Ilmi Abbaa Basaasun, Haati Intala Basaasun Aadaa keenyaa Miti!

Baarentuu Gadaa irraa

Akkuma hunduu beeku murni Impaayera Itiyoophiyaa weerartee bulchaa jirtu wayyaaneen ummatoota biyyattii keessattuu saba Oromoorratti xiyyeeffattee maqaa ‘Tokko Shanee’ jedhuu fi ijaarsaalee siyaasaa adda addaatin gaaditee jireenya isaa guyya-guyyaa booressaa fi goolaa jirti. Maatidhaa kaaftee hanaga naannootti walitti qaanjessitee tokko-tokko akka hordofuu, akka too’atu fi akka basaasu gootee bahaa gala dhorkaa jirti. Biyyattii keechatti addatti ammoo naannoo Oromiyaa keeysatti har’a namni ‘Tokko shanee’ wayyaaneen diriirsite keeysatti hammatamee hojii basaasummaa fi dalagaa biraa wayyaaneen itti kennite hin raawwanne farra misoomaati, farra uummataati, farra biyyaati. Tokko shanee keessatti hin hammatamu jedhee diduu isaatiin adabbiin isarra gahu hanga lafa qonnaa saamamuu, hojii dhabuu fi hidhamuu tahuu danda’a, ta’as jira. Kun dhugaa adduunyaan beeytu, dhugaa ummanni Oromoo yeroo ammaa kana keecha jiraachaa jiru dha. Waluma yaadachiisuf yoo tahe malee namni quba hin qabne hin jiru. Har’a murni wayyaanee maqaa tokko shaneetiin yakki saba Oromoorratti raawwachaa jirtu gongumaa kan jaarraa 21ffaa kana keessa ilmi namaa, namarratti ni raawwata jedhamee eegamuu miti. Yakkii wayyaaneen karaa qindaayeen saba Oromoorratti raawwachaa jirtu kun hidhaa fi ajjeechaa sabboontota muraasa qofaarratti raawwatuun daangeffamee miti. Haangoo hunda qabattee saamicha qabeenya Oromoo muraasa saamuu biras dabarteetti. Yakki wayyaaneen saba Oromoorratti raawwachaa turtee fi jirtu kan addabaabaayitti dhageenyuu fi agarruu qofaas miti. Kan fulleetti hojjetturra kan dhoksaatti dalagdutu caala.

Har’a wayyaaneen kan itti jirtu akka walii galaatti saba Oromoo hundeerraa dhabamsiisuuf hojii bu’uuraa hojjeechuu dha. Innis karaa ittiin milkaawu taraartee waan dadeechu hundaan halkanii guyyaa hojjechaa jirti. Akka fakkeenyaatti gocha dabaa wayyaaneen saba Oromoo hundeen balleessuuf hojjettu keechaa tokko lafa Oromoo saboota biraatiin guutuu, abbootii qabeenyaa biyya alaatti waggaa 99 fi sanaan oliif heektaara miliyoonaan lakkaawwamu gurgurudha. Iddoo kaanitti ammoo Saboota akka Sumaalee fi Affaar hidhachiistee Oromootti bobbaasuun uummata Oromoo baqachiisun daangaa Oromoo dhiphisuu dha. Kun dhugaa har’a, amma uummata Oromoo gama Bahaa naannoo Harargeetti raawwachaa jiruu dha. Gama dhiha Oromiyaatinis saboota akka Gumzii fi kanneen biroo hidhachiisuun uummata Oromoo harka duwwaa jiru rukuchiisuudhaan lafa isaa weerarsiisaa fi qabeenya isaa saamsisaa jirti. Kibbaa fi kibba dhiha Oromiyaa Boorana, Gujii, Jimmaa fi godinaalee Oromiyaa biroo keessattis kan raawwatamaa jiru waanuma wal fakkaata dha. Giddu gala Oromiyaa fi kaaba Oromiyaa naannoo wallootis lafa Oromoo kaan naannoo Tigraayitti ciruun kan hafe ammoo saba Amaaraa kennitee jirti. Shawaa Bahaa Karrayyuu ( Ona Fantaallee)irraa ciramee kan gara naannoo Amaaraatti maxxanfame, shawaa kaabaa naannoo Laga Mugaa fi Laga Jamaa gama kan akka naannoo Magaalaa Lammii fi Onoonni biroo Oromiyaarraa ciramanii dhiheenya kana naannoo Amaaraaf kennamana kaasuun ni danada’ama. Gochi wayyaane kun hundumtuu yoo walitti qabamee ilaalamu gocha saba Oromoo saamuf jecha yeroof ta’aa jiruu miti. Carraaqiin wayyaanee hundumtuu saba Oromoo dhaloota borii biyya dhablee taasiisuu dha.

