said at the workshop in Adama. “When we speak of identity, there are fundamental steps we ought to take to ensure that the plan would incorporate and develop the surrounding towns while also protecting Oromo’s economic, political and historical rights.”

The speaker added: “we are keenly aware of the city’s past spatial growth. We don’t want a city that pushes out farmers and their children but one that accepts and develops with them...more importantly we don’t want a master plan developed by one party and pushed down to us.”

OTV’s segment on the opposition to the master plan came as a shocker to many. Established in 2006, the network has been serving as an unabashed government mouthpiece, giving only lip service to issues of concern to the Oromo other than scant cultural programming. Within days after OTV’s report, thousands of Oromo students at all regional universities in Oromia took to the streets opposing the master plan (starting at Jimma University and quickly spreading to Haramaya, Ambo, Wollaga, Matu, Bule Hora, Addis Ababa, Adama and Madawalabu universities). In one instance, on April 29, an estimated 25,000 people partook in a citywide demonstration in the flashpoint town of Ambo, 80 miles west of Finfinne. Federal security forces responded as usual, firing live ammunition at unarmed protesters, killing at least 50 people and injuring many others while hundreds were arrested, according to eyewitness reports.

Authorities saw OTV’s report on the master plan as an indirect rebuke of its campaign to unveil the plan. TVO then went mute, apparently per orders from federal authorities, keeping eerie silence as protests spread across Oromia and received significant coverage in the international press.Shortly thereafter, an indoctrination campaign was organized for the OTV journalists, which according to a number of participants, ended without any breakthrough in the form of agreement.This was followed by mass firing of journalists seen as agent provocateurs, including Bira Lagasse, who presented the April OTV report on the master plan.

Marketed as the megacity of the future — complete with a new railway system courtesy of the Export-Import Bank of China — Ethiopia’s sprawling capital faces increased pressures to meet international standards and ongoing urbanization challenges. Half of Ethiopian population, roughly 67 million, isprojectedto reside in towns and cities by 2040, up from only 18 percent in 2013. Addis Ababahopesto lead the charge in urbanization and become one of the top ten tourist destinations in Africa by 2025. Even as they insist that the controversial master plan offers a win-win solution for all stakeholders, Addis Ababa city officials sayhigh economic integration and uniform land use and development strategies with surrounding Oromia towns is key to that effort.

Ethiopia’s GenQ: A lethal threat?

Student protests have been a fixture in the contemporary Oromo history. Students have been demonstrating in Oromia since the mid-1990s. The budding Oromo student activism can be likened to the cactus. You cut it down and it would grow back even more luxuriant as if in vengeance. You depopulate it in one place and it would mushroom elsewhere. It is in no need of a nourishing climate or soil; it thrives in the lowlands, the highlands, and anywhere in between. Seeing it as a lethal threat to its continued grip on power, the ruling party has been cracking down hard. However, the protesters grew more and more strident rather than abate. Resilient as they have been over the years, Oromo students have paid hefty prices for their dissent against the regime in Finfinne. That is why the repression by the authorities could hardly dampen the spirit of an increasingly assertive generation of Oromo youth that is just coming of age.

To be sure, one of the positive developments under the current regime is the adoption in 1991 of the country’s federalism, which carved Ethiopia into nine federated and theoretically autonomous states. However, for all its promises of maintaining Ethiopia’s territorial integrity, the constitutional guarantees for decentralization of authority have rarely been applied. Final decision-making power still rests with the central government, with supposedly semi-autonomous states enjoying only a semblance of self-rule. Consequently, EPRDF's failure to abide by its own constitution, frequent top-down changes in education policy, denial of academic freedom and the government's misguided development policies have been among the most contentious issues for Oromo students over the last two decades.

Dubbed the Qubee generation, today’s college and high school students in Oromia are like a new species of Oromo. Studied in their mother tongue, Afaan Oromo, and keenly aware of their state’s boundaries and the Oromo people’s longstanding misgivings about the Ethiopian state, the average Oromo protester personifies the indomitable spirit of Oromo nationalism and a steely determination to see to it that the injustice against the Oromo becomes a thing of the past. Such open national consciousness was hitherto unthinkable in Ethiopia, which remained a unitary state in large part by harshly suppressing Oromo self-expressions.

Oromo student protests through the years

The heightened Oromo student activism of the late ‘90s and early 2000s coincided with widespread human rights violations and mass expulsions of student leaders from various universities and colleges. Based on available record, from 1999 to 2004 alone, more than 1,000 Oromo students were dismissed from Addis Ababa, Jimma, Adama and Haramaya universities. Tens of students disappeared without trace while hundreds have been forced into exile — some still languishing in refugee camps across neighboring East African countries.

After a brief lull, sustained protests began in early 2000 in response to massive forest fires in Bale and Borana zones of Oromia. Amid apparent neglect and allegations of federal government’s involvement in setting the forests ablaze, students across Oromia took to the streets demanding swift action. Authorities responded by rounding up the students, firing live ammunition at peaceful protesters and detaining those suspected of organizing the protests.

In early 2001, Oromo students at Addis Ababa University began protesting after authorities blocked their efforts to publish a student newspaper and organize a student union. The students also opposed the stationing of uniformed police and undercover security agents on college and university campuses. High school and university students around the country joined the strike calling for academic freedom. Protesters were further angered by the killing in Tigray of Oromo student Simee Tafara by unidentified security agents. More than 3,000 Oromo students were arrested. “Government forces responded to the protests with extreme brutality, killing more than thirty people, wounding some four hundred, and arresting thousands,” the Human Rights Watch reported at the time. “Academic life ground to a halt for one month around the country, and most AAU students who participated in the strike did not return to class for one year. About 250 students fled to Kenya; others went to Djibouti or Sudan.” 

Again in early 2002, following sustained Oromo student protests over economic depression and rising cost of fertilizers, the federal Rapid Deployment Forces killed at least 10 students and injured many others in Shambu, Naqamte, Gedo, Ambo, Gimbi, Najo, Dembi Dolo, Guder, Robe and Kofele towns. In May 2002, authorities arrested more than 320 students from various institutions of higher learning in and around Addis Ababa. Tens of students were dismissed from Adama, Haramaya and Addis Ababa universities.

After more than a year of tensions, in 2004, Oromo student protests returned in response to the government's attempt to relocate Oromia's capital from Finfinne to Adama. More than 350 Oromo students were expelled from Addis Ababa University alone. Hundreds of students, teachers and Oromo intellectuals were arrested throughout Oromia in a move seen as an effort to eliminate educated and politically conscious members of the society. Schools across Oromia were closed for most of the year. “In some places, police used live ammunition to disperse demonstrators, killing several school students,” according to Amnesty International's report. “Demonstrators were detained for several months; some were beaten and made to do strenuous physical exercises while in custody.” Thousands of protesters, including leaders of the Oromo welfare organization, the Macha Tulama Association, remain in prison or are serving lengthy sentences under trumped up charges.

