Friday, April 17, 2015

U.S. Wrong to Endorse Ethiopia's Elections



Washington
In response to today’s comments by Under Secretary for Political Affairs, Wendy Sherman, in which she referred to Ethiopia as a democracy and the country’s upcoming elections free, fair, and credible, Freedom House issued the following statement:
“Under Secretary Sherman’s comments today were woefully ignorant and counter-productive,” said Daniel Calingaert, executive vice president of Freedom House. “Ethiopia remains one of the most undemocratic countries in Africa. By calling these elections credible, Sherman has tacitly endorsed the Ethiopian government’s complete disregard for the democratic rights of its citizens. This will only bolster the government’s confidence to continue its crackdown on dissenting voices.”
 
Background: 
Since coming into power in the early 1990s, the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) has dominated politics through a combination of political cooptation and harassment. The country experienced a degree of democratization through the early 2000’s, culminating in the most competitive elections in the county’s history in 2005. Since these elections, the EPRDF has restricted political pluralism and used draconian legislation to crack down on the political opposition, civil society organizations, and independent media. In the 2010 elections, EPRDF and its allies won 546 out of 547 parliamentary seats.     
Ethiopia is rated Not Free in Freedom in the World 2015, Not Free in Freedom of the Press 2014, and Not Free in Freedom on the Net 2014
Freedom House is an independent watchdog organization that supports democratic change, monitors the status of freedom around the world, and advocates for democracy and human rights.
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Tedros Adhanon vs Ethiopian refugees in Yemen

DjibTalk Nouvelles internationales
ethiopian-fmm(Djoubti Talk) — On March 30, over 45 Ethiopian refugees were killed in a Saudi-led airstrike on Mazraq camp in Hajjah province of Yemen. The refugees were living in a camp run by the International Organization for Migration (IOM), said Grum Teklehaimanot, an Ethiopian journalist in Yemen. Reuters news agency also confirmed the deaths of ‘dozens of displaced people’ in a camp now in the hands of the Yemeni Shiite rebels known as Hauthis.

The Ethiopian government never said a word about the tragedy. Instead, Tedros Adhanom, the foreign minister, said on April 3 that the embassy in Sana’a had come under attack earlier in the day. He said no one was injured. Tedros Adhanom’s story was a surprise for many Ethiopian residents in the Yemeni capital, according to Nebiyu Sirak, a respected Ethiopian journalist resident in Saudi Arabia.

As if posing for a picture with a 14-year-old girl winner of a false $20 million prize was not enough, why did Tedros lie again about an embassy or a consular office that was never attacked? His cover-up invites many questions. Was it a cover to divert public attention from the tragedy that befell the refugees that perished at Mazraq Camp? Or it is to justify to the rest of the people that even the embassy was unable to defend itself let alone to save the thousands of Ethiopians stranded in Yemen?
As Yemen continued to sink into civil war, foreign nationals were making frantic appeals to be saved from the violence. A frigate from the Chinese navy rescued some 220 foreign nationals and took them to Djibouti. Of those, about 30 were Ethiopians. Though Tedros Adhanom’s government had secretly appealed for the Chinese help, he didn’t mention that in public. Why?

Once Ethiopia’s Red Sea Port of Assab, now under Eritrean sovereignty, is only a stone’s throw away from the southern Yemeni city of Eden. Ethiopia had its own naval force before Meles Zenawi, an ultra Eritrean mercenary nationalist who died in 2012, and his retarded TPLF chieftains, turned Ethiopia into a landlocked nation in 1991. When the TPLF cadre Tedros Adhanom evaded the truth that TPLF had asked the far-away Chinese for a rescue operation in Ethiopia’s neighborhood, was he scared to stoke the fires still burning within the hearts of many Ethiopians?

“Dr Tedros also expressed his gratitude to the Ethiopian diplomatic staff in Yemen for their bold courage and commitment to support the speedy registration and safe evacuation of Ethiopian citizens residing in Yemen,” according to the Foreign Ministry’s website.

