The Evil Strategies of Land Grabbing in the Southern Part of Ethiopia

May 17, 2013 Leave a comment

By Assefa Getachew

E-mail:  assefageta@yahoo.com

The historical impacts of land-grab in Ethiopia were characterized by brutal conflicts, cultural extinction, and even genocide through mass killings. The war of occupation and land-grab in the last decades of the nineteenth century resulted in the death of about five million people in Southern Ethiopia (OSA 2013). The current problems associated with land-grab are especially complex in Southern Ethiopia; the local people are not represented in the government of Ethiopia that is dominated and led by TPLF.  Mistrust between TPLF leaders who come from the North and the Southern peoples of Ethiopia is rampant, shaped by a bitter history of war, occupation, cultural domination, and inherited hostility. The non-Tigrayan population of Ethiopia sees the decision of the TPLF regime as a deliberate and conniving move to dismantle the cultural fiber of the South  and  expand  Tigrayan  cultural  and  economic domination.  Land-grab  is  indeed perceived among the Southern Ethiopian population as a hostile trap targeting their most sacred property, their land.

Since 1996, the total area of agricultural land transferred to the investors is more than 5 million hectares. A total land transferred to investors will be 10 million hectares of agricultural land by the end of 2015 (OSA 2013). Over 94% of the land assigned to TPLF officials and foreign investors is located in Southern Ethiopia (ibid). To seal the deal, the government developed ‘a conniving and exploitive strategy’ and to   implement this, it made policy decisions and then signs land lease contracts on behalf of the peoples of the Southern Ethiopia. The policy thoroughly comes from the TPLF leaders who are ethnic group of the North. It is discriminatory as it applies only to the Southern regions of Ethiopia/non-Abyssinian parts of the Empire /- such as  Oromia,  Gambella,  the  South,  the  Afar  and  Benishangul/Gumuz.  It  is  to  be  noted  that Emperor Meles Zenawi who was the head of the TPLF regime, once outlined this strategy of land-grab as being only focused on these areas. This strategy came to surface with five phases that immensely subjugated and endangered the Southern Ethiopian farmers by imposing four major limitations.   This is discussed in two ways– I) Phases of the Conniving and Exploitive strategy; and II) Impacts of the Conniving and Exploitive Strategy in the Empire.

I Phases of the Conniving and Exploitive Strategy

TPLF‟s land grabbing strategy falls in to five (5) manipulative phases. It claims that this strategy is vital and should rely upon „Leasing Land in the Southern part of Ethiopia‟ on the pretext of increasing investment, supply for domestic consumption and enhancing economic growth. And of course, implementing this strategy, in the eyes of TPLF regime, is easier  as it proclaims  Land is Free, convincing farmers through ‘we work together strategy’ is not difficult, and lobbing elites and Diasporas is simple. Above all, the government bragged that this strategy is capable of making huge revenues [… which are of course taken care of by TPLF corrupted leaders].

1 Land Grab as a reason for Increasing Supply for Domestic Consumption

The government claims that land is leased to foreign investors to increase production as a result the country‟s economy will be stable and the supply for domestic consumption will be maximized. However it is observed that the opposite happened i.e. the level of supply for domestic consumption drastically went down because of an enormous volume of export made by the investors to China, Saudi Arabia, India, Italy and Japan (Economic Watch 2010). Thus this inability to supply goods for domestic consumption brought economic instability in the society. Yet the government went on fabricating that the scarcity of supply for domestic consumption was due to a decrease in foreign food aid and import size thus making a false reason for its strategic failure.

However John Vidal (2010) discloses that there is scarcity of supply [such as food] for domestic consumption but this scarcity is not caused by lack of foreign aid.  Fred (2010) added that Ethiopia is one of the world’s poorest countries that constantly receive a specified amount of humanitarian food. Thus so far, a decreasing trend in foreign aid has never been observed.

Economic Watch (2010) unveils Ethiopia‟s import volume is increasing since 2006. In the past three years (2010-2012), the country‟s import size grossed over US $24 (ibid). The trade imports include food, animals and cereals.

Thus the strategy‟s failure has nothing to do with the size of the import, lack of foreign food aid rather with the size of export.

2    Land Grab as a reason for Investment and Development

TPLF regime reports that „leasing land‟ to investors is the best strategy for economic growth of the country. However, Lorenzo et.al, (2009) disagree that as governments [such as Ethiopian], make land available to prospecting investors, large-scale land acquisitions  make the local people lose access to the resources on which their economic growth depends. Hence the success of this strategy is very little as it takes the society at large in to consideration (Thenmozhi 2013) yet if done for the mere execution of the strategy [grabbing land as a reason for investment and development], it will be a huge mistake. Thus the government does not have to lease multiple millions of hectares of land.  Moreover  „leasing massive  piece  of  land‟ alone  has  never  made  any  country developed, civilized and improved the livelihood of its citizen (Lorenzo et.al 2009). This makes the strategy unable to meet and guarantee the economic growth rather go against all types of investment growth strategy.

3    Displacing Farmers from their Land and Declaring ‘It is an Abandoned Land’

The third strategy is about displacing farmers and grabbing their land. The government announces that this land is „non- arable‟. The magazine of Minnesota University under crisis reported that 80% of the leased land was „non-arable‟  (Fred 2010). In the year 2010, only in the month of September, the government displaced several farmers and leased three 7.4 million acres of virgin land to foreign corporations such as Karuturi (John 2010). The representatives of the displaced farmers like Gemerchu Gebaba from Bako (West Shoa) and another farmer from Gambella, who did not want his  name be disclosed, told that their arable and non-arable land was dispossessed by the government (ibid). They also reveal that the government denied the land grab and claimed it was an „abandoned land‟.

4    We Work together

This is a subtly designed strategy which focuses on convincing farmers that the government is willing to work in collaboration with them. According to this strategy, communicating and working in harmony with the farmers is crucial until consensus is reached between them. Thus the government cheats the farmers and makes them willing for the relocation. And then displace them to other location, but this action automatically leaves a room for the government to turn its back, break its promise and finally abandon them.  For  example,  it  has  been  observed  that  after  farmers  were  displaced,  the government  failed  many times  in  several  areas  providing  the promised  medical  and electric  services.  In  these  areas,  there  is  no  water,  school  and  infrastructure.  The displaced farmers were resettled on none productive land thus they became unable to feed themselves, i.e. lack of food became their number one problem.

5 For Lobbying and Reaping Huge Revenues

The last strategy that this government uses is „lobbying‟ the elites and Diasporas and„reaping huge  revenues‟. To  implement  this,  the  government  signs  as  many  lease contracts as possible with the so called „elites and diasporas‟ who in turn pave the way to put „„dollar in the pocket of corrupt leaders‟‟ (Obang 2011). In other words, this is making the farmers lose their land ownership title to TPLF leaders and „investors‟.

