Friday, March 7, 2014

An Open Letter to Obbo Leenco Lata

By Malkaa Guutuu* | March 2014
My mother, who doesn’t have any formal education beyond grade six and happens to be of your generation, recently solicited my opinion regarding your imminent move to Finfinnee, perhaps thinking that I might be privy to some pertinent information. She sounded both perplexed and intrigued by the maneuver. Startled by the topic and overall insightfulness of our talk (because I didn’t think that my mother would be interested in this particular discussion given her general comportment), I asked her what motivated the unusual question and interest. It turns out that your upcoming relocation to the more tropical Shaggar has been a hot topic of discussion among her peers, some of whom happen to be non-Oromo.
There is no doubt that you are still capable of generating a significant buzz in the Ethiopian political arena. Although you remain a controversial figure among the Oromo (I will come back to this shortly), you have engendered what can only be described as mass hysteria in the Amhara camp, with some portraying you as the chief menace to their continuing, if diminishing, stranglehold on what is left of their fading empire, despite your Front’s unambiguously stated wishes to contribute to the building of a new country in which all the constituent parts have equitable stakes (a tall task). They dread your return to Ethiopia, perceiving it as part-II of your “evil scheme” to dismantle the country, with part-I being the role you are widely believed to have played in its re-organization in the present form in the early 1990′s.  The most recent interview the sitting Ethiopian Prime Minister gave to local journalists, in which he reiterated some inane talking points and sounded defensive, while discussing your Front’s potential entry into the Ethiopian political market, may also be cited as another evidence of your heft as a political figure.
On the other hand, your reputation among the vocal segment of the Oromo political class can only be described as incongruous at best: Your detractors hold you responsible for everything that has gone wrong with the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF), while your passionate admirers ascribe to you almost mythical qualities as a leader. For an objective observer who has followed the course of your political career, however, both characterizations are naive and miss the subtlety of Leenco the person.
From my vantage point, you are neither a modern-day Goobanaa some have portrayed you to be, nor a messiah of the Oromo people. You deserve our unreserved gratitude and admiration for dedicating your entire adult life to dismantling Abyssinian tyranny and promoting the Oromo cause, sacrificing so much and shouldering a burden that only a few can. There is no doubt in my mind that your contribution to our people’s legitimate cause will be deemed essential, when this chapter of Oromo history is written. Although I don’t necessarily subscribe to some of your political views, I have always appreciated your knack for synthesizing important political events and trajectories, particularly as they pertain to the Horn of Africa. However, I am as clear-eyed about your frailties (all-too-human), as well as your part in what we now know to be the most ruinous decision taken by the OLF leadership collectively in the early 1990′s – the encamping of our battle-tested fighters that you and a few others had painstakingly built up over the years, exposing them to the brutal enemy. Overall, however, you have been a credit to your people, and no ill-informed and boorish slanderer can change that.
The rendering of simplistic judgments on your very meaningful and complex political career is par-for-the-course for individuals who have consistently advocated, mostly from a safe distance, an either/or solution to the Oromo question, clearly misdiagnosing the Oromo problem, while the issues we are confronting as a nation demand nuanced and practical solutions that are both/and. The same characters who have largely been talking past each other about what is best for the Oromo (complete independence vs. a union of independent nations in Ethiopia), without thinking rigorously about how one gets at their preferred solutions, have been either defending you uncritically, or defaming you rather inexcusably.
I can’t say that I am as intrigued as my mother seems to be about your more recent political incarnation. If I sound a bit cynical, I have the political history of the Ethiopian empire to blame – history in which the Oromo people have made numerous genuine gestures to co-exist peacefully with the Abyssinians, but somehow found themselves on the losing end of the bargain time and again. I realize that you are much more familiar with the Abyssinian double-crossing than most people, not least because you were a party to the political deal that had brought the TPLF to power.
Therefore, I do not believe that the strategic route, which the Oromo Democratic Front/ODF (your brainchild, it appears) is taking, will, by itself, resolve the fundamental contradictions of the Ethiopian state, mainly because of the inherent incompatibility of the highly-autocratic and Machiavellian Abyssinian political culture (where the winner takes all), with the famously democratic Oromo political tradition, which emphasizes consensus building, give-and-take, and transparency. It would simply be naive to expect that a political dialogue with the Abyssinians as the primary political strategy will yield the necessary and fundamental change our people have been fighting for and deserve.  My strongly held view is that only a disciplined and well-coordinated armed-struggle will *guarantee* the freedom of our people from the ongoing Abyssinian tyranny.
Nevertheless, it would be unreasonable to discount any effort with a potential to empower the Oromo, even if marginally. I think the Oromo Democratic Front (ODF) can make a worthy contribution to our cause,conditional on its vision being widely understood by the folks back home as one necessary piece of the puzzle, which requires all-hands-on-deck and thinking-outside-the-box, to resolve. The trick is to clearly communicate to the main stakeholders – the Oromo people – that ODF’s political program is just one of the existing, perhaps competing, visions for the Oromo by the Oromo, emphasizing that your goal is to empower the people, not to supplant other efforts exerted to cut the Gordian-Knot, which is the Ethiopian empire. If the focus is the former – and there are plenty of things your organization could potentially do to empower the Oromo  – your imminent entry into the TPLF-dominated Ethiopian political landscape might prove to be a wise undertaking after all.
