The Politics of Denial

By Geresu Tufa

“A man who denies his past is a man who truly denies himself a future, for he refusesto know himself, and to deny knowledge of oneself is to stumble through life ashandicapped as the blind mute.” Tobsha Learner

Last week I partook in a panel discussion about the ongoing Finfinne/Addis land grab with my fellow Oromos on OMN TV. I believe this time is very critical for all peoples in that country  to stand together and condemn the injustices inflicted upon poor farmers surrounding Addis. Therefore, most of the talks focused on the impact of Addis expansion to neighboring Oromia region on our farmer's livelihood, healthy environments and overall political-economy of Oromia in Ethiopian Empire. As to any sensible discussion, I gave a little introductory remark  about the background of Addis expansion starting from its foundation.

All of us are products of particular historical process. If we want to understand cleary what is happening today, we need to put it into appropirate historical context.  In line with this indisputable fact of life, I could only be right for mentioning major historical factors that have contributed to place us where we found ourselves today. Instead of condemning both historical and ongoing injustices on our farmers, I am surprised to see the reaction of a few individuals that come out of their shell to deny historical injustices in the aforementioned area. The intention of this short pieceis not to divert public attention from focusing on current injustices or to wrangle over the past that is gone, it is only to undress this denial politics with some historical facts and  give a rationale behind this kind of mindset.

Inquiring the sources of these historical facts is very healthy and should be a way forward for our future dialogues. This kind of evidence-based argument is very essential to save us from making/being evidence-nude society that bases arguments on eitherof ‘hearsay’ or ‘I think’ or even the worst ‘I am sure’ kind of argument without citing any credible source of information. Therefore, I praise those who asked for my evidences that are deliberately kept away from public consumption by elites who harvest various kinds of profits from the politics of denial. It appears that those people who deny historical injustices will obviously do the same or worse if they happen to mastermind the atrocities thatwe see today in the name of development. For those groups, it is not the cruel action that matters much, it is who do those cruelties to whom. If they do it,it is a norm and the order of our time, if others do it, it is fascism,apartheid, racism…you name it. It is a sad reality, but it is what it is. If anyone thinks about convincing those groups by logic, it could only be futile effort that will never bear a fruit. This piece of evidence about the atrocities during and after creation of Finfinne/Addis Ababa is written for sensible minds only.

As to the characteristics of atrocities that happened in Finfinne, I am shocked how people easily and conveniently forget or distort the recent Ethiopian political history. In case one forgets the quest of Oromos and people in the Southern nations which led  to 1974 Ethiopian revolution was a struggle to reclaim their land that is appropriated to settler Neftegnas by reducing them into tenants and servant on their own land. I hope no one forgets Land to Tiller. Oromo farmer’s land grab by settlers did notstart during the Hailesilassie regime as some people try to convince us, it has deep roots in the formation of the modern Ethiopian empire. Of course the intensity increased where the settlers establish themselves in the form of cities. Finfinne/Addis is a case in point.



Herein under, I enlist some of the major historical facts and policy guidelines thatwere put in place to execute an eviction of Oromo farmers for the last century with evidences so that a reader can have his/her own judgment.

Fact 1.  
As an oral society, Oromo folk living in and around Finfinne has very popular song in which they narrate most of the happenings they see/hear. This song has been in public memory for the last 150 years,
Afaan Oromoo
Inxooxoo dhabatanii
Caffee gad ilaalun haafe,
Finfinnee loon geessani,
hora obaasuun hafe
Tullu Daalatti irratt
Yaa’iin Gullallee hafee
Gafarsatti dabrani
qoraan cabsuun hin hafee
Hurufa Bombi irratti,
jabbilee yaasuun hafee
Bara jarri dhufani,
Loon keenyaas ni dhumani
Edda Mashashan dhufee
Birmaadummaan hinhafee.
(Source: Wolde Yohannes Warqineh and Gammachu Malkaa: Oromiyaa: Yetedebeqew yegif Tarik, 1994)

(English translation
No more standing on Intottoo,
to look on meadows blow,
No more taking cattle to Finfinnee,
to water at the mineral springs.
No more gathering on Daalattii,
where the Gullallee assembly used to meet
No more going beyond Gafarsaa,
to chop firewood.
No more pasturing calves,
on the meadows of Hurufa Bombi.
The year the enemy came
our cattle were consumed.
Since Mashasha came,
freedom has vanished.)