II Impacts of the Conniving and Exploitive Strategy in the Empire

The land grab activities in Ethiopia affect not only a massive piece of land but also the livelihood of its inhabitants such as farmers, women, and pastoralists in many rural communities (Tinyade 2011).  These  activities  dismembered  them  from  their  land,  from  labor,  from  power;  from memory …the result is destructive of the base from which people launch themselves into the world ( Ngugi 2009 in Tinyade 2011). Thus effects and shortcomings of this strategy can at least be  observed  in  the  following  four  ways.  These  are:  Creating  Citizenship  Class,  Lacking Economic Justification, Causing Relocation of Farmers Forcefully, and Lack of Food.

A/ Creates Citizenship Class

Mr.  Bekele  Gerba  […is  imprisoned  now  for  vividly  explaining  the  impacts  of this Conniving and Exploitive Strategy] describes effects of the land-grab activities on citizenship. Based  on  land  ownership,  he  categorizes  citizenship  levels  in  the  Empire  into  four classes: the first-class citizens are those who are in power to give away land; the second- class citizens are those who receive land; the third-class are those who are reduced to observer-roles of such illicit transactions; the fourth-class are those whose land is taken away from them by force (Bekele 2010). Describing the illegal transfer of land, Mr. Bekele Gerba adds, “Land owners are reduced into security guards of their previous properties.” Thus, the third-class and fourth-class citizens all hail from the historically Southern part of the Empire.

B/ Lack of Economic Justification

The government could not give any viable economic justification why it enters into multiple lease contracts. After taking the massive piece of land, the foreign investors told that they were surprised why the government did sign the contract at the lowest land price in the world while possessing a mass of land rich in organic matter (John Vidal 2010). “It’s very good land. In fact it is very cheap. We have no land like this in India,” says Karmjeet Sekhon, project manager for what is expected to be one of Africa’s largest farms. “There you are lucky to get 1% of organic matter in the soil. Here it is more than 5%. We don’t need fertilizer or herbicides. There is absolutely nothing that will not grow on it. Karuturi Global says it had not even seen the land when it was offered by the Ethiopian government with tax breaks thrown in (John Vidal 2010). Here we can observe that there is no economic justification for entering into multiple lease contracts (that last for 99 years) at the cheapest price in the world while having a mass of land with abundant organic contents.

C/ Relocation of Farmers Forcefully

Land grab in Oromia has already displaced millions of farmers (Land Grab 2012; OSA

2013).   According to the year 2012 International Genocide Watch (IGW) report, the Ethiopian government has forcibly relocated approximately 70,000 people from their land with the intention to lease the land for foreign and domestic investment. The report portrays that the government‟s strategy has failed several times in rendering the promised services [providing medicine, water, electricity] for the cunningly deceived and forcefully evicted people. It has also failed providing better access to food, education, health and unable to construct infrastructures (Gregory 2012).   After all, these indigenous people were not only disrespected but also deprived of their economic right. This marginalized and exposed them to inescapable suffering and death (OSA 2013).

D/ Causes Lack of Food

This strategy relies upon increasing the export size while jeopardizing the level of supply for domestic consumption. This strategy exacerbates food insecurity, ethnic conflict and mass starvation (OSA 2013) thus alleviating ongoing hunger tragedy in the country.

TPLF regime is affecting millions of Oromo farmers with manipulative land grabbing strategy as a reason for Increasing the level of supply for Domestic Consumption, Investment and Development. This strategy does not stop here; it rather continues displacing them from their land and declaring „It  is an Abandoned Land‟. It deceives the farmers with the „We Work together‟ strategy and lease their land to foreign investors. This land grab strategy also focuses on lobbying the elites and Diasporas to take part in the contract so that they open the door for collecting the huge revenues generated.

The  severe  impacts  of  this  land  grabbing  strategy  are  creating  citizenship  class,  relocating farmers forcefully and causing lack of food. All in all, the strategy is condemned for its lack of economic justification.

As a whole, this conniving and exploitive strategy is designed to work against Oromo farmers. These farmers need not die from hunger for the mere purpose of putting dollars in the pockets of corrupted ones. Thus I say the following questions should be addressed to stop the implementation of this strategy thereby our people‟s right of using its natural recourse shall be respected. If TPLF is genuine about agro-industry and foreign investment, WHY NOT UPROOT AND DISPLACE

THE PEOPLE OF TIGRAY FROM THEIR VILLAGES and sell Tigray to India, before selling OROMIA and GAMBELLA to India? And where are the UPROOTED AND DISPLACED PEOPLE GOING TO SETTLE and what will happen to them? Thus who is going to stop the illegal seizure of lands of indigenous peoples? To stop these activities, there need to be determination, movement and struggle. Therefore, we need to stand and say stop the use of force and coercion, the deprivation of resources, the denial of rights and, targeting and exclusion of indigenous groups in the Southern part of the country! We shall fight this injustice!

Land to the owners!

Reference

1.    Bekele      Gerba,            (2010).     Speech     on      Ethiopian     Election.     Youtube.     Available            at     :

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=dKuXdunLAOA

2.    Economy      Watch      (2010).      Ethiopia      Trade,      Exports      and      Imports.      Available     at     :

http://www.economywatch.com/world_economy/ethiopia/export-import.html

3.    Fred de Sam Lazaro , (2010). Ethiopia’s Abundant Farming Investments Leave Many Still Hungry 2013. Youtube.

Available at :  http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=XJHL0zfANkE

4.   Gregory H. Stanton (Dr.), (2012). Genocide Watch 2012. The International Alliance to End

Genocide  http://www.genocidewatch.org/images/Countries_at_Risk_Report_2012.pdf

5.    John Vidal (2010). Karuturi Global on farming in Ethiopia. Available at :

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=nt22chvx_yQ

6.  Lamouridia Thiombiano, (2010). UN FOOD AND AGRICULTURAL ORGANIZATION. Ethiopia’s Abundant Farming Investments Leave Many Still Hungry. Available at: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=XJHL0zfANkE

7.    Land grab, (2012). Ethiopia Land grab in Oromia and displacement of people Available at:

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qaqfCQolSRA

8.  Lorenzo Cotula, Sonja Vermeulen, Rebeca Leonard and James Keeley , ( 2009). Land grab or development opportunity? Agricultural investment and international land deals in Africa. Available at:http://dlc.dlib.indiana.edu/dlc/bitstream/handle/10535/6178/land%20grab%20or%20dev%20opportunity.pdf?sequence=1

9.    M. Thenmozhi (Professor), ( 2013). Types of Strategies. Department of Management Studies. Available at: http://nptel.iitm.ac.in/courses/IIT-MADRAS/Management_Science_I/slides/9_6s.pdf Indian Institute of Technology Madras, Chennai 600 036

10.  Obang Metho, (2011). Land grabs deals, “dollars in the pockets of corrupt leaders”. Available at:

http://ecadforum.com/articles/obang-metho-lang-grab-deals-dollars-in-the-pockets-of-corrupt-leaders/

11.  Oromo Graduates of the New Mellenium, (2000). 2000 Oromo Garaduates of Higher Educational

Institutes/Ebbifamtoota Oromoo Bara Barnoota Sadarkaa Ol-Aanaa Kan Bara 2000 Magaazini.