The staff are determined to help about 2000 Ethiopians evacuate Yemen? Really, Tedros? The staff known to have no courage to help Ethiopian nationals in peace time are ‘determined’ to help in war time? Forget about Ethiopian nationals, how are you to save your own staff? Or your response is the usual EPRDF staff, “Who cares if the staff perish in the inferno of the Yemeni war!”


Whatever the reason, Ethiopians duly know that they have fallen on bad times. They duly know they are under an enemy rule. An enemy that treats an Ethiopian journalist, a staunch peace activist, as a terrorist, and condemns him to 18 grueling years in prison. Google the name Eskinder Nega, and the facts are all over the wall for all to see. Ethiopians in the first place become stateless refugees as they run away from their number one enemy – the TPLF/EPRDF – a cruel enemy that creates and uses hunger to weaken and subdue the Ethiopian people to eternal slavery.


=>ayyaantuu

Is Ethiopia's building boom masking poverty?


Whenever we set up our camera and flapped open our sun reflectors in Ethiopia's capital, Addis Ababa, passers-by became curious and eager to help.
But getting them to talk on camera was another matter as in general residents of the city are reticent and keep their views to themselves.
We were filming in Addis Ababa for a programme charting the changes in the country, yet it was only on the flight back to South Africa that I met an Ethiopian willing to be candid.
I found myself seated next to an inquisitive elderly Ethiopian woman, who was chatty despite the early morning departure.
However, she was not so open as to be willing for me to mention her name here.
She wore a green twin-set, leggings and woollen socks with her loafers. After the rigorous security checks, she took the socks off, saying she only wears them to keep her feet clean at the end of the security protocols.
She reminded me a bit of my mother, both caring and bossy all in one person.
During the flight, she cut me a portion of her fruit and insisted that I eat every morsel; her stern gaze suggested that I had no choice.

'Foregone conclusion'

We talked about a lot of things, including my impressions of Nigeria, especially following the ground-breaking presidential election there when the incumbent lost.
She was proud of the manner in which Nigerians had used their vote to make a strong statement about their government.
I replied that perhaps if Ethiopians have strong views about the ruling party - the EPRDF, in power since 1991 - then they could also do the same when elections are held in May.
Supporters of Ethiopia's ruling party
The EPRDF under the late Prime Minister Meles Zenawi won a massive majority in 2010
My neighbour dispelled that notion very quickly and whispered that she believes the result is a foregone conclusion.
I argued that surely Ethiopia's democracy is deeper than that, and that many support the government as they are grateful for the development in recent years.
She smirked and told me to open my eyes wider during my next visit.

Beggars

I was urged to investigate the economic statistics.
They show an economy growing in near double-digits, but about 40% live below the poverty line.
Street children sleeping on a street of Addis Ababa in Ethiopia - 2007
This photo is from 2007, but homeless people are still seen on the streets of Addis Ababa
She reminded me of the beggars who are on the streets of Addis Ababa.
Then I recalled our filming around the city.
There is a clear image of frantic construction taking place, with a monorail, new roads and apartment blocks all being built.
But I also noticed that many of the buildings are empty.
I asked my new friend why she thought this was.
Construction in Addis Ababa
Building work dominates the skyline in Ethiopia
Construction of a railway in Addis Ababa
A new monorail is one of the big building projects
Construction in Addis Ababa
But many of the new office and apartment blocks are empty
She reckons the Ethiopian middle-class cannot afford the rents, and that professionals, such as doctors and lawyers, have resorted to using parts of their home as consulting rooms, because they cannot pay for office space.

'Prestige'

I wondered why the government was intent on driving capital into these construction projects.
She answers simply that it is about the prestige.
A statue of Kwame Nkrumah, who was the first president of independent Ghana and a founding member of the Organisation of African Unity, the predecessor of the African Union, stands outside the headquarters complex of the African Union (AU) - 2013
Ethiopia is proud to host the African Union headquarters
She thinks that as a political and diplomatic leader on the continent, Ethiopia needs to show the economic signs of that position.
And Ethiopia needs to bear the hallmarks of this new-found economic prowess.
These are the thoughts of one individual, but someone who has seen a lot. She lived through the aftermath of the country's Italian occupation, the Marxist Derg regime and now the move towards a free market system and the introduction of democracy.