Oromo students took to the streets once again in 2006 following disputed parliamentary elections. In fact, as UC Berkeley’s Leonardo Arriola rightly noted, while international media reports focused almost exclusively on the opposition protests in Finfinne, post-election “protests in Oromia resulted in more than 15,000 detentions and 80 reported deaths.” The trend continued in the year with yet another killing of innocent Oromo student, Shibiru Demissie, at Mekelle University. While there have been sporadic protests over the last half decade the 2014 #OromoProtests were a watershed — not just in their size and duration but also in the participation of other sectors of society, urban dwellers, bureaucrats and rural folk, including members of the ruling party.

All in all, since 2000, Ethiopian security and military forces have killed hundreds of peaceful protesters. Despite the recurring and perennial protests the storyline remains the same: Peaceful protesters shot at close ranges; significant numbers injured; hundreds dismissed from high schools and universities and many more fleeing the country to seek safety.

Implications for Ethiopia’s future

The names of some of those indiscriminately gunned down by security forces such as Diribe Jifar, Getu Diriba, Jagama Badhane, Gammachu Hirphaasa, Alsan Hassan and many others or those who died in prison from torture such as Alemayehu Gerba and Tesfahun Chemeda, have become household names, their struggles forever ingrained in the consciousness of the ever vibrant Qubee generation as well as the wider Oromo public. Still, these are but few whose names entered the public domain. Many more perished without due recognition or remain unjustly imprisoned with their fates and future hanging in balance. One thing is certain: Killing, imprisonment and forced exile have thus far failed to discourage or undermine Oromo student activism.

Ethiopia continues to be haunted by an age-old problem: the unaddressed Oromo question. Despite making up close to half of the country’s 96 million population, the Oromo continue to face political repression, social marginalization and social alienation. Instead of addressing Oromo grievances, controlling Oromia’s resources and the suppression of Oromo dissent has been a constant preoccupation for successive Ethiopian rulers.

It doesn’t take a political scientist to realize that addressing the Oromo question is tantamount to removing the albatross from Ethiopia’s neck. As the Horn of Africa country prepares for yet another sham election in May, calls to democratically address gapping deficits in governance, rule of law and respect for human rights would grow louder. The specter of more student protests and violent suppression would continue to sour state-society relations. Despite the rising risk on Ethiopia’s stability,the authorities lack the will to heed calls for any sensible reform and accommodation of dissent.

The Addis Ababa and Surrounding Oromia Special Zone Integrated Development Plan Project Office is reportedly forging ahead with the controversial master plan. Any attempt to impose a widely unpopular proposal on the Oromo guarantees the return of yet another protest by Oromo students—even before the hundreds and thousands of young students rounded up during the 2014 protests were released from incarceration, many without charge. But if history is any guide, the threat of arrest, beating, torture and exile alone will not quell the protests.

Ethiopia has recently been named to the top ten leading jailers of journalists in the world. While the media blackout has aided the regime to keep the lid on the plight of Oromo prisoners, in 2015, amid growing social media use inside the country, it would be impossible to suppress another anti-government protest. Even by the government’s own admission, tensions are expected to run high in Ethiopia ahead of the 2015 elections. The ruling party’s standoff with the urban opposition is at its peak. Rural support has all but evaporated. Ethiopia’s stability could be put to a severe test should the various grievance-fueled protests link up across ethnic, political and religious cleavages that have emasculated the potency of challenges to the ruling party.

Buoyed by past success at suppression, the authorities have every reason to underestimate the power of the Oromo Student Protester. With a radical shift in strategic thinking on the part of protest organizers, a new round of protests would not stop at simply re-energizing and unifying the Oromo public. It can become a catalyst for a countrywide pro-democracy movement. The selfless sacrifices of the Oromo Protester cannot forever remain fruitless. It has already drawn international media attention to the plight of Oromo people. The Oromo Student Protester, OPride’s Person of the Year, through sheer determination in the face of mortal and physical danger, through its capacity to rebound, and its irrepressible yearning for freedom is destined to write and right not only Oromia’s but also Ethiopia’s history.

Happy Holidays to all!

OPride Oromo POY 2013: http://www.opride.com/oromsis/news/horn-of-africa/3728-toltu-tufa-is-opride-s-oromo-person-of-2013

OPride Oromo POY 2012: http://www.opride.com/oromsis/news/horn-of-africa/3639-opride-person-s-of-the-year-2012-oromo-political-prisoners

OPride Oromo POY 2011: http://www.opride.com/oromsis/news/horn-of-africa/3548-oprides-person-of-the-year-2011

OPride Oromo POY 2010: http://www.opride.com/oromsis/articles/by-oromsis/2675-oprides-oromo-person-of-the-year-2010

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Ethiopia denies reports about Yemen migrants' drowning

file photo

Foreign Ministry spokesperson denies reports of drowning, saying reports are baseless propaganda.

World Bulletin / News Desk

 

Ethiopian authorities have denied media reports about the drowning of around 70 Ethiopian migrants off Yemen's coast.

"Media reports that 70 people died, mostly Ethiopians, while being ferried to Yemen is baseless," Foreign Ministry spokesperson Dina Mufti told The Anadolu Agency on Wednesday.
Media reports earlier said that around 70 Ethiopian migrants had drowned off southwest Yemen's coast earlier this month.
Mufti said that the Ethiopian embassy in Yemen mustered support from the Yemeni 17th Brigade and "conducted extensive search on a perimeter of 250– 300-km at coastal areas such as Bab-el Mendab, Dubab and Muha"
"[It] proved that no boat capsized or sunk and no life lost," he said.
The spokesman said that "The falsified reports may be part of the usual propaganda targeted at Ethiopia's development and democratization."
Yemen is viewed by many migrants as a gateway to the Middle East or Europe.
The UN refugee agency said in October that more than 200 people had died at sea in 2014 while attempting to reach Yemen.


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BIDDEENA NAMA QUUBSU, EELEE IRRATTI BEEKU !!!!