12.   OSA, (2013). OSA‟s Appeal Letter to the Secretary General of the UN on Land-Grabbing in Oromia.

Available at:  http://gadaa.com/oduu/19350/2013/04/19/osas-appeal-letter-to-the-secretary-general-of-the-un- on-land-grabbing-in-oromia/

13.  Tinyade Kachika, (2011). Land Grabbing in Africa. A Review of the Impacts and the Possible Poiciy Responses. Available at :http://www.oxfamblogs.org/eastafrica/wp-content/uploads/2010/11/Land-Grabbing- in-Africa.-Final.pdf

Source:bilisummaa

ESAT: Witnessing Genocide in Ogaden – What do we learn from it?

ayyaantuu

When will Oromo artists work in peace in their own country?

By Adugna Dinka

It is known to everybody that there had never been time in the history of Oromia under Ethiopian empire that Oromo artists work in peace and develop our culture. During Haile Sillassie time, well known eastern Oromia artists were forced to leave their country which in most cases they move to Somalia. In some cases the government of Haile Sillasie hunts them down in Somalia through the security forces of the empire. Those who remain behind were just reduced to local singers.

During Derg time, most of the artists were forced to work for the junta. Moreover they were under heavy censorship. If they manage to evade the censorship and sing something important about an Oromo cause, it obviously lands them in prison which in most cases ends in torture and killing.  But still they manage to teach us much and develop our culture.

The Worst happens to our artists under the TPLF led government of Ethiopian empire. Under the present government, Oromo artists were killed or just disappeared or in most cases they were imprisoned and tortured. Some were forced to be the member of Oromo people’s democratic organization (OPDO) and forced to work for the party without their will. But most are forced to leave their beloved country and people. Recently, it is reported that the legendary artist Fayessa Furi was forced to leave his country. 

Adugna Dinka (re_appear1@yahoo.co.uk)

Sidama’s Loqee Massacre Commemoration in London – May 25, 2013

May 13, 2013 at 6:53 am · Gadaa.com

The Sidama Community in the UK (S.C.UK) commemorates the 11th anniversary of the 115 courageous Sidama men, women and children who were massacred by the TPLF/EPRDF regime in May 2002.

They invited the Oromo community to attend and pay tribute to those fallen martyrs.

Please attend this memorial ceremony to show our solidarity with Sidama people and to remember those who sacrificed their lives for freedom and democracy.

Date: Saturday, 25 May 2013, 10:00am- 01:00pm
Venue: GHARWEG, Training Centre
5 Westminster Bridge Road, London, SE1 7XW

London Qeerroo Activists

gadaa

The scrouge of censorship in Ethiopia

May 13, 2013 (Bikya News) — Statement delivered at the 53rd ordinary session of the African Commission on Human and Peoples Rights in Banjul, Gambia

Madame chair, ladies and gentlemen

Today, Ethiopia lives through the sword of the Damocles drawn against it. The scourge of the old days of the Red Terror grips the population. 90 million Ethiopians, a total population of a few countries in Africa put together, live in absolute fear. A simple test for the prevalence of unfreedom and absolute violation of freedom of expression is whether or not the population of a given country is gripped with fear when it comes to freedom of expression. That is the reality in Ethiopia today and no amount of claims on the contrary can change this fact.

Madame chair,

What distinguishes humans from animals is not the capacity to think but the capacity of humans to express what they think in speech and writing. If that capability is deprived, humans are reduced to the level of animals. Today, the Ethiopian people are reduced to this deplorable level. Ethiopia, the seat of the African Union and the Economic Commission for Africa and considered as the symbol of African independence, has relinquished this prestige by muzzling its own people from expressing what they think. In as much as the population is subjected to live in fear, the government has also displayed its utter fear of the freedom of expression of the population particularly after the 2005 elections.

The government seems to have concluded that the 2005 elections gave it one major lesson: muzzling even the narrow space of expression that had existed. Muzzling the freedom of expression assumes another dimension: depriving the populace of alternative sources of information. This strategy necessitated closing down practically all private newspapers, jamming broadcasts from abroad and blocking websites that report on Ethiopia. The next step is to launch exaggerated claims on its work depicted as ‘achievements’. As a consequence: journalists who reported without fear were thrown to long term imprisonment. Eskindir Nega, an international award winning blogger, who defied the prevailing fear and wrote freely about freedom and democracy was sentenced to 18 years of imprisonment. A number of journalists who also won international wards are on trial. In appearance, it seems it is these journalists who are on trial. In actual fact however, it is freedom of expression and justice in general that is on trial in the Ethiopian courts today.

To jam radio and TV broadcasts from abroad, the government devotes a large chunk of the tax payers’ money. It is a paradox of immense proportion when a country that needs capital investment very badly devoting a huge sum of money for the purpose of depriving the population from acquiring information from alternative sources. A glance at the level of teledensity in Ethiopia and the fact that there is only one government internet server in the country of 90 million simply display the level of the restriction not only access to information but also in communication in general. When a government claims to hold the ultimate truth and resorts to muzzle others; that is tantamount to depriving people to think differently.

To reinforce the deprivation of freedom of expression and right to information, a new weapon introduced is the Anti-terrorism Law that was proclaimed following the defeat of the ruling party in the 2005 elections. In the 2005, the ruling party lost miserably that it resorted to massive rigging and stealing of votes. In order to consolidate this state of affairs made fait accomplit to the world, a series of new law were proclaimed. In addition to the Anti-terrorism law, extremely restrictive and prohibitive NGO and press laws were proclaimed. Once the government closed all avenues of popular expression, it went out to make wild claims such as on economic growth and winning the 2010 elections by 99.6%.