Her hope is that eventually Ethiopians will speak up and challenge their leaders to ensure that their economic dreams will lead to tangible change.

=>bbc

Wednesday, April 15, 2015

The Politics of Denial

By Geresu Tufa

“A man who denies his past is a man who truly denies himself a future, for he refusesto know himself, and to deny knowledge of oneself is to stumble through life ashandicapped as the blind mute.” Tobsha Learner

Last week I partook in a panel discussion about the ongoing Finfinne/Addis land grab with my fellow Oromos on OMN TV. I believe this time is very critical for all peoples in that country  to stand together and condemn the injustices inflicted upon poor farmers surrounding Addis. Therefore, most of the talks focused on the impact of Addis expansion to neighboring Oromia region on our farmer's livelihood, healthy environments and overall political-economy of Oromia in Ethiopian Empire. As to any sensible discussion, I gave a little introductory remark  about the background of Addis expansion starting from its foundation.

All of us are products of particular historical process. If we want to understand cleary what is happening today, we need to put it into appropirate historical context.  In line with this indisputable fact of life, I could only be right for mentioning major historical factors that have contributed to place us where we found ourselves today. Instead of condemning both historical and ongoing injustices on our farmers, I am surprised to see the reaction of a few individuals that come out of their shell to deny historical injustices in the aforementioned area. The intention of this short pieceis not to divert public attention from focusing on current injustices or to wrangle over the past that is gone, it is only to undress this denial politics with some historical facts and  give a rationale behind this kind of mindset.

Inquiring the sources of these historical facts is very healthy and should be a way forward for our future dialogues. This kind of evidence-based argument is very essential to save us from making/being evidence-nude society that bases arguments on eitherof ‘hearsay’ or ‘I think’ or even the worst ‘I am sure’ kind of argument without citing any credible source of information. Therefore, I praise those who asked for my evidences that are deliberately kept away from public consumption by elites who harvest various kinds of profits from the politics of denial. It appears that those people who deny historical injustices will obviously do the same or worse if they happen to mastermind the atrocities thatwe see today in the name of development. For those groups, it is not the cruel action that matters much, it is who do those cruelties to whom. If they do it,it is a norm and the order of our time, if others do it, it is fascism,apartheid, racism…you name it. It is a sad reality, but it is what it is. If anyone thinks about convincing those groups by logic, it could only be futile effort that will never bear a fruit. This piece of evidence about the atrocities during and after creation of Finfinne/Addis Ababa is written for sensible minds only.

As to the characteristics of atrocities that happened in Finfinne, I am shocked how people easily and conveniently forget or distort the recent Ethiopian political history. In case one forgets the quest of Oromos and people in the Southern nations which led  to 1974 Ethiopian revolution was a struggle to reclaim their land that is appropriated to settler Neftegnas by reducing them into tenants and servant on their own land. I hope no one forgets Land to Tiller. Oromo farmer’s land grab by settlers did notstart during the Hailesilassie regime as some people try to convince us, it has deep roots in the formation of the modern Ethiopian empire. Of course the intensity increased where the settlers establish themselves in the form of cities. Finfinne/Addis is a case in point.



Herein under, I enlist some of the major historical facts and policy guidelines thatwere put in place to execute an eviction of Oromo farmers for the last century with evidences so that a reader can have his/her own judgment.