SEENAA  Y.G (2005) | Muddee 31, 2014

Bara 2014 Seenaa Qabsoo Ummata OROMOO keessatti bakka ol aanaa qaba jedheen amana. Bara 2014 kana keessa Mooraa Qabsoo Oromoo tasgabbeessuu keessatti hojii nama jajjabeessuutu hojjatame.Ummata Biyya keessaaf birmachuudhaan , hojiin boonsaan hojjatameera. Ilmaan Oromoo irra jireessi, maal gochuu qabna? ? jedhanii akka of gaafatanii fi furmaata isaaf, wal Tumsee Biyya keessaa fi alatti yeroo itti waliif dhaabbateedha. Fedhiin Ummata OROMOO maal akka ta’e ifatti ,Addunyaafis, diinaafis, firaafis, kan karaa irraa maqee Ummatichaaf humnaan murteessuu barbaadufis, hubannoo ga’a akka horatu taasiseera. Sochii Bara 2015f Barri 2014 bu’uradha. Waan bara kana keessa irra geenye gonkumaa duubatti akka hin deebifneef, hundumtuu of kennee hanga Bilisummaatti qooda dhuunfaa hanga Ummataatti irraa eegamu gumaachuuf akka socha’uu abdiin qaba. falli qabnus kanuma . 

Bara 2014 xumuraa jirru kana keessa, akka lammii tokkotti waliif dhaamun numa jirti.Gabrummaa keessatti hiraaraa, Baga bara haaraa geesseen kun anaaf…….warri Bilisummaan jiran bara haaraa waan haaraa waliin waliif dhaaman. Nuuti woo ? jedheen yaada. Saba gabrummaa keessa jiruuf bara haaraan hiikkaa qabaa laata ? Umurii haaraaf yoo ta’ee hayyee . Bara Qabsoo keenya itti finiinsinu yoo jenne ni ta’a. kana yeroo biraa itti deebina. Qabsoo keenya jabeessuuf murteeffannee yoo ta’ee waa sadii irratti waadaa ofii fi waliif seenuun tarkaanfi jalaqabaati. 1ffaa-, keessa keenyatti rakkoo uumuu danda’an hundaa irraa fagaachuu fi Qabsoo ofii tikisuu, kunis, waan kaleessa nu diife, gargar nu baasuu wal afoo ykn wal dura nu hdaabe,shira diinaa fi fira fakkaattootaa irraa of fi qabsoo tikifachuudha. 2ffaa- Wareegama waa maraa kafallee Bilisummaa Ummata keenyaa dhugoomsuuf hojjachuudha. Humnaa fi dandeettiin akkasumas Beekumsaan qabsoo kana tinnisuu, deeggaruu, kan danda’u qaamaan keessatti argamee, kan hin taaneef waan qabsoo kana jabaeessuuf gargaaruun wal Tumsuudha. 3ffaan- Ilaalchaan, Amantiin kkf adda baanuus, Dhimma Oromoo fi Oromiyaa irratti waliin dhaabbachuu fi falmachuuf yoo murteeffannee diina qofa irratti xiyyeeffannee milkoofna.

Har’a dhala Oromoo Gabrummaa hadheeffatee waregamuuf qophaa’ee jirutti waan dhaaman yoo jiraate, cichoomiinaan Qabsoofne malee hiraarrii har’aa keessaa ba’uu akka hin dandeenyedha.Qabsoo gama hundaa , kan wal irraa hin cinnee, abshaalummaa diinaan kan hin dhaabbannee Finiinsuuf hojjachuu akka qabuudha. Qabsoo nuuti gama barbaannuun gaggeessinuuf garuu keessa of tikifachuu, holola hamilee wal cabsuu irraa of qusachuu, wal tuffachuu fi wal abaaruu dhiisuu kkf hanqisuun murteessaa ta’uun wal nama hin gaafachiisu. Qaawwaa rakkoo keenya bal’isan irraa of eeguu, maal na dhibeen waa katabuu fi dubbachuu dhiisuu kkf irraa of qusannee, wal dhaggeeffannee tarkaanfannaan, sochii bara 2015, Gootummaa Oromoo dhugeessuu dandeenya. Anis Barruu kiyya Bara 2014 kan xumuraa fi seenasa bara 2015 kanaan, qabxiilee  keessa keenya jabeessuu danda’an kaa’uun barbaada.