The government in Addis Ababa is not only at war with its own people on freedom of expression but also with international human rights organizations such as Human Rights Watch, Amnesty International and other organizations concerned with the continuous violations of human rights. The government’s image internationally has been tarnished for some time now. It is for no reason that the US based Parade magazine named the late prime minister of Ethiopia, Meles Zenawi, as the “15th worst dictator in the world”.

Madame Chair,

It is a paradox of immense proportion that Ethiopia, as the seat of the African Union and the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa, instead of becoming a pace-setter and example for freedom and democracy, has become a symbol of unfreedom.

Despite the wild claims by the government, today in Ethiopia freedom is still a pie in the sky.

Thank you.

–Bikya news

Source ayyaantuu

Amna Dukkanaa’aa: Seenaa Dhokataa Ilmaan Oromoo Biyya Eritrea Keessaa | Journey in the dark: Oromo’s untold story in Eritrea

May 13, 2013 at 8:33 pm · Gadaa.com

Journey in the dark: Oromo’s untold story in Eritrea

- Click Here to Read the English Version

T.F YKN Addaamuu | Nairobi Keniya irraa

Seensa
Akeekni barruu kanaa, qaama kamuu irratti olola oofuu osoo hin taane mudannoo akka dhuunfaatti qabsoo Oromoof jecha na mudate ibsuuf, kanumaan wal qabatees dargaggoota Oromoof dhaamsa dabarsuuf.

Waa’ee koo duubatti deebi’ee gad fageenyaan ibsuu caalaa gabaabumatti eenyummaa koo dubbiftoota barruu kanaaf ibsuun barbaada. Ani waggoota muraasa dura barataa Yunivaristii Jimmaan ture. Sochii barattootaa Oromoo yunivaristii Jimmaa keessatti deemaa ture keessatti hanga dandeettii koo qooda hin tuffatamne kennaan ture. Wayitan barataa sadarkaa lammaffaa ture irraa kaasee maadhee ABO kan biyya keessaa jalatti ijaarameen qooda Oromummaa kiyya bahachaa ture. Maatii siyaasaan miidhame keessattin guddadhe waan taheef gaafa Yunivaristii Jimmaa seenes, hojii qabsoo moggaatti dhiisee barnoota kiyya qofaa irratti fuulleffachuu hin dandeenye. Abbaan koo yeroon ani xiqqaa ture irraa kaasee miseensa ABOti jedhamee baroota dheeraaf mana hidhaa keessa dabarse. Qaamas itti hir’ateera. Haati keenya oliif gad jettee abbaa keenyaaf mana hidhaatti gala deddeebisaa nu guddifte. Madaa kanatu oggayyuu na dhukkuba waan taheef ABO akka qaroo ija tiyyaa, akka dhiiga kiyyaatti ilaalaa fi dharra’aan guddadhe. Waa’ee koo asuma irratti gabaabseen garan yaada ka’eefitti deebi’a.

Akkuman olitti kaase wayitan Yunivaristii Jimmaa keessa barataa turetti sochiin taassisaa tureen wal qabatee ija humnoota tikaa mootummaa keessan bu’e. Hiriyoonni koo qabamanii hidhaman. Ani miliqee gara biyyaatti deebi’ee maatii koo biras dhaquu hin dadneenyee, magaalaa Finfinnee keessa fira koo bira daheeffadhee torbaan muraasaaf jiraadhe. Haala kanaan jiraachuun baayyee natti ulfaate. Quunnamtiin hiriyoota koo waliin qabu na jalaa ciccite. Caasaan dhaaba ittiin quunnamus akkasuma hidhamuu hiriyoota kootiin wal qabatee na jalaa cite. Waanan godhu dhabee jennaan dunuunfadhee ABO barbaacha karaa eegale.

Adeemsa Finfinnee irraa gara Eritrea.
ABOn yoomi irraa kaasee Eritrea akka jiru beekuu baadhullee, bara 1990moota gara dhumaa keessa ABOn Eritrea jiraachuu miidiyaa mootummaa Wayyaanee irraa dhagahaan ture. Booda keessa ammoo bal’inaan haasawamaa dhufe. Anis kanumaaf jecha ABO argachuuf gara Eritreatti qajeeluu akkan qabu murteessee karaa eegale. Finfinnee irraa ka’ee hangan daangaa Itoophiyaa fi Eritrea gahutti qormaata ulfaataa keessan dabre. Humara bakka jedhamun gahe. San booda achitti baatii tokkoof hojii humnaa hojjachaa akkattan daangaa qaxxamuree cehu qoradhe. San booda ilma Oromoo kan dhalootaa godina baha Shawaa tahe, waraana mootummaa keessaa miliqee hojii humnaa irratti bobba’e tokko waliin wal bare. Namni kun hojii humnaa kana golgaa godhatee namoota daangaa ceesisaa ture. Suutuma jedhee bubbulee rakkoo kiyya itti himadhe. Innis hin deemiin asuma teenyee hojjannee biyya keenyatti deebinaa naan jedhe. Deebi’uu akkan hin dandeenya itti himeen amansiifadhe. San booda karaa na akeeke. Anis guyyaa tokko galgala sa’a 9 irratti karaa eegale. Mallattoolee inni naaf kenne qabadhee karaa muree deemaa bulee, ganama oggaa lafti barii’u waraana Eritreatti harka kennadhe.

Haalota akkuman Eritrea seeneen na mudatan.
Amma Abdiin koo bara dheeraa waan naaf milkaawu natti fakkaate. Waraana Eritreatti akkuman harka kennadheen, ABO barbaacha akkan deemu itti hime. Isaanis rakkoo hin qabu nu bira turtee suuta boqottee deemta naan jedhan. Haala kanaan torbanoota lamaaf qormaata osoo narratti gaggeessanuu achuma isaan waliin jiraadhe. Akuma torbaan lama fixeen konkolaataa Raashina/gala waraanaa fide irra na buusanii na qajeelchan. Achi bakka waraanni mootummaa Itoophiyaa itti walitti qabamu Afaabeeti bakka jedhamu na geessan. Bakka Afaabeeti jedhamu kanattis ABO akkan barbaadu irra deddeebi’ee hime. San booda namoonni tokko tokko natti dhufanii TPDM ykn Sochii Dimokiraasummaa ummata Tigiraay dhaaba jedhamutti akkan makamu na gaafatan. Ani kaniin manaa baheef Oromoof qabsaawuu qofaaf, akka tahe kanaaf ammo ABO malee dhaaba biraa akkan hin barbaanne irra deddeebi’ee itti hime. Baatilee muraasa booda nu fuudhanii konkolaataan naannoo Hareenaa jedhamutti nu dabarsan. Mooraa humni waraanaa guddaan keessa jiruttin of arge. Kan haasawamu afaan Tigirinyaa qofa. Amma dubbiin naaf galte. Warra TPDM jedhaman bira akkan jiru. Warri mootummaa bakka saniin nu gahe osoo hin deemiin, maaliif bakka kana na fiddan? Ani Oromoodha, ABOn barbaada jedhee itti hime. Kana booda dhimmi kee nu hin laallatu isaan waliin wal haasawi jedhanii achumatti na gatanii kutan.