Namni dhugaa har’a wayyaaneen itti jirtu kana hubate kamuummoo wayyaaneen qabeenya Oromoo muraasa saamuu, hangoo qabatteen fayyadamtee sabboontoota Oromoo muraasa hidhuu fi ajjeesuu qofarratti bobbaatee akka hin jirre ni hubata. Dhugaan wayyaaneen itti jirtu jaalannee jibbinee, amannee dhiifanee duula saba Oromoo jumlaadhan hundeerraa buqqisuu waan ta’eef. Duulli wayyaaneen itti jirtu biyya Oromoo saboota biraatiin guutanii Oromoo biyya dhablee taasisuu dha. Duulli wayyaaneen har’a uummata Oromoorratti gaggeessaa jirtu kun duula haaraa miti. Duula nafaxanyoonni kaleessaa calqabanii osoo fiixaan hin baasiin irree ummatoota cunqurfamootiin kufan itti fufsiisaa jirti. Toftaan duula kana galmaan gahuuf wayyaaneen itti fayyadamaa jirtu ammoo akkuma hunduu beeku ijaarsa siyaasaa “tokko shanee” jedhamu diriirsudhaan, tokkoo tokkoti qaanjeessuu fi walirratti ijaaruudhaan akka uummanni rakkina isaa walitti dhufee hin mari’anne wal shakkiisiisuu fi wal sodaachisuu dha. Wal basaasisuu dha. Kun biyya keessaa fi alattiilleen hojiirra oolaa jira. Murni ka’umsa ishee Tigraay godhatte Wayyaaneen saamicha qabeenyaa, hidhaa fi ajjeechaa jalqabde gaggeessuu cinaatti saba Oromoo biyya abbaa isaa dhabsiisuuf kaayyoo qabattee galmaan gahuuf ijaarsa ‘tokko shanee’ kanatti haalaan fayyadamuun sochii siyaas- diinagdee, jiruu fi jireenya saba Oromoo jeequun hiraarsaa jirti. Har’a Oromiyaa keessatti namni tokko shanee keessatti hin ijaarmane wayyaanee biratti diina ijoo dha. Waan lammiin tokko biyya isaa keessatti argachuu qabu kamuu argachuu hin danda’u. Tokko shanee keessatti wal basaasuun, abbaan warraa haadha warraa isaa, ilmi abbaa, intalli haadha, Ollaan ollaa isaa basaasuu fi dabbaloota wayyaaneetti gabaasuun dirqama ta’ee jira. walumaa galatti Sabni Oromoo har’a caasaa ‘tokko shanee’ jechuun wayyaaneen diriirsite kanaan jiruu fi jireenyi hawaasummaa isaa, aadaa fi duudhaan isaa, wal amantii fi waliin jireenyi isaa diigamaa jira. Aadaa wal basaasuu, aadaa wal shakkuu fi wal-hordofuu sirni Habashootaa/wayyaaneen/har’a itti fideen mankaraaraa fi dhunfatamaati jira.

Gochaan wayyaanee abaaramaan kun “duruu durii……” akkuma jedhamu filannoo as deemaa jiruun waliin wal qabatee yeroo ammaa kana garmalee jabaachaa fi gaadi’aa ta’aa jira. Uummatni keenya akka bahee hin galle kan yeroo kamiyyuu caalaa sakaallaa dacha itti ta’ee goolaa jiraachun dubbatamaas muldhachaas jira. Walumaa galattii yeroo ammaa kana ummanni Oromoo jumlaadhan mana hidhaa wayyaaneen maqaa tokko shaneetiin itti ijaarte keessatti dhaabbidhaan hidhamee dararamaa fi goolamaa jira jechuun ni danda’ama.