What Can the ODF potentially do to Empower the Oromo?
The Amhara elites, who have been pushed out of almost all the key institutions in Finfinnee (the political capital where all the important decisions affecting the country are made) by the new czars from the de facto Tigray republic, appear to have understood very well the significance of staying in close proximity to Menelik’s palace – the single most important institution in the city (hence the country).  Using whatever little political leverage they could muster, they have been making the most noise in the capital, even coming close to pausing a real threat to the ruling party in the 2005 national elections. They are currently organized primarily under two political groups (ANDINET and BLUE), which have been successful in organizing demonstrations in the capital and beyond, opposing various government policy decisions affecting their kin, bringing sufficient light to the issues they care most about – in some cases forcing the current office holders to reverse their decisions. These seemingly minor achievements have had  the effect of putting the current regime on the defensive, while further emboldening the people they represent, creating a momentum of sort in their pursuit of their political goals.
With all due respect to Obbo Bulchaa Dammaqsaa and Professor Mararaa Guddinaa, and despite certain valiant efforts by Oromo university students in the past (e.g. demonstrations against the relocation of the capital of the Oromia State to Adaamaa), the Oromo have virtually no representation in their own political capital. The ruling party has taken numerous decisions with considerable adverse impacts on the Oromo; regrettably however, apart from the sporadic press releases and demonstrations by the Diaspora based Oromo organizations and communities, these decisions have virtually gone unopposed by the Oromo back home, making it easier for the ruling class to manipulate, abuse and exploit Oromo resources with an attitude of impunity. With an independent Oromo voice of your stature, political maturity and likely connections, we may have a shot at channeling some of our grave concerns in a systematic and organized fashion. We can’t afford to simply wait for a few brave men and women to march into Finfinnee to liberate us, while we are losing ground on so many fronts. I will just cite two broad areas that ought to concern every Oromo with an ounce of dignity and some idea of self-preservation.
We are losing ground, because there is a widespread and well-crafted ethnocide taking place around Finfinnee. Oromo farmers are systematically being evicted from their ancestral land at a frightening speed, with no legal recourse to boot. It took about a century for the Amhara elites to make the Oromo of Gullallee, Araadaa, Boolee, Kolfee, Yakka, etc. strangers in their own land. Nowadays, Abyssinians are openly bragging (in the name of development, of course) about the record speed at which the Oromo towns and villages of Sulultaa, Sabbataa, Sandaafaa, Labuu, are being cleansed of their Oromo identity and culture. The powers that be are even projecting – via carefully planted Trial Balloons – their ambition to annex more substantial Oromo land for their exurban project of the imperial city of Addis Ababa, which, if it were to come to pass, would no doubt effectively kill the idea of a contiguous and a unified Oromia, as it were. Putting aside their ambition, the damage that has already been inflicted in and around Finfinnee is too deep and will require a concerted effort to reverse. In my opinion, this is one area where ODF’s potential entry into the Ethiopian political market might make an immediate and lasting affirmative difference.
We are also losing ground, because Janjaweed like groups, armed and supported by the Ethiopian government (hence, the most powerful nations by extension), have been unleashed on our defenseless people at different times:  in Western Oromia by the Gumuz militia; in Eastern Oromia by the Ogadeni militia; in Southern Oromia by the Garri, Gabra & Burjii militias, with nary a consistent and unified opposition on our part. Going forward, I hope the newly-established independent Oromo voices – Oromia Media Network and Madda Walaabuu Media Foundation – will zero in on these and other blatant human rights violations perpetrated against our people; however, this might also be another issue your presence on the ground in Finfinnee might deal with for the benefit of our people.
I could go on and cite several other areas where the Oromo nation could use all the seasoned help it can get. Our ideologues are welcome to continue to engage in all sorts of rhetorical and puritanical debates till kingdom come regarding what is best for the Oromo, but we can ill-afford to stand idly-by and wait for a satisfactory resolution of their flowery arguments. We are faced with a determined and cunning regime that is pulling-all-the-stops in order to exploit Oromo human and natural resources, thereby endangering our continuing existence as a nation. With the potential presence in Finfinnee of the ODF – adequately staffed to engage in retail politics – there is a decent chance that some of the critical issues the Oromo people care about will come to the fore, ultimately benefitting the nation you have dearly loved and served, albeit with a record that includes some blemishes.
Your much talked about political maneuver thus comes with certain potential benefits for our people, but it is also fraught with pitfalls that demand your Front’s serious attention preemptively. In my next letter, I will attempt to outline what I consider to be the major risks associated with your move.
Thank you for serving our nation!
Sincerely,
Malkaa Guutuu
———————-
Malkaa Guutuu can be reached at malkaa.guutuu@gmail.com.