Haala TPDM keessa ture.
Guyyoota lama TPDM keessa ergan buleen booda, qoondaalli TPDM dhufee na haasofsiise. Ani miseensa dhaaba isaanii tahuu akka hin feenee fi ammallee ABO barbaacha akkan manaa bahe itti hime. Innis natti koflee kana booda waa’ee ABO osoon haasawuu dhiisee akka naaf wayyu natti himee itti yaadi naan jedhee na biraa deeme. Ammas lama bulee natti deebi’uun na gaafate. Anillee yaadni kiyya kan hin jijjiiramne tahuu irra deebi’ee hubachiise. San booda qophee narraa baasanii mana hidhaa na seensisan. Mana hidhaa keessatti ijoollee Oromoo akkuma koo ABO barbaacha bahanii mootummaa Shaabiyaan butamanii TPDMtti kennaman 16 gahan, akkuma kiyya miseensa TPDM tahuu didan arge. Achi keessaa mucaan dhalootaan dhiha Oromiyaa naannoo Dambi Doolloo tokko akka hamaa tumamee ijji isaa tokko guutummaan guutuutti hojiin ala tahe arge. Gariin isaanii mana hidhaa san keessa baatiilee 6 oliif turaniiru. Anis ilmaan Oromoo hidhaman kanneen waliin baatiilee sadiif hidhame. Baatiilee sadeen kanneen keessatti halkanii fi guyyaa uleen nurraa dhaabbatee hin beeku. Doorsisa, qorannoo, walumaagalatti dararaa ulfaataa keessa dabarre. Lamuu maqaa ABO akka hin dhoofne akeekkachiifamne. Mana hidhaa keessattillee akka waliin hin haasofnu nu ugguruu yaalan. Jireenya hadhaawaa, hidhaa irraa gara hidhaatti. Abdii nama kutachiisa. Haa tahu malee baatiilee sadeen mana hidhaa ture keessa ilmaan Oromoo kanneen waliin walitti dhihaachuun waan hedduu odeeffadhe. Akeekni dararaa TPDMn nurra gahaa tures maal akka tahe bareechee beekeera. Kunis TPDM ilmaan Oromoo karaa mootummaa Shaabiyaa isatti kennamanii dhimma bahee dhaaba maxxannee haaraa kan akka OPDO TPLFiif gaangee tahee ergamaa jiruu ijaarrachuuf tirtiraa jiraachuu isaaniiti. Kana ammoo boodarra anis akka gaariitti mirkaneeffadheera.

Ilmaan Oromoo mana hidhaa sana keessatti dararamaa turanis warra dhaaba ergamtuu haaraa ijaaruu keessatti meeshaa tahuu didaniidha. Ilmaan Oromoo TPDM keessatti argaman kanneen mana hidhaa jiran qofaa akka hin taanes hubadhe. TPDM sochii OPDO haaraa bixxiluuf taassisuun ilmaan Oromoo hanga tokko kanneen dararaa yeroo obsuu dadhaban, humnaan walitti qabee dhaaba siyaasaa Oromoo ittiin qabanna jedhanii abjootan ijaarrataniiru. Akkuma guyyaan dabraa dhufeen gammoojjii biyya ormaa keessatti dararamuun nuufis tahee qabsoo bilisummaa Oromoof bu’aan inni fidu tokkollee waan hin jirreef, tooftaa ittiin mana hidhaa san keessaa bahuu dandeenyu irratti maryachuu eegalle. Kanumaanis ijoolleen Oromoo mana hidhaa TPDM keessa turre waliigallee, yaada TPDM nuuf dhiheesse fudhachuu keenya qondaala TPDM yeroo adda addaatti deddeebi’ee nu qoraataa turetti himne.

Innis ani duraanuu isinitti himeera, ammas balballi keenya isiniif banaadha, qabsoon gaggeessinus qabsoo ummataa waan taheef nu waliin hiriiruuf fedhii yoo qabaattan wanti isin dura dhaabbatu hin jiru jedhee mana hidhaatii nu yaase. Haa tahu malee mana hidhaa keessaa baanullee kallattiin gara ilmaan Oromoo warra ijaarameetti hin makamne turre. Akka kanaan duraa mana hidhaallee tahuu baatu, waraana isaanii warra kaadhimamaatti nu makanii hojii humnaatti nu bobbaasan. Ijoolleen Oromoo mana hidhaa keessaa baane akka walitti dhufnee hin maryanneef adda addaa jaarmiyaa keessa nu facaasan.
Bakka dalagaatti walitti dhufnee yoo wal haasofne, afaan Oromoon wal haasawuun dhorkaa akkka tahe nu akeekkachiisan. Dhaaba Oromoo qofa osoo hin taane, dhaaba sabaa fi sab-lammootaa biroollee ijaaraa akka jiran hubadhe. Torbanitti guyya tokko sagantaa sabaa fi sab-lammootaa jechuun qophii qopheessuu eegalan. Afaan waltajjii san irratti hayyamamu afaan Amaaraa qofa tahe. Sanaan alatti afaan Tigirinyaa barachuunis dirqama akka tahe nutti himan.

Haala kanaan osoo jirruu ilmi Oromoo nu waliin hidhamee ture tokko bakka hojii humnaa hojjataa turetti waraana TPDM waardiyyaa itti bahee ture gasoodhaan dhahee ajjeesee baqatee baafate. Boodarra gurbaan kun Sudan seenee akka lubbuun jirullee dhagaheera. Erga gurbaan kun badee deebi’ee haalli nutti jabaate. Isin fixna jedhanii nu doorsisuutti ka’an. Tokko tokkoon nu yaamanii qorannoo nurratti gaggeessuu eegalan. Mataadhuma gad qabannee rakkoo san keessaa bahuuf murteeffannee waan isaan nu godhan hunda taane. Yeroo gabaabaa booda ilmi Oromoo dhalootaan naannoo Iluu Abbaa Booraa tahe kan waraana mootummaa Wayyaanee keessa ture tokkos bade. Osoo hin fagaatiin qabanii rasaasaan dhahanii ajjeesan. Anaan natti deddeebi’anii oggayyuu na haasofsiisu, ijoollee akkan amansiisu na gorsu. Anis hayyee jedheetuma ijoollee gaafan argu obsuma godhadhaa haala itti baduu dandeessan qofaa mijeeffadhaa ittiin jedhe.