Ummanni Oromoo ummata guddaa dha, uummata biyya “kun kiyya” jedhu qabuu dha. Ummata aadaa, seenaa fi duudhaa dinqiisiisoo fi kabajamaa qabuu dha. Uummata seeraa fi sirnaan wal ijaaree waggoota kuma hedduuf wal gaggeessaa turee dha. Oromoon wal hin basaasu, Oromoon aadaa isaa keessatti wal hin shakku, yakka walirratti barbaaduufis wal hin ordofu. Wal ijaareeti diina isaa ifirraa ittisa ture malee takkaa kaayyoo halagaa/Diinaa/ galmaan gahuuf wal basaasee, lammiin lammii gurguree hin beeku. Faayidaaf jecha ykn lubbuu isaaf sodaatee lammiin diinaaf lammii dabarsee kennee jira jedhamee ennaa haasa’amus ta’e waan akka ragaatti dhihaatu ani akka nama tokkootti dubbisees, dhagahees hin beeku. Barsiifanni akkanaa, barsiifanni gadheen faayidaaf jecha lammiin lammii gurguruu kan Oromootii miti. Ollaan ollaa, firri fira, haati intala, abbaan ilma, ilmi abbaa basaasuu fi diinaaf dabarsee kennu kan gama Oromoo dhufe weerara Habashootaa ordofeeti. Isaantu Oromoo Oromoodhaan cabsuuf nutti fide. Intalli haadha basaasuun, ilmi abbaa, obbooleessi abbooleettiirratti, Ollaan ollaa isaarratti, lammiin lammiirratti ijaaramee diinaaf odeessa kennuun aadaa Oromootii miti. Seeraa fi safuu Oromoo keessa hin jiru. yoo walitti mufatelleen hanga dhimmi isaa furmaata argatutti walitti dhufuu dhiisa malee diinaaf dabarsee wal hin kennu. Iccitii walii diinaaf hin odeessu. Kun aadaa fi toftaa diinni gaafa nu weerare nurra turuuf nutti fidee dha. Sabni Oromoo aadaa weerartootaa, aadaa saamtootaa, aadaa Habashootaa har’a wayyaaneen maqaa “tokko shanee” jedhuun dhimma itti bahaa jirtu kana irree tokkoon ka’ee ofirraa diiguu qaba. Mana hidhaa kana keessaa of baasuun waa hunda dursuu qaba. Sabboontoonnii fi qabsaawoonni bilisummaa Oromootiis akka uummanni Oromoo irree tokkoon ka’ee dallaa wayyaanee maqaa tokko shaneetiin ijaarame kana cabsee keessaa bahu karaa akeeku fi ofiifis tokkummaadhan, irree tokkoon, afaan tokkoon diinarratti qiyyaafachuun kan hunda dursuu qabuu dha.

Ijaarsa shiraa wayyaaneen tokko shanee jechuun saba Oromoo harkaa luka ittiin hiidhuuf diriirsite kana; kan diiguun danda’amu akkuma isheen ijaarsa siyaasaa kan dhoksaa fi kan harka lafa jalaa ijaartee gaggeessaa jirtu nus caalaatti ijaaramnee faallaa ishii socho’uu yoo dandeenyee dha. Lammiin alaa manattii, baadiyyaa magaalaatti ijaaramee socho’uun diina fuundura dhaabbachuun fardii dha. Yoos tokko shaneen wayyaanee kun burkutaawa. Yoos aadaan nafxanyootaa kan abbaa ilma, haati intala ollaan ollaa basaasuu fi ija shakkiin wal ilaalu taasifamaa jiru kun dachee Oromoo keessaa buqqawee baha.

=>ayyaantuu

Why is it that only Amhara elites denounce Ethiopia’s ethnic federalism?

by Hundanol A. Kebede

(OPride) – There is an ongoing coordinated attack on the right of nations and nationalities to self-determination in Ethiopia. This campaign is led exclusively by the Amhara elite with the aim of creating delusions among the general public.

They deceptively attribute the failure and brutalities of EPRDF, Ethiopia’s ruling party, to its policy of ethnic federalism. Ethiopia adopted federal government arrangement in early 1990s on an ethno-linguistic basis in an effort to decentralize the Amhara-dominated highly centralized structures of imperial Ethiopia.

By attributing the failure of the ruling regime to ethnic federalism, the Amhara elites want to score two goals: to take back the Menelik palace and demolish self-determination of nations granted by the 1994 constitution, at least in theory. They curtly refer to this arrangement as tribal politics (ye-gosa poletika) and a linguistic based division (be kuankua kefafelun).

Indeed, it is difficult for ordinary individuals to disentangle the socio-economic and political failures of EPRDF from the so-called “discontents” of ethnic federalism. However, this is not due to the failure of the structure per se but rather of the regime’s unwillingness to implement constitutionally mandated rights of nations.

In their advocacy for a return to the pre-1991 centralized state structure, these elites often criticize ethnic federalism for weakening the Ethiopian identity. Whenever tribal clashes occur – including instances where the conflicting tribes share the same ethnicity – the Amhara elite deliberately blame ethnic federalism to mislead the public and whip up public opinion against the federal structure. In this context, they try to use public grievances toward the regime for their disguised agenda of reclaiming ‘one Ethiopia.”

In addition, since they cannot dismantle self-determination alone, the Amhara elites hope to ride on public grievance both to abolish ethnic federalism and overthrow the regime. However, they seem not to comprehend that such a misguided strategy risks further balkanization of the country, not to mention it’s too weak a strategy to be taken as an alternative to EPRDF.  