1. Midiyaalee qabnu ilaalchisee :- Teekinoolojii hammayyaa kanaan wal qabatee Ilmaan Oromoo dhimma Ummataa fi qabsoo Ummata isaanii irratti qooda mataa isaanii gumaachuuf akka dhuunfaattis, akka waloottis hojiin hojjataa jiran , qabsoo keenyaaf bu’ura ta’uu irra ga’aniiru jedheen fudhadha. Midiyaa jabaa fi humna qabu, waa hundaan Ummata kana bakka bu’u qabaannee odoo hin taanee, kan jiru mataan isaa bu’aan argamsiisaa jiru guddaadha. Kana caalaa akka guddachuu danda’an hin shakku. Bu’aa miidiyaalee kanaa hubachaa gaafa deemnuu fi Oromoonni bu’aa isaatti amanaa dhufan, walitti dhufanii waan Ummata Oromoon wal gitu akka gadi dhaaban mamii hin qabu. Midiyaalee hundaa ta’uu baatuus, muraasnii akkaataa yaadoota Namootaa itti keessummeessaa jiran qabsoo kanaaf bu’aa buusa jedhee hin yaadu. har’a kan qooqa keenya baratee qixxee keenya katabuu fi dubbisu hedduudha. Waan nuuti hojjannu fashalsuuf kan irra oolee bulu lakkoofsa hin qabu. Kanaaf Dimokiraasii tasumaa addunyaa keessa hin jirreen, Namooonni akka barbaadan Qabsicha, Hogganoota, Beektoota, kkf salphisan keessummeessuun gawwummaa natti fakkaata. Yaadi hin laatamiin jechaa hin jiru. yaada Ummataan ala eessayyuu hin ga’amu. Garuu,Kan deebi’ee mataa keenya salphisuf bakka laachuun sirri natti hin faakkaatu. Qabsoo keenya keessatti tasgabbiin akka jiraatu yoo barbaadamee, arrabsoo eessaanuu nu hin geenyef bakka laachuu haa dhiifnuu. Kun eessaanu nu hin ga’u. kan qabsoo ummatichaa jabeessu, jajjabeessaa , deemuun, kan ta’ee jedhee waa busheessuuf irriiba dhabu ammoo dantaa qabsoo kanaaf jennee dhaabunii qabna.waan keessa keenyatti dhumachuu qabu keessa keenyatti akka fixannuu fi itti baha isaa qofa Ummatatti himuun akka danda’amu odoo taasifamee.
2. Qabsoo Tumsuu ilaalchisee :- Qabsoo Abbaa Biyyummaa Ummata tokko milkeessuuf, qabsoon Ummatichaa wal utubee akka tarkaanfatu taasisuun dirqama. Kanaaf Hawaasi Oromoo Biyyoota hambaa jiraatan, akka dhaabaatti , akka waldaatti, akka komoniititti, akka Afooshaatti, akka Hawaasaatti kkf gurmaa’anii kan jiraanii fi gurmaa’uuf yaadaa jiran, sochii isaanii isa kaan walii qindeeffachuu barbaachisaa ta’uu beeku qaban. Waldaaleen, Kominiitiin kkf Qabsoo Ummata tokko keessatti qooda ol aanaa gumaachan. Dhaabni siyaasaa tokko Ummata isaa bifa kanaan gurmeessee akka sochoosu beekamaadha. kanneen caasaa akkasii keessatti hin hammatamiin, qabsoo keessatti hiriirsuu fi qooda isaanii akka gumaachan taasisuun murteessaadha. Kanaaf waliin dubbachuun gaariidha.Qabsicha tumsuuf sochii isaanii dhaaboota siyaasaan qindeeffachuun barbaachisaadha. kanaaf Qabsoo Ummata Oromoo walii galaa mirkaneessuuf ykn milkeessuuf, qaamni Hawaasi Oromoo eessayyuu jiru, sagantaa kana keessatti hammatamee sochii Biyya keessaa fi alatti gaggeeffamu bifa qindaa’een akka tarkaanfatuuf qooda isaa gumaachuun barbaachisaadha.
3. Xalayaa ABOn, UNtti erguu ilaalchisee: Dhimma Ummata Oromoon wal qabateen, ABO Xalayaa UNf katabuu beeksiseera. Dhimma kana irratti yaadootni Intarneeta irratti dhihaatan hedduu. Kana keessatti , yaadi diinaa , yaadi warra  hojii dhabee, yaadi warra abdii kutatee, yaadi warra Bilisummaa siree irratti eeggatuu, yaadi warra qeequmaaf jiraatanii, yaadi deeggarsaas inuma jira. Kan caalaatti na dhibe garuu , diinni ifatti katabee dhimmicha busheessuu wayita barbaadu, warri qeequmaaf jarjaran guuza ykn daboo ba’uu isaaniiti. ABOn qaama kamiifu dhimma Ummata isaa irratti iyyachuuf mirga qaba. kun ammoo, kaayyoo isaa keessaa tokko. Boruu Biyya ta’uuf deemna ega ta’ee, Mataa Biyyootaaf Iyyachuun mudaa maalii qaba ? tarii dukkana keessa ykn abdii kutannaa keessa teenyee jirraaf yoo ta’ee malee, Alaabaa Oromoo Oromiyaa keessatti dhaabuutti aanee, Alaabaa keenya lammaffaa Mooraa Dhaabbata Mootummoota Gmatoomanii keessa dhaabuuf Ummati Oromoo itti dhumaa jiraa mitii ? beekumtii isaanii malee wanni ta’u jiraa ? humna qofaa ega jennee, Filitsxeemoota caalaa kan diina hiraarse jiraa ? Warri Sudaan kibbaa humnaan fudhatanii ? gama Biraan, yoo kaasuun barbaachisees, wayyaanee kan nu irratti goobsaa jiruu fi maallaqa liqeessaafii jiru, dhaabbilee misoomaa fi Baankilee dhaabbaticha jalatti bulaa jiranii miti ? maarree isaaniin kana beeksiisuun Ummata miidhaa jiraachuu isaanii itti himuu mitii ? Qawween falamannee Oromiyaa dhuunfannaan waan jajjabeeffamuu qabuudha. Qawwee kana garuu inni kaan baatee wareegamee, Bilisummaa akka manatti nu fiduuf odoo hin taanee, nuuti keessatti kan hirmaannu faarsuu qabna. Waan ofii hojjannus ni tuffanna. Waan addunyaan jala bultus ni tuffanna. Kun eessaan nu ga’a ??? wayyaaneen ABO Gooleessaa jettee Galmee addunyaa irratti galmeesisuuf eenyutti iyyachaa jirti. Humni Goolessummaa addunyaa irraa falmaa jiru eenyu jalatti gaggeeffamaa jira ? Biyyoonni wayyaanee gargaaraa jiranii fi Ummata keenya fixaa akka jiraatu taasisaa jiran, kanneen akka chaayinaa, Ameerikaa, Raashiyaa, Ingilizii, Faransaa kkf gaaffii Ummati Oromoo qabu akka ukkaamsaniif sochi isaan taasisan irra jireessa dhaabbatuma kana jalatti mitii ? waa hedduu kaasuun danda’ama. Filitsixeemoonni Bilisummaan isaanii akka harkifatu kan taasisees, har’a ammoo ariifachiisaa kan jirus, dhaabbatuma kanadha. Kan keenya irra wayita ga’u tuffatamun tarii ilaalcha diinaa ta’uu danda’a. kanaaf waan jajjabeeffamu qabu jajjabeessuun wallaalaa nama hin jachisiisu. Wallaalummaan waan ifatti beekamu haaluudha. Ija ashaboon dhiqatanii hololuudha.wayyaaneen har’a koree tokko Biyya alaatti ijaartee, waan intarneetaa hundaa akka hordofanii fi bifa amma argaa jirruun akka busheessan taasisaa jiraachuu hubadhaa. Kanaaf waa hundaa irratti ilaallachaa sirbaan dhaamsa kiyya.
4. OMN ilaalchisee :- Ilmaan Oromoo OMN ijaarree Ummata keenyaaf bu’aa tokko argamsiifna jedhanii ka’uun yaaduma gaariidha. Kan deeggaramu qabudhas. Yeroo hedduu Ilmaan Oromoo qabsoo Ummata kanaaf gumaacha goonaa jedhanii wanni ijaaran , irra jireessa rakkooma keessa isaanii madduun deebi’anii dhaamu. Kun maaliif jedhee qoratee deebii quubsaa argatee hundee isaa tolfatu hin agarre. Hundumtu karaama tokko irra ka’anii deebi’anii taa’aan. Waan ijaarru tokko bu’ura qabaachuu qaba. maaliif akka ijaaramu, adeemsa akkamii akka qabaatu, galiin isaa maal akka ta’e, sagantaa yeroo gabaabaa fi dheeraa, gufuulee nu mudachuu danda’u jedhanii fi kkf dursee yeroo fudhatee irratti hojjachuu barbaachisa. OMN irratti rakkoo dhalatee jiruuf maddi isaa iftummaadha. Adeemsa hojjii , hojii yennaa eegallu haala akkasiin of beeksifna, yeroo kana keessatti kana gadhiifna, kana kan gaggeessuu fi sochii kana Ummatatti beeksisu koree akkasiidhaa, kkf jedhamee tartiiba dhabuutu , waan Ummataaf dhaabbate jedhame kan nama dhuunfaa fakkeesse.Ummati Oromoo qaamni kamu maqaa isaan yennaa gurmaa’uu fi of beeksiisu hanga dhumaatti deemee qorachuu akka hin dhiifne beeku barbaachisa. kanaaf gaaffiilee haala kanaan ka’uu danda’an gamanumaa of gaafatanii deebii qopheeffachuutu gaariidha. Sirbaa eegallee bo’aa gadi taa’uun maddi isaa fageessanii yaadu dhabuudha. Mana ijaarru hundaa , fedhii fi Ilaacha akkasumas, aadaa ummatichaa irratti bu’ureffannee yoo hin taanee rakkoo dhalchuun isaa hin hafu. Rakkoon dhalate jedhamee ka’ee jabaa ta’ee mul’ate garuu hin jiru. komeen Ummataa gaariis ta’uu badaa, waan gaarii fi badaa kana kan uume OMN mataa isaatii . waan hangana bal’ifamee irratti hololamu tokkollee keessa hin jiru. ofumaa dubbiin daangaa dabree, Oromoonni wal fixan akka jedhamee nutti kolfamu taasisee malee, bu’aan argamsiise hin jiru. silaa muuxannoo waggaa 100 oliin kana hiikkachuun salphaadha. Bakka lama dhaabbachuutu dubbii hammeesse. Nuuti Dimokiraatawaadhaas ni jenna, isa addunyaa ittiin wal nyaattunis ni tarkaafanna. Kanatu wal dhahe malee, dubbiin jiru Maanguddoo Oromoo tokkon ka hiikamtuudha.ammas OMN rakkoo isaa miidiyaama isaa irratti of salphisuu odoo hin taanee, wayyaanee salphisuu fi dhimma Oromoo irratti hojjachuu fi kanas cichoomiinaan itti fufutu komee Ummataa keessaa isa baasa. Miidiyaa Ummata kanaaf jedhamee banamee fi Ummati maalan irraa argaa ? jedhee guyyuu jala taa’aa ooluuf, rakkoo keessa ofiin wal unkuraa jiraachuu mul’isaa ooluun Dimokiraasii isa akkamii akka ta’ee naaf hin galu. Of tumachaa ooluu keessaa haa baanuun jedha.