Fact 1.  
As an oral society, Oromo folk living in and around Finfinne has very popular song in which they narrate most of the happenings they see/hear. This song has been in public memory for the last 150 years,
Afaan Oromoo
Inxooxoo dhabatanii
Caffee gad ilaalun haafe,
Finfinnee loon geessani,
hora obaasuun hafe
Tullu Daalatti irratt
Yaa’iin Gullallee hafee
Gafarsatti dabrani
qoraan cabsuun hin hafee
Hurufa Bombi irratti,
jabbilee yaasuun hafee
Bara jarri dhufani,
Loon keenyaas ni dhumani
Edda Mashashan dhufee
Birmaadummaan hinhafee.
(Source: Wolde Yohannes Warqineh and Gammachu Malkaa: Oromiyaa: Yetedebeqew yegif Tarik, 1994)

(English translation
No more standing on Intottoo,
to look on meadows blow,
No more taking cattle to Finfinnee,
to water at the mineral springs.
No more gathering on Daalattii,
where the Gullallee assembly used to meet
No more going beyond Gafarsaa,
to chop firewood.
No more pasturing calves,
on the meadows of Hurufa Bombi.
The year the enemy came
our cattle were consumed.
Since Mashasha came,
freedom has vanished.)

Fact 2.
“The Chronicler of the reign of Menelik states that Menelik quoted his grandfather the Negus Sahle Selassie: Oland today, you are full of Gallas but one day my grandson will build here a house and make of you a city; About 1886 large areas of land on the site were distributed; the recipients among others were the Empress, Rasmkael, Ras Darge,Afe Negus Nasibu, The Echege, Dejazmatch Girmame, Balambaras Mekonnen ete:- andareas were set aside such as that for the quarters of the place guard”.   Richard Greenfield Ethiopian New Political History 1965, Page 102

Facts 3.
‘‘In 1843 Sahle Sellasie went onone of the predatory raids, he usually conducted twice and often three times ayear, into the Tuulama Oromo territory bordering on kingdom of Shawa. Major W.C. Harris, who was sent on a diplomatic mission to Shawa leading a British delegation and followed Sahle Sellasie on several of his raiding expeditions against the Oromo during the 18 months he stayed in the country, reported whathe witnessed in his book The Highlands of Aethiopia (1844, Vols. I-III).”

“Hundreds of cattle grazed intempting herds over the flowery meads [meadows]. Unconscious of danger, the unarmed husband man [herdsman] pursued his peaceful occupation in the field;his wife and children carolled blithely over their ordinary household avocations; and the ascending sun shone bright on smiling valleys, which, long before his going down, were left tenanted [occupied] only by the wolf and the vulture.”
Harris noted that, after conferring for a while with an Orthodox priest acting as his father confessor,Sahle Sellasie ordered the expectant army to “carry fire and sword through the land.” What followed was exactly what the king ordered his forces to do.

“Rolling on like the mighty waves of the ocean, down poured the Amhára host among the rich glades and rural hamlets, at the heels of the flying inhabitants—tramping under foot the fields of the ripening corn, in parts half reaped, and sweeping before them the vast herds of cattle which grazed untended in every direction. When far beyond the range of vision, their destructive progress was still marked by the red flames that burst forth in turn from the thatched roofs of each village; and the havoc committed many miles to the right by the division of Abagáz Maretch, who was advancing parallel to the main body, and had been reinforced by the detachment under Ayto Shishigo, became equally manifest in numerous columns of whites moke, towering upwards to the azure firmament in rapid succession.”
 The Highlands of Aethiopia (1844, Vols.I-III). Vol. II (p. 185-198) of Harris’ book

Fact 4
 What Tedla Haile, who was a minister of Education in late 1920 proposed at early 1920 as it quoted in Bharu Zewidie“Tedla  goes back to Classical Rome to demonstrate how the army has always been a factor for assimilation, be it through the intermarriage of garrison troops with local women or the recruitment of subjects people into the imperial arm. Likewise, all other facts of government policy- adminstration, justice, economic organization- should be  regulated by the policy of assimilation. Provincial boundaries need to be redrawn to facilitate the policy. Oromo numerical predominance in the southern provinces should be tempered by a policy of Amhara settlement. Tigreans, too should be encouraged to settle in the southern provinces, as they are great assimilator by virtue of their religious fervour and their inherent weakness in learning non-semtic language.”
 Bhiru Zewede Pioneers of Change 2002 Page,132-133