Historical context

The current geo-political boundary of Ethiopia was formed roughly about a century ago when King Menelik II of Abyssinia conquered the states and kingdoms to the south and southeast of its territory. While his war of conquest was one of the bloodiest in the country’s history, understanding how the right to self-determination of nations came about and why it is vital to the territorial integrity of the empire requires closer analysis of the post war period.

After the forceful incorporation of southern nations into Abyssinia, Menelik and his successors designed a strategy to preserve the empire intact. At the heart of this strategy was a plan to undermine the languages, cultural heritages and the economies of conquered nations. They established a feudal system whereby the natives were required to pay at least a quarter of their hardly earned produce to landlords. In other cases, the natives were evicted to free up land for settlement of people from northern chiefdoms. Such mass evictions over a protracted period of time particularly targeted at the Oromo. For example, until 1940s and 50s, many Oromo clans from Shawa were forced to flee their original homeland and relocate to the southeastern parts of Oromia in search of a farmland. Besides economic exploitations, the feudal state also conducted extensive campaigns to exterminate native people’s cultural heritages, religious institutions and languages. In some places, the effects were so expansive that people concealed their innate identity and changed names in order to assimilate.

It was only in 1950s that organized movements to curb the exploitations of the state began to coalesce in various parts of the country. With the help of these movements, the feudal system was abolished in 1970s. While it ameliorated the sufferings of the masses to some extent, the extractive state structures were left untouched by the reform. For example, given their differential access to educational opportunities and the enabling imperial structures, the feudal Amhara rulers continued their dominance of the country’s politics and economy. Forced to study in alien language, few from other nations managed to achieve academic success in those days.

Limited reforms did not allow for self-determination of nations, either. For example, until 1990s, attempts to transform Afan Oromo to a written language were repeatedly thwarted. Those who tried to devise an Oromo writing script were targeted and killed. The awakening of oppressed nations and nationalities with access to education posed a grave danger to the status quo.

Subsequently, the brutal economic, cultural and political oppression gave birth to dozens of ethnic-based liberation fronts. In the later parts of 1980s, these forces aligned to squash the military and political power of the Amhara based rule. In 1991, they drafted a transitional constitution that became an antidote to the country’s most fundamental problems through the right to self-determination. In theory, the ethnic self-rule freed all nations from the century old economic, cultural and political domination by the Amhara ruling class. Moreover, it became a shield for endangered languages, cultural heritages and identities from the inertia of the country’s institutionalized assimilationist policies. It allowed the nations to manage their land and other resources.

In this context, it is difficult to argue against the relevance and legitimacy of the right to national self-determination. In other countries such as India, Canada and South Africa, such rights are in fact accompanied by ‘affirmative actions’ of one kind or another for historically marginalized groups

However, much like the reforms of 1970s, instead of establishing a truly decentralized and inclusive governance structure, the ruling Tigrean elite, TPLF, imposed its own prototype of extractive political and economic institutions using their comparative military advantage. It replaced forces that fought for the self-determination of other nations by quack organizations made up of incompetent, craven, self-seeking and less educated individuals from each of these nations. These individuals are used as representatives of diverse groups for the purpose of international propaganda consumption.

Nevertheless, the constitutional reform erased restrictions on the use of own language for administrative and educational purposes, and the right to preserve local culture, historical heritages and identity. TPLF’s opportunistic behavior and the inability of oppressed nations to compel the regime to respect hard earned constitutional rights is now giving the Amhara elite to tout a return to their outdated model of government. They attack self-determination while ironically accusing TPLF for hijacking the victories of the oppressed people in pursuit of its gluttonous economic exploitations and political domination.

Undivided Ethiopia

At a quick glance, one may presume that Amhara’s deep-rooted scorn for TPLF is intertwined with that of self-determination and their inability to retake the state power. I believe such a conjecture is mistaken. First, had the problem been the partially implemented self-determination, such a sentiment would have been shared by others ethnic groups. In addition, Amhara elites lament that the TPLF failed to respect the rights of individuals and nations, and that it ‘divided’ the country along linguistic boundaries.

They also argue that the current structure limits the rights of Amharic speaking people to move around the country in search of better opportunities. For example, the Ethiopian Satellite Television Service (ESAT) runs a youth talk show dubbed ‘Yewetatoch wuyiyit’, the first three rounds of which tried to “reveal” how ethnic federalism undermined the mobility and thereby economic benefits of Amharic-speaking groups. This could well be one of the downsides of ethnic federalism, but why don’t we hear Oromos, Somalis, Tigreans and other language groups complaining about this? One wonders if a return to a “one language, one nation” policy the best way out as often suggested by these groups.

