Saturday, October 11, 2014
THE TIME HAS COME! SAY NO TO ETHIOPIAN APARTHEID
Okok Ojulu’s Speech Delivered at the World Bank Panel Discussion | October 11, 2014
Honorable Panelists, Distinguish invited guests, Ladies and Gentlemen,
I am honored and privileged to represent the voice of millions of indigenous populations of the Southwestern regions in particular, and many other oppressed groups elsewhere in Ethiopia. My speech echoes a big “No To Ethiopian Apartheid” and presents the anguish and death of the voiceless indigenous populations, languishing in blood, suffering insecurity, torture, and life imprisonment in Ethiopia. It also presents the voice of many refugees in the neighboring countries from Gambella, Lower Omo Valley area, and Beneshangul/Gumuz regions of Ethiopia who are living under difficult conditions facing threats to their lives; insecurity, cross border killings, and deportations from the neighboring countries.
Southwestern Ethiopia is a sanctuary to more than 28 indigenous Nilotic and south Omotic tribes namely Anywaa (Anyuak), Arebore, Berta, Bodi, Bena, Bale, Brile, Bacha, Dasenach, Gumuz, Hamer, Kwegu, Kara, Komo, Majenger, Mursi, Minit, Murle, Male, Mao, Nuer, Nyangatom, Opo, Suri, Sheko-Majenger, Tsmayeko, Tirma, and Zelimama. Their population is estimated to be between 4-5 million people who live in geographical location that stretches out from Lake Turkana via Gambella to Beneshangul/Gumuz regions, at the border with Kenya, South Sudan, and Sudan.
Southwestern Ethiopia abounds with the most fertile land and many other natural resources. Ironically, the Ethiopian government has failed to recognize its people as full citizens. It engages itself in ethnic cleansing and policies aimed at getting rid of the indigenous populations from their lands in order to utilize the resources in their absence. The government is keener on the resources than the peoples of the land. This development strategy adopted by the Ethiopian government has finger prints of the World Bank and moves forward with its blessings.
In a recent press release on Oct. 3, the Ethiopian Ministry of Agriculture claimed that over 30 million people have benefited from the Sustainable Land Management Program, operating with the support of the World Bank. The Bank and other donors have been active supporters of the current policies of the Ethiopian government through this and several other programs, ignoring the reports of human rights abuses and forced displacement coming in from organizations like the Oakland Institute, Human Rights Watch and the others.
As the Bank officials come together for the annual meetings in Washington DC, at least 3-5 of the indigenous peoples die every day on account of land grab, hatred and discrimination against their color, race, culture, and religion. As we meet here, the Majenger tribe in the Godere district of the Gambella region is being massacred by the illegal settlers from the Northern regions, the government soldiers disguised as civilians, and many others sponsored by foreign investors, while the government military forces and police deployed in the area attend the killings and the eviction of the tribe.
These killings are reminiscent of the Anyuaks’ massacres, many of which were reported by the international media, such as the December 13/2003 Anyuak genocide and the 1984/5 mass killings. The Suri people have also undergone such massacres in the past, the latest being in May – June/2013; Bodi, Mursi and many other indigenous tribes in the Lower Omo Valley of SNNPR have also undergone through such massive killings; likewise the tribes of Beneshangul/Gumuz region, the Gumuz, Berta, Komo and Mao who have also undergone the ordeal of recurring mass killings, tortures, life imprisonments in the prisons where their relatives cannot visit them.
The indigenous populations of Southwestern regions live in terror and death, to no end. One of the Bodi farmers lamented about one such massacre:
The indigenous populations are not impediments to the development as the TPLF government says while promoting investment policies to attract investors. This it is a cover to serve the government intentional killings with the desire to wipe away these people from their lands. Indigenous populations govern by their traditions and cultures– they are welcoming people to any friendly guest, and they would like to share their lands with good neighbors but not murderers and criminals like the TPLF government land grabbers like the Saudi Star and other investors they have invited from India, Malaysia, and elsewhere.
The ongoing killings and massacres against the indigenous populations in the southwestern regions cannot cease unless the international community intervenes to support the vulnerable tribes and ensure that they do not disappear from this world. There is a moral obligation to stop the Ethiopian government from killing them like animals.