Maddi yaadoota ani kaasee, sochii bara 2014 dha.bara 2014 ammoo Biddeen nama quubsuu, eelee irratti beekunin itti mammaake. Na qabuubsinaan. qabxiilee hafan BARA 2015 keessan qabadhee dhihaadha. Barri 2015 Bara OROMOON humna ta’ee itti ba’uu nuuf haa ta’u. bara 2014 keessa kanneen yaada ijaaraa naaf kennitan guddoo Galatoomaa.

HORAA BULAA !!!

=>ayyaantuu

Ethiopia 2014 Trafficking in Persons Report

OFFICE TO MONITOR AND COMBAT TRAFFICKING IN PERSONS

Ethiopia is a source and, to a lesser extent, destination and transit country for men, women, and children who are subjected to forced labor and sex trafficking. Girls from Ethiopia’s rural areas are exploited in domestic servitude and, less frequently, prostitution within the country, while boys are subjected to forced labor in traditional weaving, herding, guarding, and street vending. The central market in Addis Ababa is home to the largest collection of brothels in Africa, with girls as young as 8-years-old in prostitution in these establishments. Ethiopian girls are forced into domestic servitude and prostitution outside of Ethiopia, primarily in Djibouti, South Sudan, and in the Middle East. Ethiopian boys are subjected to forced labor in Djibouti as shop assistants, errand boys, domestic workers, thieves, and street beggars. Young people from Ethiopia’s vast rural areas are aggressively recruited with promises of a better life and are likely targeted because of the demand for cheap domestic labor in the Middle East.

Many young Ethiopians transit through Djibouti, Egypt, Somalia, Sudan, or Yemen as they emigrate seeking work in the Middle East; some become stranded and exploited in these transit countries, and are subjected to detention, extortion, and severe abuses—some of which include forced labor and sex trafficking—while en route to their final destinations. Young women are subjected to domestic servitude throughout the Middle East, as well as in Sudan and South Sudan. Many Ethiopian women working in domestic service in the Middle East face severe abuses, including physical and sexual assault, denial of salary, sleep deprivation, withholding of passports, confinement, and even murder. Ethiopian women are sometimes exploited in the sex trade after migrating for labor purposes—particularly in brothels, mining camps, and near oil fields in Sudan and South Sudan—or after fleeing abusive employers in the Middle East. Low-skilled Ethiopian men and boys migrate to Saudi Arabia, the Gulf States, and other African nations, where some are subjected to forced labor. In October 2013, the Ethiopian government banned overseas labor recruitment. Preceding the ban, Ministry of Labor and Social Affairs (MOLSA) officials reported that up to 1,500 Ethiopians departed daily as part of the legal migration process. Officials estimated this likely represented only 30 to 40 percent of those migrating for work; the remaining 60 to 70 percent were smuggled with the facilitation of illegal brokers. Brokers serve as the primary recruiters in rural areas. Over 400 employment agencies were licensed to recruit Ethiopians for work abroad; however, government officials acknowledged many to be involved in both legal and illegal recruitment, leading to the government’s ban on labor export. Following the ban, irregular labor migration through Sudan is believed to have increased. Eritreans residing in Ethiopia-based refugee camps, some of whom voluntarily migrate out of the camps, and others who are lured or abducted from the camps, face situations of human trafficking in Sudan and Egypt’s Sinai Peninsula.

Since November 2013, the Saudi Arabian government has deported over 163,000 Ethiopians, including over 94,000 men working mostly in the construction sector and over 8,000 children working in cattle herding and domestic service; international organizations and Ethiopian officials believe thousands were likely trafficking victims. Many migrants reported not having repaid debts to those who smuggled them to Saudi Arabia, rendering some of them at risk for re-trafficking.