So why is it only the Amharas complaining?

It is simply because they cannot afford to be equal. In the pre-1991 era, Amharic was the only official language in every corner of the country. As a result, Amhara children had no problem getting admission to schools. Upon graduating, they had no constraints in moving around the country to seek better job opportunities. The same was true for well-connected Amharic speaking business owners. They could open up a shop or restaurant in Jijiga or Nekemte without having to speak the local language. The burden of learning the language was transferred from the businessman offering the services to local residents who seek those services. In other words, the locals had to learn Amharic in order to do business with them on their own homeland.

In those days, without speaking Amharic an individual from the Somali or Oromia region, who had no access to schooling, cannot even be hired as a driver, storekeeper or gardener in any government institution.

The 1991 reform flipped the odds by putting an end to Amhara’s privileged status at the expense of three-quarters of the country’s population. For those who had been favored for so long, the leveling of the field may seem unfair. But one reality must sink: a return to an Ethiopia where Amhara’s are once again the overlords is a foregone conclusion.

These groups don’t realize that their supposed unity agenda has adverse effects on the very virtues they vow to protect. The Amhara politicians’ demagoguery is filling Amharic-speaking innocent youth with illusions and empty hopes that everything that came with TPLF will go with it – soon. As a result, instead of adjusting to the changes in the system, most Amharic-speaking groups line up behind their politicians to abolish the system.

Once while traveling from Finfinne to Adama, I sat next to a young lady who cried hysterically all the way. Hoping to commiserate with her situation, I inquired what was wrong. She state that she had just graduated from a private college in Nursing and the Oromia Bureau of Health only selected their own “applicants” – those who spoke Afan Oromo. Puzzled by her anger, I politely asked how she hoped to work in rural Oromia without speaking the language. She reasoned never envisioning that not speaking a language would be a barrier to employment, and even confessed once ridiculing or walking out of Afan Oromo classes.

Many are running into similar problems. But instead of hoping against hope for a return to ‘united’ Ethiopia with Amharic as the only official language, Amharic-speaking individuals residing in the south should consider adjusting themselves to this irreversible reality.

At the moment, two opposing political narratives are dwarfing the struggle for justice and freedom in Ethiopia. While those who advance the ‘united Ethiopia’ political paradigm are hoping to undo the country’s ethnic federalism, their opponents are struggling to consolidate the gains that came with the structural changes. Had it not been for their amnesia, there are several lessons the Amharic-speaking elite could learn from the changes of the last two decades. Eritrea went while a loose confederation could have easily been pursued. And they blame TPLF for making the country landlocked. Continued attempts to scoff at national self-determination of ethnicities will only replicate this mistake.

And the Amhara elites have only themselves to blame for it.

--

*The writer, Hundanol A. Kebede, can be reached at hundiguddaa@gmail.com

=>opride

Somalis balk at plans for Ethiopian troops

Thousands of Ethiopians will be deployed as part of an African Union peacekeeping mission, worrying many in Somalia.

Malkhadir Muhumed

Nairobi, Kenya - Many Somalis are alarmed at a recent decision to include Ethiopian troops in the African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM), a peacekeeping force in the war-ravaged country.

Somali analysts opposing the decision have called it "a mistake", a "political and military miscalculation" that has the potential to "change the body politic of Somalia". After decades of bad feelings between Mogadishu and Addis Ababa, many Somalis see their western neighbour as a Christian arch-foe that should have no role in the affairs of a Muslim country.

Ali Mohamud Rage - a spokesman for al-Shabab, an armed anti-state group in Somalia - urged his countrymen to rise up against the Ethiopians to defend their country or "suffer regret when it's too late".

"The AMISOM shirt legitimates the spilling of the blood of the Somali people and the occupation of the Muslim land of Somalia and the elimination of their religion... We say: 'Wake up from your slumber.'" 

The addition of 4,395 Ethiopian troops will bring the total number of African peacekeeping forces in Somalia to 22,126. Most of the soldiers currently there come from Uganda, Burundi, Kenya, Sierra Leone and Djibouti.

Somali President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud welcomed the African Union decision to have Ethiopians on board, saying they will add "energy" and boost efforts to defeat al-Shabab, whose stated aim is to topple his government and establish an Islamic state in its place. As a result of 22 years of civil war and chaos, Somalia lacks a strong and reliable army that can take on al-Shabab, making the presence of foreign peacekeepers in the country all the more necessary. 

"One should positively look at the whole picture, especially those of us who are concerned about regional peace and security," said Ibrahim Farah, a lecturer at the University of Nairobi.