Stop land grabbing and the eviction of the indigenous people. To them the theft of their land, their forests, their natural resources and their way of life, is the last nail in their coffin.. The international community needs to intervene to rescue the indigenous populations from the ongoing killings and massacres.
Recommendations
=>ayyaantuu
Honorable Panelists, Distinguish invited guests, Ladies and Gentlemen,
I am honored and privileged to represent the voice of millions of indigenous populations of the Southwestern regions in particular, and many other oppressed groups elsewhere in Ethiopia. My speech echoes a big “No To Ethiopian Apartheid” and presents the anguish and death of the voiceless indigenous populations, languishing in blood, suffering insecurity, torture, and life imprisonment in Ethiopia. It also presents the voice of many refugees in the neighboring countries from Gambella, Lower Omo Valley area, and Beneshangul/Gumuz regions of Ethiopia who are living under difficult conditions facing threats to their lives; insecurity, cross border killings, and deportations from the neighboring countries.
Southwestern Ethiopia is a sanctuary to more than 28 indigenous Nilotic and south Omotic tribes namely Anywaa (Anyuak), Arebore, Berta, Bodi, Bena, Bale, Brile, Bacha, Dasenach, Gumuz, Hamer, Kwegu, Kara, Komo, Majenger, Mursi, Minit, Murle, Male, Mao, Nuer, Nyangatom, Opo, Suri, Sheko-Majenger, Tsmayeko, Tirma, and Zelimama. Their population is estimated to be between 4-5 million people who live in geographical location that stretches out from Lake Turkana via Gambella to Beneshangul/Gumuz regions, at the border with Kenya, South Sudan, and Sudan.
Southwestern Ethiopia abounds with the most fertile land and many other natural resources. Ironically, the Ethiopian government has failed to recognize its people as full citizens. It engages itself in ethnic cleansing and policies aimed at getting rid of the indigenous populations from their lands in order to utilize the resources in their absence. The government is keener on the resources than the peoples of the land. This development strategy adopted by the Ethiopian government has finger prints of the World Bank and moves forward with its blessings.
In a recent press release on Oct. 3, the Ethiopian Ministry of Agriculture claimed that over 30 million people have benefited from the Sustainable Land Management Program, operating with the support of the World Bank. The Bank and other donors have been active supporters of the current policies of the Ethiopian government through this and several other programs, ignoring the reports of human rights abuses and forced displacement coming in from organizations like the Oakland Institute, Human Rights Watch and the others.
As the Bank officials come together for the annual meetings in Washington DC, at least 3-5 of the indigenous peoples die every day on account of land grab, hatred and discrimination against their color, race, culture, and religion. As we meet here, the Majenger tribe in the Godere district of the Gambella region is being massacred by the illegal settlers from the Northern regions, the government soldiers disguised as civilians, and many others sponsored by foreign investors, while the government military forces and police deployed in the area attend the killings and the eviction of the tribe.
These killings are reminiscent of the Anyuaks’ massacres, many of which were reported by the international media, such as the December 13/2003 Anyuak genocide and the 1984/5 mass killings. The Suri people have also undergone such massacres in the past, the latest being in May – June/2013; Bodi, Mursi and many other indigenous tribes in the Lower Omo Valley of SNNPR have also undergone through such massive killings; likewise the tribes of Beneshangul/Gumuz region, the Gumuz, Berta, Komo and Mao who have also undergone the ordeal of recurring mass killings, tortures, life imprisonments in the prisons where their relatives cannot visit them.
The indigenous populations of Southwestern regions live in terror and death, to no end. One of the Bodi farmers lamented about one such massacre:
The settlement of highlanders and Konso people in our land in 2002 who were lighter in skin than us, was a government plan to claim our land and to get rid of us. In the incident of 2005 we were killed like dogs in the markets, not leaving even the pregnant women, whom their stomachs were opened with knives, and left their babies on top of their dead mothers crying for help until they died slowly of hunger. In particular cases some women, sticks were pushed into their stomachs. In relating this story he shed tears in the meeting, recalling the human tragedy they had gone through and he took deep breath and said “I don’t know where I can get someone who can show me the road leading to God; whatever it may cost of my life I would go to face God with reality why He created us and handed us to this painful life under the Ethiopian regimes and Ethiopian highlanders, and we are dying without future. Ethiopian highlanders treat us like dogs and even dogs are better treated than us.” .