Fact 5:
Ethiopian Constitution of 1931 1
Chapter I
The Ethiopian Empire and the Succession to the Throne Art. 1. The territory of Ethiopia, in its entirety,is, from one end to the other, subject to the government of His Majesty the Emperor. All the natives of Ethiopia, subjects of the empire, form together the Ethiopian Empire.
Fact 6: The imposition of Amharicon non- Amharias and the Amharization strategy became an almost open government policy in 1955/6. It was enshrined in the statute to establish the Ministry of National Community Development  and Social Affairs. It is clearly stated in Article 7 of the statute that members of the police and security forces should be recruited from the  Amhara ethnic group and those assigned to conquered regions should be provided with special privileges “”The details ofthose privileges are listed in Article 15 as follows:

“በመንግስት ሥራ በጸጥታ ጥበቃ በአገር አገዛዝ በፖሊስነት ወደነዚህ አገሮች የሚሄዱት አማሮች በዚያ አገር ውስጥ ለመኖርና ለመቆየት ምክንያት እንድኖራቸው በጠፍነት የሚለካው የጋላ መሬት በየአቅራቢያቸው እንደመንግስት ችሮታ መጠን ኢንድያገኙና ለማልማትም የሚረዱበት ልዩ ዘዴ እንድደረግላቸው።”
 Getahun Benti  Addis Ababa Migration and The Making of A Multi Ethnic Metropolis1941-1974, Page 176


Now, I leave the judgement for someone who reads and understands what is presented here.
“Everything that irritates us about others can lead us to an understanding of ourselves.”
Carl Gustav Jung
Thanks!

`=>facebook

Sunday, April 12, 2015

Ethiopians badly burned in South Africa anti-foreigner violence

Johannesburg (AFP) - Two Ethiopian nationals suffered serious burns when their shop in a South African township was set alight by a mob, police said Saturday, as violence against foreign immigrants spread.
The men were in the shop in Umlazi, south of Durban, when it was petrol bombed on Friday night.
"They suffered severe burn wounds and are being treated in hospital," police spokesman Thulani Zwane said.
Three people including one foreigner had been killed in violence between residents and foreign nationals that has been raging for the past two weeks in townships south of Durban.
Seventeen people have been arrested over the recent attacks.
"The situation is still tense in all affected areas, and police are out in force to prevent further clashes," Zwane said.
The unrest erupted two weeks ago in Isipingo and Chatsworth, where several grocery shops owned by foreign nationals were looted and vandalised.
It has now spread to KwaMakhutha and Umlazi, also in the south of Durban, forcing over a thousand mostly African foreign nationals to flee their township homes.
Some of those who have fled are being housed in community halls and tents pitched in sports grounds.
Police said the reason for the current outbreak in xenophobic violence was unclear.
However clashes between immigrants and locals are not uncommon in South Africa, as impoverished residents often accuse foreigners of taking their jobs.
President Jacob Zuma Friday spoke out against the attacks, saying "no amount of economic hardship and discontent will ever justify attacking foreign nationals".
He said the government was "deeply concerned" about the violence.
Meanwhile, Zulu king Goodwill Zwelithini, who recently came under fire for suggesting that immigrants should "pack their bags and leave" the country, has rejected the comment as a distortion.
In a statement issued Friday, the king said the attacks were "taking our continent backwards".
"A mere suggestion that people who were looting were doing that under the king's instruction is disingenuous," said the king, who commands respect in the Durban region that is mostly inhabited by Zulus.
Some foreigners have begun to fight back, with a group protesting against the violence in an illegal march on Wednesday that was broken up by police who fired tear gas.
The latest round of xenophobic violence came just months after similar attacks around Soweto, south of Johannesburg.
Foreign shopkeepers in and around the township were then forced to vacate their premises after violence and looting broke out.
In 2008, 62 people were killed in similar violence in Johannesburg townships

Wednesday, March 25, 2015

"Negotiated Surrender" : ODF's Fundamentally Flawed Approach to Conducting Oromo Struggle

A political group can follow a method of struggle that it deems can help accomplish its goals or political program, but that method can be fundamentally flawed when the context of the struggle and power relations (asymmetry) between groups are overlooked, misunderstood or misapplied for any reason.  When this happens, individual leaders can take a struggle in radically impossible direction compromising the well-being, security and existence of a nation. 