But many others fear that history may repeat itself, and that the presence of Ethiopian forces may add to already existing anti-Ethiopian sentiments in Somalia, and energise anti-government groups. David Shinn, a former US ambassador to Ethiopia, told Voice of America that he thought the decision was "a mistake" and that Ethiopia's involvement could be a "rallying cry" for al-Shabab.

Ethiopia's invasion

After Ethiopia's military invasion of Somalia in 2006, local and international human rights groups accused Ethiopian troops of killing civilians and committing atrocities, with Amnesty International citing throat-slitting, the gang-raping of women, and reports of Somalis being "slaughter[ed] like goats", in the words of witnesses. The Ethiopian government has denied these allegations.

EU con

Although the governments of Ethiopia and Somalia currently claim to have a good working relationship, the two countries also went to war in 1977 over the Ogaden region, which is located in eastern Ethiopia but claimed by Somalia. Many Somalis still harbour a grudge against Addis Ababa, which they believe is occupying Somali territory.

Ugandan and Burundian peacekeepers were sent to Somalia in 2007 to replace the Ethiopian forces, who had invaded the country to oust Islamists who had seized control of much of central and southern Somalia. The Ethiopian invasion has become a battle cry for Somali nationalists and Islamists who eventually forced Ethiopia to withdraw its troops from Somalia in 2009. 

An AMISOM spokesman, Colonel Ali Houmed, told Al Jazeera that Ethiopian forces deployed to Somalia will have to "comply with" the peacekeeping force's standard operating procedures. He said the aim of adding Ethiopians to AMISOM was to bolster the push to get rid of al-Shabab fighters. 

Since the implosion of Somalia's central government in 1991, Ethiopia has taken a keen interest in the affairs of its eastern neighbour, keeping closer tabs on its security and political developments in a bid to prevent a takeover by anti-Ethiopian Islamist forces.

Somali opposition

"To include Ethiopian forces in AMISOM is a dangerous decision that will not in any way help the stability of Somalia and the region in the long term," said Zakariye Haji Mohamud, a Somali member of parliament and a former chairman of the Alliance for the Re-Liberation of Somalia, a group formed in 2007 to remove Ethiopian troops from Somalia. 

Mohamud said Ethiopian forces are not the "ideal force" to stabilise Somalia, "because there is historical hostility between Somalia and Ethiopia, and that Addis Ababa was never interested in bringing about peace in Somalia... In 2006, they invaded a relatively peaceful country, and when they pulled out they left behind chaos in every corner of southern and central regions."

There is no need to have foreign forces in Somalia, be it AMISOM or others from Africa. Somalia has to administer itself and rebuild its army. - Abdiqasim Salad Hassan, former Somali president

Faisal Roble, a Horn of Africa analyst and director of research at the US-based Institute for Horn of Africa Studies and Affairs, said the inclusion of Ethiopian troops "could politically destabilise Somalia, galvanise Islamists and may even revive genuine pan-Somali opposition to the presence of Ethiopian and Kenyan forces in the country".

Some Somalis suspect that their country is taking the shape of what its rivals, especially Kenya and Ethiopia, want it to be: a militarily weak nation that is split up into clan-based mini-states, which are unable to mount any effective resistance.

Somalia is already fragmented: Somaliland, in the country's northwest, broke away from Mogadishu in 1991, and northeastern Puntland claims autonomy. Meanwhile, the Kismayo-based Juba Administration, made up of three southern regions, presents itself as the second viable regional administration after Puntland.

Efforts are also under way to form a third state for southwestern regions of Somalia, with little input from the national government in Mogadishu. 

Realpolitik?

"Kenya and Ethiopia would rather have a weak Somalia as a neighbour. This is realpolitik," said Abdiwahab Sheikh Abdisamad, a Horn of Africa specialist who teaches history and political science at Kenyatta University in Nairobi, Kenya. "The reason is that Somalia has not officially renounced its dream of a greater Somalia," which would include Somali-inhabited regions in northeastern Kenya and the Ogaden region in eastern Ethiopia.

Ethiopia's move to join AMISOM follows the example of Kenya, which invaded Somalia in 2011, and the following year joined the peacekeeping mission in the country.

Abdisamad said it is hard to find a country in sub-Saharan Africa that has successfully helped its neighbour recover from armed conflict, while history is replete with examples of countries taking advantage of their neighbours' weaknesses - most notably in the Democratic Republic of Congo.

Although Somalia's army and parliament did not mount much resistance to Ethiopian and Kenyan troops joining the AU force, that hasn't stopped other Somalis from protesting. "There is no need to have foreign forces in Somalia, be it AMISOM or others from Africa. Somalia has to administer itself and rebuild its army," said Somalia's former president, Abdiqasim Salad Hassan, in an interview with a local radio station. 