An Anti–Ethiopian Apartheid Movement to bring credible freedom, democracy, justice, and prosperity to all different nations in Ethiopia is urgently needed.The indigenous populations are not impediments to the development as the TPLF government says while promoting investment policies to attract investors. This it is a cover to serve the government intentional killings with the desire to wipe away these people from their lands. Indigenous populations govern by their traditions and cultures– they are welcoming people to any friendly guest, and they would like to share their lands with good neighbors but not murderers and criminals like the TPLF government land grabbers like the Saudi Star and other investors they have invited from India, Malaysia, and elsewhere.
The ongoing killings and massacres against the indigenous populations in the southwestern regions cannot cease unless the international community intervenes to support the vulnerable tribes and ensure that they do not disappear from this world. There is a moral obligation to stop the Ethiopian government from killing them like animals.
Stop land grabbing and the eviction of the indigenous people. To them the theft of their land, their forests, their natural resources and their way of life, is the last nail in their coffin.. The international community needs to intervene to rescue the indigenous populations from the ongoing killings and massacres.
Recommendations
- International community intervention to stop the ongoing killings of the indigenous peoples from their land and consider their self determination of Southwestern regions.
- Campaign that the indigenous people are not an impediment to the development of Ethiopia but they are welcoming people, seeking good neighbors not murderers.
- Support or join Anti-Ethiopian Apartheid Movement to eliminate racial discrimination in Ethiopia.
- The World Bank, which gets a large part of its funding from the United States, must adhere to the 2014 US Appropriations bill that contains provisions to ensure that US development funds are not used to support forced evictions in Ethiopia.
=>ayyaantuu
Ye Jemila Inat and other tales by Tesfaye Gebreab
Review by Tigist Geme
*The writer, Tigist Geme, is a citizen journalist and activist based in Washington, D.C.
=>opride
(OPride) — There are few writers more controversial than Tesfaye Gebreab among contemporary Amharic writers. He has authored nine books, including two in which he’s contributed chapters. His work on Oromo people, Ethiopia’s largest ethnic group, has been met with equal part praise and condemnation.
Tesfaye, who is touring the United States, is back with a new book: Ye Jemila Inat. It is already available online via MeshCart and will be officially released this week. Book signing events are scheduled in Washington D.C. and Minnesota.
The book has been widely promoted on social media. His fans and detractors are waiting to see what Tesfaye has written about this time. Among the Oromo he's hailed as a hero. His decision last month to become Oromo and change his name as per Mogaassa custom has endeared him even more to his many Oromo fans.
Tesfaye's detractors, particularly ethnic Amharas, have accused him of sowing discord among, otherwise united, Ethiopian people. Tesfaye is keenly aware of this charge. "If Ethiopia's unity can be shaken by one ordinary writer's work, it's fair to conclude that there was never a unity in the first place," writes Tesfaye in the preface of the new book.
Tesfaye has found a niche, focusing on untold stories and uncovering hitherto falsified historical accounts. In this regard, Ye Jemila Inat, delves deep into the archives of imperial palace. Tesfaye's previous work as a journalist for a state-run magazine, before his eventual fallout with the ruling party, gave him a unique access to historical records dating as far back as Menelik's era. These documents include marriage licenses; court cases; appeals; decisions by emperors Menelik and Haile Selassie; reports by Fitawrari Wolde Giorgis; news clippings about Ethiopia from abroad, etc.
From its title, Ye Jemila Inat gives the impression that it is about Muslim socio-political problems in Ethiopia. When Tesfayehanded me an advance copy of the book last week, I was curious to know who Jamila's mother is. "Are you out to make Muslims and Christians fight, as you have done with Oromo and Amhara," I jokingly inquired. Tesfaye laughed and replied, "You will have to read and be surprised."