The Government of Ethiopia does not fully comply with the minimum standards for the elimination of trafficking; however, it is making significant efforts to do so. The Federal High Court convicted 106 traffickers and worked with international partners to shelter and provide emergency care to trafficking victims. In 2013, following an influx of trafficking victims returning to Ethiopia, the government recognized problems with its oversight of Ethiopian-based employment agencies, which were failing to protect workers sent overseas. In response, the government temporarily banned labor recruitment and began to revise the relevant employment proclamation to ensure improved oversight of these agencies and better protection of its citizens while working abroad. The government facilitated the return of thousands of Ethiopians, including many likely trafficking victims, deported from Saudi Arabia and elsewhere during the reporting period, and coordinated with NGOs and international organizations to provide services to the returning migrants. The government relied on NGOs to provide direct assistance to both internal and transnational trafficking victims and did not provide financial or in-kind support to such organizations. The government did not deploy labor attachés or improve the availability of protective services offered by its overseas diplomatic missions. The absence of government-organized trainings in 2013 was a concern. The government also did not effectively address child prostitution and other forms of internal trafficking through law enforcement, protection, or prevention efforts. It did not report on the number of victims it identified in 2013.

Recommendations for Ethiopia:

Complete amendments to the employment exchange proclamation to ensure penalization of illegal recruitment and improved oversight of overseas recruitment agencies; strengthen criminal code penalties for sex trafficking and amend criminal code Articles 597 and 635 to include a clear definition of human trafficking that includes the trafficking of male victims and enhanced penalties that are commensurate with other serious crimes; enhance judicial understanding of trafficking and improve the investigative capacity of police throughout the country to allow for more prosecutions of internal child trafficking offenses; increase the use of Articles 596, 597, and 635 to prosecute cases of labor and sex trafficking; improve screening procedures in the distribution of national identification cards and passports to ensure children are not fraudulently acquiring these; allocate appropriate funding for the deployment of labor attachés to overseas diplomatic missions; institute regular trafficking awareness training for diplomats posted abroad, as well as labor officials who validate employment contracts or regulate employment agencies, to ensure the protection of Ethiopians seeking work or employed overseas; incorporate information on human trafficking and labor rights in Middle Eastern and other countries into pre-departure training provided to migrant workers; engage Middle Eastern governments on improving protections for Ethiopian workers; partner with local NGOs to increase the level of services available to trafficking victims returning from overseas, including allocating funding to enable the continuous operation of either a government or NGO-run shelter; improve the productivity of the national anti-trafficking taskforce; and launch a national anti-trafficking awareness campaign at the local and regional levels.

Prosecution

The Government of Ethiopia maintained its anti-trafficking law enforcement efforts during the reporting period, but its efforts continued to focus wholly on transnational trafficking, with little evidence that the government investigated or prosecuted sex trafficking or internal labor trafficking cases. Ethiopia prohibits sex and labor trafficking through criminal code Articles 596 (Enslavement), 597 (Trafficking in Women and Children), 635 (Traffic in Women and Minors), and 636 (Aggravation to the Crime). Article 635, which prohibits sex trafficking, prescribes punishments not exceeding five years’ imprisonment, penalties which are sufficiently stringent, though not commensurate with penalties prescribed for other serious crimes, such as rape. Articles 596 and 597 outlaw slavery and labor trafficking and prescribe punishments of five to 20 years’ imprisonment, penalties which are sufficiently stringent. Articles 597 and 635, however, lack a clear definition of human trafficking, do not include coverage for crimes committed against adult male victims, and have rarely been used to prosecute trafficking offenses. Instead, Articles 598 (Unlawful Sending of Ethiopians to Work Abroad) and 571 (Endangering the Life of Another) are regularly used to prosecute cases of transnational labor trafficking. The absence of a clear legal definition of human trafficking in law impeded the Ethiopian Federal Police’s (EFP) and Ministry of Justice’s ability to investigate and prosecute trafficking cases effectively. Officials began drafting amendments to the Employment Exchange Services Proclamation No. 632/2009, which governs the work of approximately 400 licensed labor recruitment agencies; planned amendments will prohibit illegal recruitment and improve oversight of recruitment agencies.

During the reporting period, the EFP’s Human Trafficking and Narcotics Section, located within the Organized Crime Investigation Unit, investigated 135 suspected trafficking cases—compared to 133 cases in the previous reporting period. The federal government reported prosecuting 137 cases involving an unknown number of defendants relating to transnational labor trafficking under Article 598; of these cases, the Federal High Court convicted 106 labor traffickers—compared to 100 labor traffickers convicted in the previous reporting period. Officials indicated that these prosecutions included cases against private employment agencies and brokers, but did not provide details on these cases or the average length of applied sentences. Between June and July 2013, courts in the Southern Nations, Nationalities, and Peoples Region (SNNPR) reportedly heard 267 cases involving illegal smugglers and brokers. In addition, in Gamo Gofa, a zone within SNNPR, the zonal court convicted six traffickers in 2013—the first convictions in that area’s history. The EFP investigated allegations of complicity in trafficking-related crimes involving staff at several foreign diplomatic missions in Addis Ababa; the EFP arrested several staff at these missions.

In 2013, the government did not initiate any sex trafficking prosecutions, including for child prostitution. It also did not demonstrate adequate efforts to investigate and prosecute internal trafficking crimes or support and empower regional authorities to effectively do so. Regional law enforcement entities throughout the country continued to exhibit an inability to distinguish human trafficking from human smuggling and lacked capacity to properly investigate and document cases, as well as to collect and organize relevant data. In addition, the government remained limited in its ability to conduct international investigations. The government did not provide or fund trafficking-specific trainings for law enforcement officials, though police and other officials received training from international organizations with governmental support during the year. Seventy-seven judges also received training on both child labor and human trafficking. The government did not report any investigations, prosecutions, or convictions of public officials allegedly complicit in human trafficking or trafficking-related offenses. For example, reports suggest local kabele or district level officials accepted bribes to change the ages on district-issued identification cards, enabling children to receive passports without parental consent; passport issuance authorities did not question the validity of such identification documents or the ages of applicants.

Protection

The government did not provide adequate assistance to trafficking victims—both those exploited internally or after migrating overseas—relying almost exclusively on international organizations and NGOs to provide services to victims without providing funding to these organizations. However, following the Saudi Arabian government’s closure of its border and massive deportation of migrant workers, officials worked quickly and collaboratively with international organizations and NGOs to repatriate and accommodate over 163,000 Ethiopian returnees from Saudi Arabia and several hundred from Yemen. The government did not report the number of victims it identified and assisted during the year. It remained without standard procedures for front-line responders to guide their identification of trafficking victims and their referral to care. During the reporting period, following the return of Ethiopians exploited overseas, the Bole International Airport Authority and immigration officials in Addis Ababa referred an unknown number of female victims to eleven local NGOs that provided care specific to trafficking victims. Typically such referrals were made only at the behest of self-identified victims of trafficking. One organization assisted 70 trafficking victims during the year—often from Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Qatar, Yemen, and Lebanon—providing shelter, food, clothing, medical and psychological treatment without government support. The government’s reliance on NGOs to provide direct assistance to most trafficking victims, while not providing financial or in-kind support to such NGOs, resulted in unpredictable availability of adequate care; many facilities lacked sustainability as they depended on project-based funding for continued operation. Despite its reliance on NGOs to provide victims care, the government at times created challenges for these organizations as a result of its 2009 Charities and Societies Proclamation. This proclamation prohibits organizations that receive more than 10 percent of their funding from foreign sources from engaging in activities that promote—among other things—human rights, the rights of children and persons with disabilities, and justice. These restrictions had a negative impact on the ability of some NGOs to adequately provide a full range of protective services, including assistance to victims in filing cases against their traffickers with authorities and conducting family tracing.