Bakka kanatti dubbiftoota barruu kanaa waan osoo hin hubachiisiin hin dabarre tokkon qaba. TPDM lakkoofsaan humna waraanaa guddaa qaba. Ijoollee waggaa saddeetii irraa kaaseen hanga maanguddootaatti. Harki guddaan humna waraanaa kun humnaan kan walitti qabameedha. Daa’imman manneen barnootaa irraa, barsiisota, dhirsaa fi niitii gabaa irraa galan humnaan guuranii gammoojjii Eritrea keessatti leenjii waraanummaa kennuuf. Kan siyaasaa fi adeemsa TPDMtti amanee waliin jiraatu garuu muraasa. Guyyuu badaa oolu. Gaafa nuti leenjii waraanummaa fudhannu namootaa nu waliin leenjii fudhataa turan 108 keessaa baatii tokko keessatti gara namoota 22tu bade. Ilmaan saboota biroo achi keessa jiran qofaaf osoo hin taane waliifillee garaa hin laafan. Lola seenaniis hin milkaawan, humni guddaan harka kennate, leenjiin gahaan waan hin jirreef lakkoofsi madoo fi namoota dhumatanis salphaa miti. Humnaan itti oofanii lolchiisu. Adeemsi kun tahuufii dinnaan boodarra loluus dhiisaniiru.

Gara yaada kiyya jalqabaatti oggaan deebi’u anis suuta suuta amanamaa fakkaadhee dhihaadhe. Qondaalonni isaanis natti dhihaatanii waan tokko tokko natti himuu eegalan. Suuta suuta akkaataan achi keessaa bahee miliquu danda’u irratti qorannoo kiyya itti fufe. Waa’ee ABOs suuta gaafadhee jennaan kallattii waraanni TPDM jiru irraa fagoo akka jiran dhagahe. Haala kanaan achii badee ABO argachuu caala gara Sudanitti qajeeluun akka irra salphaa tahe hubadhe. Guyyaa tokko akkuma tasaa gaggabee kufe. Dhuma irratti dhukkubni garaa kaasaa akka na qabe himadhe. Kanaaf halkan yeroon fedhetti akkan fincaaniif gad bahu naaf hayyaman. Waraana mootummaa keessaas waan hin turreef gammoojjii kana

keessaa baduu hin danda’u jedhanii yaadan. Anis halkan tokko yeroo 10 bahee deddeebi’e. Namni akka na hordofaa hin jirre mirkaneeffadhee halkan lammaffaatti koddaa kootti bishaan guuttadhee halkan keessaa gara sa’a 2 fi walakkaa irratti deemsa kiyya eegale. Ogguu lafti barii’u daangaa mureen waraana Sudaanitti harka kennadhe. San booda mooraa baqataa Shagaraab jedhamutti na geessan. Achi taa’een firoota kiyya biyya ambaa jiran quunnamee maallaqa naaf ergamii torbaan lama booda gara kaartum qajeele. Ani jireenya baqattummaa hawwees hin beeku, kaniin manaa baheef qabsoo waan taheef gara Kaartum deemee caasaa ABO quunnamuuf murteeffadhe.

Kaartuma gahuu kiyyaa fi Caasaa ABO argachuu.
Akkuman Kaartum gaheen hojii duraa kaniin godhadhe hiriyoota koo na biraa hidhaman barbaadu, kana malees caasaa ABO argachuuf tattaafadhe. Hiriyoota koo mana hidhaa turan keessaa tokko kan hiikkame argadhe. Haalota na mudatan hundaa ibseefii ammallee ABO argachuuf akkan fedhii qabu itti hime. Guyyoota lama booda jireenyi kiyya gara milkiitti deebi’uu eegale. Hiriyaan kiyya sun quunnamtii waan qabuuf bakka hundaa fixee bilbila koo narraa fudhatee miseensa ABO kan dirqamaaf Kaartum jiru tokko waliin wal na quunnamsiise. Miseensi ABO Sudanitti argadhe kun, nama guddaa, hubataa, jireenya kiyya keessatti bakka olaanaa qabuuf, naman yoomuu hin daganneedha. Bakkan qubadhu hunda naaf mijeesse. Umuriin narra nama baayyee guddaa tahullee hiriyaa kiyyan taassifadhe. Haalotan gammoojjii Eritrea keessatti dabarse, gochaa mootummaan Shaabiyaa fi TPDM ijoollee Oromoo irratti raawwatan hundaa tokko tokkoon itti hime.

Innis guddoo hin raajamne. Garuu “Bishaan Fira fakkaatee nama nyaataa” jedhee mammaakee callise. Maal jechuu barbaadde? Jedheen gaafadhe. “Anaafuu naaf hin galle” jedhee deebii naaf kenne. Fuula isaarraa aarii fi dhiphina arge. Itti deddeebi’ee gaafachuu hin feene. Dubbiin hangi tokko naaf galte waan taheef bulfadheen gaafadhe. Innis waan hedduu naaf hime. Yeroo dheeraa Eritreatti deddeebi’uu isaa fi san dura ammo baroota dheeraaf miseensa WBO buleessa tahuu. Oromoonni keenya biyya alaa jiraatan qondaalonni ABO Asmaraatti galanii jireenyatti jiru, jedhanii haasawu naan jedhe. Dhaggeeffachuun itti fufe. Garuu Asmaraan alagaaf dhiisii ilmaanuma biyyaafuu bakka itti bashannanii jiraatan akka hin taane naaf hime. Mootummaa Shaabiyaa keessatti namoonni gariin qabsoo keenya kana irraa jibba akka qaban naaf hime.

Sanumatti dabalee waa’ee Kamaal Galchuufaa naaf kaase. Kamaal Galchuu namni onnachiisee akka inni dhaaba irraa cabee bahu kan jajjabeesse qaamuma mootummichaa keessaa murna tokko tahuu naaf hime. Sana duras seenaan fakkaataan raawwatamuu taa’een irraa dhagahe. Baatii lamaaf waliin jiraannee waan hedduu na taphachiise. Hogganoonni keenya qabsoon kun akka jiraattuuf wareegama ulfaataa baasaa akka jiran, innillee umurii kanaan qabsoo keessatti cihee kan hafeef maanguddoon isaa olii qabsoo kallattii baayyee qabdu keessatti cinniinnatanii jiraachuu akka tahe na hubachiise. Diina fira fakkaatutti siqnee karaa deemuu dadhabne jedhe. Anis waan hedduun hubadhe. Ammas onneen koo qabsoo na feete. Kanaaf ammoo osoo hangamuu haalli mijaawaan jiraatee, gara gammoojjii Eritreatti qajeeluu qalbiin na dide.