Hassan, a staunch critic of Ethiopian interference in Somali affairs, called on the central government to ask AMISOM donors to help rebuild Somalia's army instead.

=>aljazeera

Diddaan Barattootaa Yuuniversitii Haromaya Itti Fufee Gaga’amni Barattootaa Daran Jabaate. Diddaan Gara Biraas Gara Yuuniversiti Hawaasaatti Cahe

Gabaasa Qeerroo Haromaya, Gurraandhala 03,2014

Nyaanni summiin makamee barattootaa kenname barattoota hedduu lubbuu darbaa fi dhibee gurguddaaf kan saaxile irra taree barattoota hedduu barnoota isaanii irraas akka har’iman taasisaa jira.Barattoonni lakkoofsi isaanii hedduu ta’anii fi galmee isaanii Qeerroon qindeessaa jira,hanga ammaatti karaa mootummaa ifa hin ta’iin lubbuun isaanii darbee fi kanneen dhukkubsachuun mana yaalaa galan kumaatama.Irra guddaan barattootaa hama yeroo ammaatti illee yaala gahaa hin argatiin mana yaalaa ciisanii akka jirantu mul’ata.kanumaan dhimmi kun gaaffii gurguddaa barattoota keessatti kaasees mootummaa Wayyaanee biratti gaaffii biroo tahuun ergama ABO qabu jechuun barattoota hedduun humna poolisa Federaalaan dallaa gad-dhiisanii akka bahan taasifamaa jiru.

Haala kanaan barattooti hedduus magaalaa keessatti rakkataa akka jiran gabaasi qeerroo Haromaya addeessa. Kanneen heddumminaan miidhamanii mana yaalaa jiranii fi kanneen arihaman keessaa sochii dargaggoota Oromoo ta’uun beekama.

Gaaffiin FDG barattooti kaasan kun  har’a itti fufuun gara university Hawaasaatti tarkaanfatee gaaffii gurguddaa kaasaa jira. Kanneen gaaffii kana kaasan barattoonni Oromoo hedduus humna poolisa Federaalaan adamsamaa akka jiranii fi dallaan Yuniversitichaas humna waraana adda addaan marfamee eeggamaa akka jirudha.barattoonni dallaa lameeniis dallaa kanneen hafan maraaf iyyannoo nu qaqqabaas iyyachaa jiru.

Gabaasi dabalataa gama fuula dura itti fufa.

=>qeerroo

Ethiopian prisoner of conscience Mr Bekele Gerba life in danger due to lack of medical care

Mr Bekele Gerba Ethiopian prisoner of conscience and lecturer in Addis Ababa University life is in danger due to lack of medical care. He has served the 3 year and 6 months imprisonment almost one month ago. However, he is still suffering in notorious Ethiopian prison with serious ailment because Ethiopian government doesn’t want to release him even after he has served his time behind the bar. Mr Bekele is a father of four young children who needs him most this time.

In the interview with local radio Afuura Biyyaa, his daughter Ms. Bontu Bekele clarified the problems she observed while visiting her father recently. She told the journalists ‘’more than 200 prisoners of conscience in the same prison are suffering from similar ailment.’’ The probability of having contagious disease in that cell shades dark light on the life all prisoners as all of them are suffering from similar symptoms like; night sweats, body fatigue, weight loss and heavy fever. The families of Mr. Bekele are left helpless as their mother has also lost her job due to political views of her husband which resulted in his imprisonment and immediate suspension of his wage from the day he was arrested. Ms. Bontu pledged all humanitarian and international community to put pressure on Ethiopian government to save her father’s life.

The following paragraph is quoted from Mr. Bekele’s speech in court after hearing his fine.

"I have dedicated my life to fight injustice, inequality, racism and oppression with passion. Not by my choice but by the will of God I was born as an Oromo. To fight for the human rights dignity and equality of my people by peaceful means and pay any price for this struggle is an honor for me. If I have to ever apologize in this life I dedicated for the struggle it is only for two things. One, if I chose not to speak spoken against the sufferings and anguish of Oromo people enough and if my motive in hiding this suffering was for a lesser purpose than the brotherhood of all people, I will ask the Oromo people to forgive me. Second, if I have ever exaggerated the injustice against the Oromo people and I did this to gain personal fame and fortune, I will ask God to forgive me. ~ Bekele Gerba

=>ireport.cnn

Two police officers arrested over abduction of Ethiopian officials

By CYRUS OMBATI  NAIROBI, KENYA: Two Kenyan police officers were Monday arrested in connection with the abduction of two top officials of Ethiopia’s Ogaden National Liberation Front ( ONLF) from outside a popular restaurant in Upper Hill, Nairobi last week.