The recent rejection of the Oromo Democratic Front by Ethiopia's EPRDF regime highlights the fundamental flaw, not in principle, but in reality of the impracticality of the so-called "peace talks"  in an environment where there is an astronomical power imbalance between the ruling group and rebels or opposition.  The first duty of a well-meaning organization should be to alter that power imbalance and force a dictatorship to the table. The group's leaders are no strangers to miscalculations and poor planning.  

 Why does not Lenco Lata and ODF learn from the failure of OLF-EPRDF/TPLF "peace talks"  of the 1990s, which forced them to leave the Transitional Government of Ethiopia in the first place ?  This is a particularly important question because the group is repeating the same approach that they know does not work in the context of the current power imbalance. What is the point of being called a "veteran politician" and the founder of this and that if one fails to learn from the past and keeps taking people on the path to another collective loss? 

A statement issued by the ODF leadership shows the ODF "delegation"  headed by Lenco Lata was expelled from Ethiopia after several days in Finfinne. Some people say there was delegation at all; just the president of the organization who was stopped and refouled from the airport. TPLF was not even interested in the "negotiated surrender" ODF leaders were offering it in the name of kick-starting phantom "stalled peace talks"--stalled for 23 years?!   Being rejected when one willfully travels 7000 miles to surrender is by itself an extremely humiliating experience, but that is beside the point because they don't feel humiliated at all.  But, the point is the methods of struggle pursued by ODF is less grounded in the reality of Ethiopia's cruel Realpolitk and more planted in utopia about what is possible and what is impossible.   

Even if we judge the group by the method of struggle it has chosen ( undefined "peaceful struggle"), it does not meet the standards for legitimate peace talks: the presence of a deadlock between parties, neutral location, and third party brokers. The move was more like a friend visiting a friend over a weekend or Lenco going to a belated Meles Zenawi wake/ funeral. In this situation, peace talks or negotiations were  obviously the wrong move because  EPRDF has little incentive to talk to anyone given the power asymmetry.  Scholars of non-violence struggle comment that when major non-negotiable principles and interests of a group are likely to be sacrificed, including the group's identity, and the right to self-government, negotiations are dangerous and irrelevant: 

When the issues at stake are fundamental, affecting religious principles, issues of human freedom, or the whole future development of the society, negotiations do not provide a way of reaching a mutually satisfactory solution. On some basic issues there should be no compromise. Only a shift in power relations in favor of the democrats can adequately safeguard the basic issues at stake (emphasis added). Such a shift will occur through struggle, not negotiations. This is not to say that negotiations ought never to be used. The point here is that negotiations are not a realistic way to remove a strong dictatorship... When the dictatorship is strong but an irritating resistance exists, the dictators may wish to negotiate the opposition into surrender under the guise of making “peace.” The call to negotiate can sound appealing, but grave dangers can be lurking within the negotiating room (Sharp 2010: 10-11).    

If EPRDF/TPLF accepted ODF's offer to perform  a ritual for "negotiated surrender", we could say a negotiated surrender happened, but luckily it did not. If it did, it could just legitimize the dictatorship. It is still a proof that ODF is unreliable in the Oromo struggle since the intention to surrender was there.  The perks Lenco Lata got out of the trip to Finfinne was a couple of editorial articles in The Ethiopian Reporter where he tried to sell himself as as a "moderate" with alternative political program and downgraded the Oromo aspiration to collective self-determination to a cultural and linguistic problem.   

 By rising above region, religion and politics, the Oromo people need to understand political groups and leaders that are willing to surrender their interests for personal power and glory . As for peaceful struggle, ODF is just a redundant organization since the home-grown Oromo Federalist Congress can do a better job of peaceful struggle. 

However,  ODF has the right to compete to become OPDO number two. The Oromo people can choose not to support an unstable organization with a fundamentally flawed method of struggle. Being informed is important to make those crucial choices.