Kaartum irraa gara Sudaan kibbaatti, achii ammoo gara Ugandaatti, Ugaandaa irraa gara Keeniyaatti qajeele. Bu’aa bahiin isaa hedduudha. Kana ibsuun homaa fayidaa hin qabu. Kaartum irraa ka’ee Nairobi gahuuf garuu ammas gara baatiilee sadii narraa fudhate. Amma Naayroobii dhaqqabeera, adeemsi koo hin dhaabbanne, qabsoofin bahe qabsoo ittin fufa. Amma haala hundaa mijeeffadhe, quunnamtiin koo qajeelaadha. Har’as borus baqataa tahuu hawwee hin beeku. Faanti koo gara Oromiyaatti na fuulleffata. Hadhaan jireenyaa gammoojjii Eritreatti TPDM keessatti arge waan hedduu na barsiise. Ganamas haalootu manaa na baase, haaloo irrattin haaloo dabaladhe. Waan Eritrea keessaa hanga arge ibsuuf yaaleera, hangan dhagahe garuu dubbachuu hin feene. Nageenya ijoollee Oromoo har’allee achi jiraniif jecha. Garuu guyyaan itti wal gaafannu inuma jiraata jedheen abdadha.

Xumura
Egaa waan narra gahe hedduu ibsuuf yaaleera. Xumura irratti wanti gad jabeessee jedhu, hogganoonni Shaabiyaa qabsoo keenya irraa harka haa fudhatan. Ilmaan Oromoo TPDMf dabarsanii kennuun dararuun dhaabbachuu qaba. ABO hin barbaadan yoo tahe nurraa bahi haa jedhaniin.

Oromoonni biyya ambaa jirtan, hunda jechuu baadhullee hedduun keessan ilaalcha dogoggoraa qabdanitu jirtu. Asmaraan lafa itti bashannan, lafa itti qabsoo dagatanii of qananiisan akka hin taahe waanan dhagahe hedduu keessaa hanga xiqqoo ibseera.

Ani gama kootiin hogganoota ABO haala danqaa fi gufuun itti heddummaate keessatti qabsoo hadhooftuu gochaa jiraniif dinqisiifannoon koo guddaadha. Ammallee galata qabdu jedhaan.

Yaada koo guduunfuun dura ammas irra deebi’ee kaniin jedhu, hogganoonni Shaabiyaa, barri itti wal gaafannu ni jiraati, nurraa dhaabbadha, kan kanaan nu gahes isinuma ammallee adeemsi amma itti jirtan fala isiniif hin tahu dhaabbadhaa, imaammata keessan keessa deebi’aa ilaalaa jechuun barbaada.

Dargaggoonni Oromoos yoo qabsoo barbaaddaniif biyyuma keenya keessatti haa hojjannu. WBOn kallattii maraan jira, caasaan ABO bal’aan biyya keessa jiraati biyyuma keenya irratti qabsoo keenyatti haa jabaannu isiniin jedha.

Waan qalbii guutuun dubbiftaniif guddiseen isin galateeffadha

Injifannoo Ummata Oromoof!

T.F YKN Addaamuu Nairobi Keniya irraa

Source:gadaa

 

UNSETTLING PATTERNS OF GENOCIDAL MASSACRES AGAINST OROMO IN OROMIA, ETHIOPIA

Framing: What We Are Told Is Not What It Is

Tigire ruling elites often misleadingly frame genocidal massacres against Oromo in various parts of Oromia as "inter-communal violence, ethnic conflict, border conflict or water conflict" in order to absolve themselves from responsibility and possible future indictment in local and international courts. 

For at least two decades, genocidal massacres against Oromo have been framed that way in order to cover-up the deliberate effort by TPLF elites to either reduce Oromo by attrition to a minority population or to destroy them fully so that Tigireans can take over Oromia and its resources. That is their long-term plan. 

Aslii Oromo, an exiled Oromo political prisoner and torture survivor, cited the late Ethiopian Prime Minster Meles Zanawi ( from Tigray) who said, "We [TPLF or Tigrean elites] will reduce the number of Oromos from 40 million to 4000 without the knowledge of the world." Yet, many, including some well-meaning Oromos, have hesitated  calling widespread massacres against Oromo a "genocide", and  comfortably stayed on the human rights violations side of a much protracted problem. 

Ethnic Tigire elites declared their intent of destroying the Oromo partially or fully and have acted on their declarations. Where they did not declare these intents, they can be inferred from the actions of singling out and massacring and displacing Oromo en masse or selling their lands to land grabbers by the millions of hectares. Even an airhead would understand that no one group will massacre other groups just out of love or to do them some favor by killing them off of their land.  Calling massacres against Oromo "genocide" has been avoided mainly because some people make false strategic calculations and believe that it is enough for the Oromo to claim human rights abuses instead of claiming genocide too. Human rights violations are indicators. There are some who see the talk of genocide as an inflation or overstatement. But, connecting evidence on the ground can show us that massacres in Oromia are  indeed conspicuous acts of  genocide.  

Let's just go beyond routine condemnation press releases, which echo the official framing of such massacres as "border conflicts or ethnic clashes etc", and come to grips with the reality--genocide. The methods are multi-pronged: direct massacre, displacement, landgrab, spread of lethal infectious diseases, starving, withholding services, destroying crops to just list a few.  In the process, it becomes important to see these massacres as part of an ongoign genocide, "the deliberate and systematic destruction, in whole or in part, of an ethnic,racial, religious, or national group"

With absolute military, economic and diplomatic powers, Tigirean elites have ever been emboldened to destroy the Oromo nationality and its material, cultural and intellectual properties. They are accountable to no one--not to their laws, not to international law and not to moral principles. TPLF elites' arrogance is becoming limitless, soaring. While they engage in genocidal activities in Oromia, the international community has afforded them the complete silence they so want. However, the human and material destruction caused by Tigire elites in Oromia is no short of the Syrian crisis or Darfur, but Western cameras are not focused on Ethiopia as its has been considered a regional counter-terrorism linchpin even now when Somalia is on the path of stability and reconstruction.  

 Reductionist may say, "oh yea, ethnic clashes have been going on between Oromo and others for decades, so what is the big deal about what is happening now?" 

As stressed earlier, these are not just ethnic clashes between equally armed or unarmed groups trying to settle their differences violently.  To understand what is going on, we have to make the links between the different events of massacres in Oromia. Briefly comparing the recent genocide hotspots in eastern Oromia, southern Oromia and western Oromia will offer a much needed deep perspective.  