The government operated child protection units in the 10 sub-cities of Addis Ababa and six major cities, including Dire Dawa, Adama, Sodo, Arba Minch, Debre Zeit, and Jimma; staff at the units were trained in assisting the needs of vulnerable children, including potential trafficking victims. Healthcare and other social services were generally provided to victims of trafficking by government-operated hospitals in the same manner as they were provided to other victims of abuse. The government continued to jointly operate an emergency response center in the Afar Region jointly with the IOM, at which police and local health professionals provided medical and nutritional care, temporary shelter, transport to home areas, and counseling to migrants in distress, including trafficking victims. While officials reportedly encouraged victims to assist in the investigation and prosecution of their traffickers, there were no protective mechanisms in place to support their active role in these processes. For example, Ethiopian law does not prevent the deportation of foreign victims to countries where they might face hardship or retribution. There were no reports of trafficking victims being detained, jailed, or prosecuted in 2013. The limited nature of consular services provided to Ethiopian workers abroad continued to be a weakness in government efforts. Although Employment Exchange Services Proclamation No. 632/2009 requires licensed employment agencies to place funds in escrow to provide assistance in the event a worker’s contract is broken, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA) has never used these deposits to pay for victims’ transportation back to Ethiopia. Nonetheless, in one case, a young woman in domestic servitude was pushed off the fifth story of a building by her employer in Beirut; once the victim was out of the hospital, the Ethiopian Embassy assisted in her repatriation, and upon her arrival, officials referred her to an NGO for assistance.

While officials worked to facilitate the return of stranded migrants and detainees, many of whom are believed to be trafficking victims, its focus was solely emergency assistance, with minimal direct provision of or support for longer-term protective services necessary for adequate care of trafficking victims. In April 2013, through a bilateral agreement with Yemeni officials, the Ethiopian government facilitated the return of 618 Ethiopian migrants stranded in Yemen after having failed to cross the Saudi Arabian border or been deported from Saudi Arabia. The government did not coordinate humanitarian assistance for these returnees upon their arrival in Addis Ababa. IOM coordinated subsequent returns, providing shelter at the IOM transit center in Addis Ababa, where returnees received medical care and psycho-social support while UNICEF conducted family tracing. The government did not provide financial or in-kind support to these IOM-led operations.

Beginning in November 2013, the Saudi Arabian government began massive deportation of foreign workers, who lacked proper visas or employment papers. The Ethiopian government led the repatriation and closely collaborated with IOM as part of an emergency response to the deportation of 163,000 Ethiopians from Saudi Arabia—many of whom were likely trafficking victims. Ethiopian diplomats worked to identify Ethiopian detainees stuck in 64 Saudi detention camps and various ministries met twice a week in an effort to return the migrants as rapidly as possible because of inhumane conditions within Saudi deportation camps. With a peak of 7,000 returning each day, the government partnered with IOM to provide food, emergency shelter, and medical care, and facilitate the deportees’ return to their home areas. Those requiring overnight stays in Addis Ababa were accommodated in IOM’s transit center and three transit facilities set up by the government; two of these were on government training campuses and one was rented at the government’s expense. The Disaster Risk Management and Food Security Section of the Ministry of Agriculture set up incident command centers at transit centers where representatives from all ministries addressed issues among returnees. The Ministry of Health and the Ministry of Women, Children, and Youth Affairs provided blankets, food, and the approximate equivalent of $12,000 to a local NGO that assisted 87 severely traumatized trafficking victims identified among this population—believed to be only a mere fraction of the total number of victims needing comprehensive counseling and reintegration support among these deportees. Regional governments established committees to provide returnees basic assistance and planned to support their reintegration via the establishment of cooperatives and small businesses. For example, in Addis Ababa, 3,000 returnees received psychological support and 1,743 graduated from technical skills training. While the government contributed the equivalent of approximately $2.5 million towards repatriation costs, it requested reimbursement from IOM via donors for the equivalent of approximately $27,000 worth of food.

Prevention

The government made moderate efforts to prevent human trafficking. It coordinated both regional and national awareness raising campaigns. In 2013, nationally-owned media companies aired a drama series which portrayed the dangers of being trafficked. The Women’s Development Army, a government run program, raised awareness of the dangers of sending children to urban areas alone and of the potential for abuse when illegal brokers facilitate migration. Working-level officials from federal ministries and agencies met weekly as part of the technical working group on trafficking, led by MOLSA. The inter-ministerial taskforce on trafficking met quarterly and was extensively involved in responding to the deportation of Ethiopians from Saudi Arabia.

Officials acknowledged that licensed employment agencies were involved in facilitating both legal and illegal labor migration and, as a result, enacted a temporary ban on the legal emigration of low-skilled laborers in October 2013. The ban is set to remain in place until draft amendments to the employment exchange proclamation are enacted to allow for greater oversight of private employment agencies, to mandate the placement of labor attachés in Ethiopian embassies, and to establish an independent agency to identify and train migrant workers. The government monitored the activities of labor recruitment agencies and closed an unknown number of agencies that were identified as having sent workers into dangerous conditions. Officials acknowledged that the ban may encourage illegal migration; as a result, the EFP mobilized additional resources to monitor Ethiopia’s borders. In February 2014, the EFP intercepted 101 Ethiopians led by an illegal broker at the border with Sudan. In early November 2013, the government sent a delegation of officials to Saudi Arabia to visit various camps where Ethiopians were being held. Due to the poor conditions in the camps and numerous reports of abuse, the Ethiopian government acted to remove all of their citizens swiftly. During the year, a planned government-funded, six-week, pre-departure training for migrant workers was suspended due to lack of funding. Labor migration agreements negotiated in the previous reporting period with Jordan, Kuwait, and Qatar remained in place; the government negotiated new agreements in 2013 with the Governments of Djibouti, Sudan, the UAE, and Kenya. However, these agreements did not explicitly contain provisions to protect workers—such as by outlining mandatory rest periods, including grounds for filing grievances, and prohibiting recruitment fees.