Fact 2.
“The Chronicler of the reign of Menelik states that Menelik quoted his grandfather the Negus Sahle Selassie: Oland today, you are full of Gallas but one day my grandson will build here a house and make of you a city; About 1886 large areas of land on the site were distributed; the recipients among others were the Empress, Rasmkael, Ras Darge,Afe Negus Nasibu, The Echege, Dejazmatch Girmame, Balambaras Mekonnen ete:- andareas were set aside such as that for the quarters of the place guard”.   Richard Greenfield Ethiopian New Political History 1965, Page 102

Facts 3.
‘‘In 1843 Sahle Sellasie went onone of the predatory raids, he usually conducted twice and often three times ayear, into the Tuulama Oromo territory bordering on kingdom of Shawa. Major W.C. Harris, who was sent on a diplomatic mission to Shawa leading a British delegation and followed Sahle Sellasie on several of his raiding expeditions against the Oromo during the 18 months he stayed in the country, reported whathe witnessed in his book The Highlands of Aethiopia (1844, Vols. I-III).”

“Hundreds of cattle grazed intempting herds over the flowery meads [meadows]. Unconscious of danger, the unarmed husband man [herdsman] pursued his peaceful occupation in the field;his wife and children carolled blithely over their ordinary household avocations; and the ascending sun shone bright on smiling valleys, which, long before his going down, were left tenanted [occupied] only by the wolf and the vulture.”
Harris noted that, after conferring for a while with an Orthodox priest acting as his father confessor,Sahle Sellasie ordered the expectant army to “carry fire and sword through the land.” What followed was exactly what the king ordered his forces to do.

“Rolling on like the mighty waves of the ocean, down poured the Amhára host among the rich glades and rural hamlets, at the heels of the flying inhabitants—tramping under foot the fields of the ripening corn, in parts half reaped, and sweeping before them the vast herds of cattle which grazed untended in every direction. When far beyond the range of vision, their destructive progress was still marked by the red flames that burst forth in turn from the thatched roofs of each village; and the havoc committed many miles to the right by the division of Abagáz Maretch, who was advancing parallel to the main body, and had been reinforced by the detachment under Ayto Shishigo, became equally manifest in numerous columns of whites moke, towering upwards to the azure firmament in rapid succession.”
 The Highlands of Aethiopia (1844, Vols.I-III). Vol. II (p. 185-198) of Harris’ book

Fact 4
 What Tedla Haile, who was a minister of Education in late 1920 proposed at early 1920 as it quoted in Bharu Zewidie“Tedla  goes back to Classical Rome to demonstrate how the army has always been a factor for assimilation, be it through the intermarriage of garrison troops with local women or the recruitment of subjects people into the imperial arm. Likewise, all other facts of government policy- adminstration, justice, economic organization- should be  regulated by the policy of assimilation. Provincial boundaries need to be redrawn to facilitate the policy. Oromo numerical predominance in the southern provinces should be tempered by a policy of Amhara settlement. Tigreans, too should be encouraged to settle in the southern provinces, as they are great assimilator by virtue of their religious fervour and their inherent weakness in learning non-semtic language.”
 Bhiru Zewede Pioneers of Change 2002 Page,132-133

Fact 5:
Ethiopian Constitution of 1931 1
Chapter I
The Ethiopian Empire and the Succession to the Throne Art. 1. The territory of Ethiopia, in its entirety,is, from one end to the other, subject to the government of His Majesty the Emperor. All the natives of Ethiopia, subjects of the empire, form together the Ethiopian Empire.
Fact 6: The imposition of Amharicon non- Amharias and the Amharization strategy became an almost open government policy in 1955/6. It was enshrined in the statute to establish the Ministry of National Community Development  and Social Affairs. It is clearly stated in Article 7 of the statute that members of the police and security forces should be recruited from the  Amhara ethnic group and those assigned to conquered regions should be provided with special privileges “”The details ofthose privileges are listed in Article 15 as follows:

“በመንግስት ሥራ በጸጥታ ጥበቃ በአገር አገዛዝ በፖሊስነት ወደነዚህ አገሮች የሚሄዱት አማሮች በዚያ አገር ውስጥ ለመኖርና ለመቆየት ምክንያት እንድኖራቸው በጠፍነት የሚለካው የጋላ መሬት በየአቅራቢያቸው እንደመንግስት ችሮታ መጠን ኢንድያገኙና ለማልማትም የሚረዱበት ልዩ ዘዴ እንድደረግላቸው።”
 Getahun Benti  Addis Ababa Migration and The Making of A Multi Ethnic Metropolis1941-1974, Page 176


Now, I leave the judgement for someone who reads and understands what is presented here.
“Everything that irritates us about others can lead us to an understanding of ourselves.”
Carl Gustav Jung
Thanks!

`=>facebook