 Patterns of Genocide

1. The Case of Massacre and Displacement  in Eastern Oromia

The mass atrocities against Oromo in Eastern Oromia (Qumbi county) started in 2011 when TPLF elites provided advice to armed bands of Ogaden militants to lay claim to six districts that traditionally belonged to Oromia region. Land claims are TPLF incentives to another group to get the group to indirectly  commit genocide on their behalf.  Who does the planning of the genocide--TPLF elites--are more important than the agents on the ground hired to do the depraved job of massacring and looting. This violence has been intensifying over the last six months. The Human Rights League of the Horn of Africa describes the massacre and the displacement in the following terms:

....this government-backed violence that has been going on in the name of border dispute around the Anniya, Jarso and Miyesso districts between the Oromia and Ogaden regional states has already resulted in the death and/or disappearance of 37 Oromo nationals and the displacement of about 20,000 others. Around 700 different types of cattle and other valuable possessions are also reported to have been looted. The reports indicate that the violence has been backed by two types of armed forces (the Federal Liyou/Special Police and the Ogaden Militia) from the Ogadenis side, while on the side of the Oromos, even those who demonstrated the intentions of defending themselves in the same manner were disarmed, dispossessed and detained.

Another radio report estimates the number of internally displaced Oromos at 150,000 people. The displaced people continue to die through starvation and diseases. 

Who are the attackers and how and why were they organized? Who supplies them? What types of weapons  were they using? The above quote does provide answers to those questions. It is well known that the Federal Liyu/Special  Police is a heavily armed group that carried out the killings and the displacements on behalf of the Tigrean elites who master-minded the creation of this Janjaweed-like group with UK tenders.

Just like the Sudanese government organized, armed and used Janjaweed militias  to overrun villages in Darfur, the Ethiopian government has organized and supplied Liyu Police and has had them overrun several villages, towns and counties in eastern Hararghe, Oromia. In contrast, the Oromo were disarmed and discouraged from carrying out any acts of self-defense, according to the report quoted above.  The Oromo have absorbed everything passively. When a group of government-backed  heavily armed military group attacks villages, of course, the primary responsibility falls on the government who created it and mobilized it to commit mass atrocities. If the government did not plan this genocide, why were it watching it for six months until it gets to this?  

The main reason TPLF uses groups such as Liyu Police from the neighboring Ogaden region or any other region is because it wants to acquit itself from being held accountable and brought to justice in a local or international court at some point in the future. It  is also easier for TPLF elites to frame such massacres "border disputes" for the same purpose of absolving themselves, but they won't be quite  as absolved as they think since evidence shows they have planned, funded and and executed  these attacks. This is a pure case of a heavily armed group overrunning Oromo civilians in towns and villages. It is not a war between two armed groups. It is a massacre perpetrated by a state-run militia group. Locally, everyone knows this despite the misleading frames being tossed around.   

2. The Case of Massacre and Displacement in Borana, Moyale

BBC reported in July 2012 that scores of unarmed Oromos were massacred and  over 20,000 were displaced by the same force from the neighboring Ogaden region. Like the Eastern Hararge massacre,  the Moyale massacre was a result of  cross- border raid into Oromia from the neighboring Somali region. This group was also heavily armed with military convoys, trucks, AK47s, machine guns,  and other kinds of  heavy weapons that only a group armed by the Ethiopian government can afford to have.  Tigrean leaders have provided Oromo lands as incentives upon a successful completion of massacre in this area as well. The Oromo got displaced and the land was occupied by the armed settlers from a neighboring region. The attackers fulfilled their short-term goals of sharing the spoils of genocide, while their TPLF elites master-minding this massacre have  made progress toward their goal of destroying the Oromo nation. TPLF elites do not care because the violence against Oromo does not affect their co-ethnics in Tigray region who are far removed from the actions. We are talking about the distance between Mekele and Moyale here (951 miles or 1530kms). Tigreans are sheltered from the kind of genocidal violence their elites unleash on Oromos everyday.      


3. The Case of Eastern Wallega 

The massacre in eastern Wallega (western Oromia) began in 2008 and went on for over 5 years. This also shares the features of the two other  massacres and  massive displacements. The only difference is the difference of another neighboring group from Benishangul Gumuz that Ethiopia trained and supplied to do the same job of perpetrating genocidal violence on behalf of Tigire elites. These elites are capable of extremely evil schemes that no rational person can contemplate. The same applies here---they don't care because the violence doesn't affect their Tigrean co-ethnics who live removed far from the actions--we are talking about a distance between  Nekemete  and Mekele (675.5 miles or 1087km). 

Oromia Support Group describes eastern Wallega massacre in the following way:

....the slaughter of defenceless Oromo by Benishangul Gumuz militia in the Didessa and Hanger valleys, Eastern Wallega, from 17-19 May.Well-trained and armed by the government with AK47s and heavier machine guns, Gumuz militias attacked unarmed Oromo villagers as they slept, slaughtering men, women, children and babies, cutting throats, dismembering bodies and casting body parts aside – limbs, breasts and genitals.

The cases above, among others, show us how the ruling Tigrean elites are aggressively hiring, training and supplying Oromo neighbors to perpetrate genocide on their behalf foolishly thinking that that would absolve them from responsibility. The arrogance of Tigrean power in Ethiopia is growing by the day. It's an unrestrained power of a hate-intoxicated minority elites who would stop at nothing short of wiping out Oromos slowly as their leaders have claimed or implied in the past. The misrepresentation of these  massacres and displacements targeting the Oromo are promoted by both TPLF elites as well as the international media that relies on Tigirean sources for their news reporting and opinions. 

Since Ethiopia prohibits  journalists and the press direct access to these sites of genocide, the act is often wrongly labelled inter-ethnic clashes over borders, pasture and water. They did not or could not see what it really was.  Looking at the nature of the state-backed heavily armed militia groups makes the cases rise above ordinary clashes between  civilians of equal power. 

The Desire for the World to Know

An elderly survivor from east Oromia said:

"...As I speak to you now, my eyes are filled with tears, we don't have any mobile phones, we don't have a single camera in the village to take pictures of our people who have fallen and let the world know... Those of you in exile must know that our people are being hunted like wild animals, but nobody knows about this outside." 

The elderly survivor was very smart to observe that recording/filming events of massacres can help publicize the ongoing genocide against the Oromo people. The lack of cameras and inexpensive mobile phones also reflects badly on  Oromo leaders who have failed to listen and continue to only issue dry press releases from the convenience of their desktop computers using word processors. If we can't get cameras in and get pictures and videos of many state-backed massacres out of Oromia, at minimum, what is the point of the Oromo national struggle? 

oromopress