In 2013, the government established the Office of Vital Records to implement a June 2012 law requiring registration of all births nationwide; however, the lack of a uniform national identification card continued to impede implementation of the law and allowed for the continued issuance of district-level identification cards that were subject to fraud. MOLSA’s inspection unit decreased in size during the reporting period from 380 to 291 inspectors as a result of high turnover rates and limited resources. In 2013, the government’s list of Activities Prohibited for Young Workers became law. MOLSA inspectors were not trained to use punitive measures upon identifying labor violations, and expressed concern that such efforts would deter foreign investment. The government provided Ethiopian troops with anti-trafficking training prior to their deployment abroad on international peacekeeping missions, though such training was conducted by a foreign donor.

=>US state.gov

Features Ethiopia: Booming business, underpaid workers

Low wages have attracted foreign players to the poor African country, but labourers are hoping for better salaries.

BY Simona Foltyn

Within a few years foreign companies have helped build up Ethiopia's nascent industry [Simona Foltyn/Al Jazeera]

Addis Ababa, Ethiopia - Lunch break is over at the Huajian shoe factory and workers assemble in perfectly aligned two-row formations, march, salute, and return back to their work stations. "Our factory is a bit like a military organisation. The labour here is not highly educated so we have to use a very simple way to communicate and organise them," said Nara Zhou, Huajian's spokeswoman, as she walks through the aisles of the large factory hall. Nara Zhou [Simona Foltyn/Al Jazeera] Red banners with writing in Chinese, Amharic and English hang from the ceiling, bearing lofty slogans such as "China-Africa friendly and harmonious enterprise, to win honour for the country", and "High level of democracy". They are excerpts of speeches given by the company's president, Zhang Hua Rong, a former military officer who established Huajian's operation in Ethiopia in 2012, Zhou explained.   Within a few years, foreign companies such as Huajian have helped build up Ethiopia's nascent footwear industry from scratch. Today, the company employs about 3,000 workers in Ethiopia and generates $20m worth of exports by producing shoes for international brands such as Guess, Naturalizer and Toms destined for US and European markets.   With a growing number of brands such as H&M starting to source from Ethiopia and existing companies ramping up production capacity, the three percent of Ethiopia's exports that came from textiles and leather in 2013 may well double in the next couple of years, according to government estimates.    Cheaper than Asia Rising production costs in Asia are the key drivers prompting manufacturers such as Huajian to look for alternative production sites. Ethiopia seems to be ticking many of the boxes for investors: abundant cheap labour, no tariffs, and a stable political environment. Entry-level salaries in Ethiopia range from $35 to $40 per month, significantly below average Chinese manufacturing wages of $629 per month, a figure reported to have tripled between 2000 and 2010. In Bangladesh, textile workers are required to earn at least $68 per month, which represents an increase in minimum wages following the deadly collapse of a factory building in April, and criticism of working conditions there.   Ethiopia, however, has no minimum wage except for public servants. Aklilu Woldemariam [Simona Foltyn/Al Jazeera] "We do have a labour law in this country, which is in line with international standards, but the government will not actually intervene in setting the minimum wage," Aklilu Woldemariam, director of investment promotion at Ethiopia's Investment Agency, told Al Jazeera.   The absence of a minimum wage means that market dynamics determine the salaries of factory workers. With urban unemployment at about 18 percent, workers must often accept whatever wage is offered, or have no income at all.   "I am happy I have a job but if I had an option, I wouldn't work for this amount of money and under these conditions," said Meseret Asrat, a 24-year-old employee at Ayka Textiles in the capital Addis Ababa. Asrat earns $41 per month after the factory's recent wage increase.   Struggle for workers' rights   Despite demands for higher wages and better health and safety standards, Ayka is considered a success story when it comes to workers' rights in Ethiopia. The country's biggest garment exporter and an employer of 8,000 workers, Ayka is also one of few textile and leather factories to have established a functional trade union. "In the beginning it was difficult to establish the union. The management didn't want the workers to unite and speak with a common voice," said Mesfin Teshome, who leads Ayka's trade union.   Following pressure from Ayka's German client Tchibo and a change in the company's management, the union won a 25-percent wage increase in a collective bargaining agreement negotiated last year. But winning further salary increases remains a challenge, Teshome said, partly because the company's profits are not made public.   Although Ethiopia's constitution guarantees workers the right to associate, most factories, including Huajian, do not have trade unions. "If the business owners refuse, there is not much we can do," Angesom Gebre Yohannes from the Industrial Federation of Ethiopian Textile, Leather and Garment Worker Trade Unions, told Al Jazeera. "The law is there, but the struggle to implement it is left up to us and the workers."   The union currently employs four full-time staff and lacks the resources and political weight to lobby big businesses, let alone take them to court over alleged violations of wages and working conditions. Often, pressure by foreign clients and consumers is the only way to ensure better conditions for workers. "Big foreign buyers, like in the case of Tchibo, can have a big contribution towards workers' rights," Yohannes said.   Invest now, worry later?   Between 2010 and 2014, Ethiopia's economy grew at an impressive 10.4 percent annual rate, driven mainly by large public expenditures under the umbrella of an ambitious Growth and Transformation Plan (GTP). The plan seeks to transform Ethiopia into a middle-income country by 2025.   As part of the GTP, selected industries such as textiles and leather with high-growth potential have been prioritised for foreign investment. It's not a question of if but when the government will approach investors to discuss more corporate social responsibility. - Dereje Feyissa Dori, International Law and Policy Institute "This is the formative stage of the manufacturing sector," said Dereje Feyissa Dori, senior adviser and research professor at the International Law and Policy Institute office in Addis Ababa. "Investors are charting into new territories, so there must be something to entice them."   For that reason, the government is sceptical about introducing a minimum wage, which might scare away investors said Dori. Union representatives say monthly wages should be 2,000 birr ($100), twice as high as today's entry-level wages.   Low salaries are often attributed to relatively low productivity and cost of living. But for Ethiopia - a country where 29.6 percent of the population still lives below the poverty line - a shift will be needed if it is to become a middle-income country by 2025, as envisioned by the GTP. "It's not a question of if but when the government will approach investors to discuss more corporate social responsibility," said Dori.   Trade unions and some business owners say ensuring reasonable wages and working conditions would make the industry more sustainable and avoid disruptions further down the line. "If the government takes the necessary measures in the beginning, the industry will not be disturbed later on like we see it in the experiences of Far East Asia," Ercan Tukoglu, the general manager of Ayka Textiles, told Al Jazeera. =>aljazeera