The officers, an inspector and a constable attached to Nairobi Area CID are expected to face charges of espionage for Ethiopia’s intelligence services. 

 Nairobi head of CID Nicholas Kamwende confirmed the arrests and said the officers expected in court Monday morning. 

 “They will face various charges following the abduction of the two ONLF officials,” said Kamwende. 

He added the officers had been identified by witnesses as having participated in the abduction of Mr Sulub Ahmed and Ali Hussein who were members of the ONLF negotiation team that was in Nairobi for a proposed third round of talks. 

 Ahmed and Hussein were members of ONLF central committee and were abducted on January 26 from outside Arabian Cuisine in Upper Hill area. 

  They were later driven out of the country to Ethiopia by intelligence officials from Addis Ababa and their whereabouts are not known.  

ONLF officials who asked not to be named had said security agencies from Ethiopia and Kenya were involved in the kidnapping. 

 They had been invited for a lunch date at the restaurant near TSC headquarters when they were abducted by men who were in three waiting cars.  

 One of the cars, a black Toyota Prado and the driver were seized and detained at the Turbi police station the following day but the two were missing amid speculation they had been taken across to Ethiopia. 

 The ONLF officials who spoke in Nairobi said the two officials were invited by the Kenyan government for peace negotiations. Their whereabouts in Ethiopia are yet to be known. 

“This is not the first time that such an incident happens and we urge that the government of Kenya provides us with security. We do not know the fate of our officials but we know they were taken to Ethiopia,” said an official who asked not to be named.  

Analysts say that this move may affect diplomatic negotiations between ONLF and Ethiopia brokered by Kenyan Government on 2012. 

ONLF is a separatist rebel group fighting to make the region of Ogaden in eastern Ethiopia an independent state.  

 ONLF, established in 1984, demands for the autonomy of this region, and claimed responsibility for several attacks since the beginning of 2007 aimed at Ethiopian forces in the area, which the government considers a region under the new federal system.


=>standardmedia

Ergamtooti Wayyaanee Abbaa Duulaan durfamu Embassy Itophiyaa Washington, DC keessatti ergama raawwatuuf yaalaa jiru.

Ayyaantuu.com, Washington, DC

Ergamtooti mootummaa abbaa irree Wayyaanee/TPLF kan Abbaa Duulaa Gammaadaa (Minaasee W/Giorgis) durfamu ajaja TPLF irraa itti kenname qabatee gara Washington, DC dhufuun beekame.

Abbaan Duulaa ykn Minaaseeni fi gareen isaa Embassy Itoophiyaa Magaalaa Washington, DC jiru keeyssa riphuudhaan warreen faayidaa dhuunfaa isaaniitif akkuma isaanii mirgaa fi haqa ummata Oromoo fi Oromiyaa dabarsanii gurguran/kennan waliin ta’uudhaan dhoksaadhaan kaayyoo dharaa kan manneen barumsaa Oromiyaa keeysatti babal’isuuf jedhuun gargaarsa qarshii walitti qabuuf yaalii gochaa akka jiranii fi sochii dhoksaa kanas sabboontoni Oromoo irratti dhaqqabuu ifa ta’ee jira.

Yeroo ammaan tanatti barattoota Oromoo fi kanneen biroo Yunivarsity Haromayaa keessatti barachaa jiran summ’ii nyaata barattootaa keeysatti naquudhaan miidhaa fi yakka hiriyaa hin qabne raawwachaa kan jiru mootummaan abbaa irree Tigree, sababuma nyaata summaa’e kanaan hanga harraatti barattooti ja’a (6) lubbuun isanii darbuun gabaafamaa jira. Kun osoo kanaan jiruu, mootummaan abbaa irree Tigree ergamtoota isaa kanneen akka Abbaa Duulaa jiran biyyaan alatti ergee mana barumsaa ijaaruuf sababa jedhuun karoora kanaan dura maqaa hidhaa laga Abbayyaan walitti qabachuuf yaalee dura-dhaabbanoo sabboontota Oromootiin addunyaa kana marattii fi bakka hundumaatti harkatti faashale bakkka buufachuuf ijjibbaata haarawa dhokaasaadhaan kan eegale ta’uun isaa saaxilameera.

Kanaaf, hawaasi Oromoo marti yaalii Wayyaaneen gama ergamtoota isheen Kaaba Ameerikaa, magaalaa Washington DC fi Stetota adda-addaa keeysatti gochuuf yaaltu akkuma barame tokkummaan dura dhaabbatanii gara warreen isaan ergateetti harka qullaa fi qaaniidhaan akka deebisan sabboontonni Oromoo waamicha lammummaa dabarsanii jiru.

=>ayyaantuu