The new work is a collection of 35 short stories: works of fiction based on true stories, articles and anecdotal diaries. Most of the stories in the 220-page book that Tesfaye calls "Ye Isat Dar Wegoch," roughly translated as fireside chats, are not necessarily new. But it's some of the minute details that I found most surprising. For example, the chapter about Jamila's mother is a tale about Haileselassie's family root. It's a common knowledge that Haileselassie had an Oromo ancestry. But few details are known about his mother's family tree. Tesfaye notes, the late king mentions his mother's name only twice in his book, My life and Ethiopia's Progress. "He mentioned his mother's name (without mentioning her father's name) only to say she had me and she passed away," Tesfaye wrote.
In the book Tesfaye recounts her Muslim background and also tells us her given name was Jemila. He details how the name was changed to Yeshimebet and efforts by Ethiopianist writers who've repeatedly tried to conceal this fact by adding her a different last name and identity. Tesfaye notes that Haileselassie, who had Oromo, Muslim and Gurage background, hid or disowned his family roots to protect his throne and be accepted into the Orthodox Amhara-dominated system. He ends the chapter about Jamila's mother with a poignant observation: Ethiopia's racist feudal system had the ability to frighten its leaders as with the ordinary folk.
Tesfaye is a political writer and keen observer of Oromo-Ethiopian politics. Using the official archival accounts, he takes bold positions, including in one chapter where he proposes a Horn of Africa union (similar to Lencho Lata's proposal for forging Horn of Africa as a common homeland for various ethno-national groups in the subregion).
The book also spills the dirty secrets of other past Ethiopian leaders: from relationship to awful deeds they committed against the masses to stay on power. For example, who knew one of Menelik's daughter was orphaned at 8 years old when her mother died?How about an attempt by Sertse Dingil's wife to make an unborn child blind to prevent him from taking the throne based on a prevailing prophecy, which as Tesfaye notes has greatly contributed to making Ethiopian history a contested, singular narrative.
There are also a few chapters dealing with the issue of church and the state. In one instance, he writes about how the official state religion, the Orthodox Church passed a decree urging people to fast Wednesdays and Fridays and how that was later changed to Saturdays by another decree from the Catholic Church. It underscores the trials and psychological trauma the people of Ethiopia endured in the name of religion. And the violent history of forced conversion and expansion of religion, both Islam and Christianity, to Ethiopia. It made me question not only the faith of those leaders but also why God allowed them to do those things.
It is these kinds of perennial questions and the war between the two churches that forced Abba Zerayakob took refuge in the forest, according to Tesfaye. While there, he prayed and questioned God searching for answers. He wanted to understand which God is the real God, who he was praying to, who gave him wisdom, why he was there, etc.
Zerayakob hated humans because of their inability to question. He was angry about the fact that people believed they knew a lot and did not want to explore more. After years of contemplation, Zerayakob came to a conclusion that others believed their religion was the right one, much the same way he thought about his own. He believed in God's existence and the fact that he created the universe but eventually concluded it's not possible to give this God a name. He gave up christianity and religious life.
Overall, Tesfaye has ably and artistically weaved so many historical events into such a short book. Ye Jamila Inat is a snapshot of historical accounts, culture and indigenous knowledge, life in exile, ethnic tension and politics in Ethiopia. Those who read and liked his previous works would greatly enjoy reading this book. As Tesfaye notes in the preface, Ye Jemila Inat will be yet another disappointment for his detractors and those who insist on maintaining a falsified and distorted account of Ethiopia's past.
It goes without saying that there's always more than one perspective to every story. Tesfaye is one among those who are curious about the other side of the Ethiopian history. It is also clear that history books are open ended and inconclusive even in countries that have developed a culture of documenting and writing well ahead of Ethiopia. In this respect, Ye Jamila Inat will be a great addition to many contemporary works about Ethiopia by historians, writers, film producers, artists and so on. To be sure, Tesfaye is not a historian and doesn't claim to be one but most of his books are based on a true story.
As such, instead of trying to suppress a voice different from that which we have been led to believe, it will be better to interrogate both sides of the Ethiopian story so as to use it to understand the past. That is the only way we can shape our future and not repeat the ugly mistakes of yesteryears.
--*The writer, Tigist Geme, is a citizen journalist and activist based in Washington, D.C.
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