MARAAMMARTOO SIYAASAA IRRAA OF TIKISAA !!

SEENAA Y.G(2005)      kutaa 3ffaa


Maraammartoon siyaasaa akaakuu heeddu qabaachuu , fakkeenya Biyyoota gara garaa kaasee kutaa 2ffaa keessatti ibseera. Maraammartoon siyaasaa ofii keenyaan of irratti umnuus akka jiru hubachuun dansaadha. Oromoof maal gumaachuu ? jennee akka dhuunfaattu waan tattaaffannu keessatti, hedduu of eeggachuun barbaachisaadha. Kana malees, Ummata keenyaaf sochii taasifnu keessatti, miirri wal dorgommii bu’aa gaarii Ummata ofiif argamsiisuu yoo jiraate illee, inni kaanis akkuma koo kana waan gaarii haa galmeesisuu jedhanii yaada walii laachutti ce’uun, akeeka walii galaaf karaa akka saaqullee qalbifachuun baroodha. ammas kana irratti of eeggachuun barbaachisaadha. sadarkaa dammaqiinsa Ummata keenyaa yennaa ilaallu, qabsoo kanaaf gumaachii taasifamu sadarkaa dhuunfaa irraa eegaluu akka qabu , waan hojjachuu qabnullee gara tumsaatti tarkaanfatu akka qabullee hubannoon jiru dansaadha. Qabsoon bifa kamiinu gaggeessinu , tapha kubbaa miilaa chaampiyoonsi liigii fakkaachu yk dorgommii kuffisanii dabruu keessaa baasuun murteessaa ta’uu, waan hubatamu feesisuudha.
Dhalli Oromoo kamiyyuu waan Ummata isaaf hojjatu tokko irratti, obboleessa isaa gama biraan socha’aa jiru irratti qabxii lakkosifatu tokkollee akka hin jirre beekuun dansaadha. Kana irra ce’ame bakki itti tarkaanfatu qabu, sochiin jiru akka wal hin gufachiisneef , yaada qaban walitti fidanii mri’achuudha. Yoo ta’uu baate garuu, warri Maraammartoo siyaasaa nu qopheessan qaawwaa argatanii nu seenanii , adeemsa isaanitti nu makachuu danda’u. sochii akkasiin qabsoon Oromoo hedduu miidhameera. Namoonnis gawwafamaniiru. Badii akkasitti akka seenaniif gargaarsi gama hundaa godhameeraaf. Kufaatii keessaa akka hin baaneef garuu gargaarsa dhorkamaniiru. Maaliif jennaan maraammartoo siyaasaan akka kufanii hafaniif irratti hojjatamaa waan tureef.
Sochiin qabsoo Ummata tokko keessatti bifa kamiinu gaggeeffamu, takkaa ho’ee , takkaa kan qabanaa’uu yoo ta’e, bu’aan keenya kan yeroo gabaabaa taatee, bu’aan diinaa kan yeroo dheeraa ta’uu danda’a. inumaa kun diinaaf hamilee kenna. Gara jabinni isaa jabaachaa deema. Shirri isaas akkasuma. Maaliif jennaan, waan isa sodaachiisu hin jiru. yeroo gabaabduuf dheekkamanii dhiisuu nuun jedhan. Kun ammo miidhaa qaba. miidhaa gama lamaa. Tokko waan diinni nu irraan ga’u babal’acha adeema. Inni xiqqoollee tattaafatu hamilee caba. Kanaaf waan hojjannu hundumaaf , muuxannoo addunyaa fudhachuun barbaachisaadha. dheekkamsaa fi diddaan keenya aarii jiru fi jireenyaa keessatti nu mudatu irraa adda ta’uu qaba. sadrkaa kana keessaa ba’ee kan bu’aa buqqaasaa fidutti ceesisuutu nu irraa eegama.
Sochiin akkasii amma qindaa’utti ammoo, harka marannee haa teenyu miti. Waan amma Addunyaa irratti mirga keenyaaf qabsaa’aa jirru irraa achi butuu qabna. Waan diina duraas ta’ee ammaa irratti gaggeessinu, qalbii addunyaa kan harkisutti ceesisuu qabna. Addunyaa irraa Ummati mirga isaa gaafatu al takkaatti hanga nama kumaatti ga’uutu wareegamaa jira. Wareegama kanaan ammoo, diina isaanii kumoota 10n galaafataa jiran. Walii gala addunyaa irratti, oduun jiru kana fakkaata. Mee addunyaa sochii kanaaf gurra hin laanne keenyaaf ni laatti jennee yaannaa ? kan isaanii hin bilchaanne jedhanii irra taran. Kanaafan minilikiniis ta’u isa kaan irratti wanni gaggeessinu waan hundeetii buqqisu ykn dafee hin dhaabbannee ta’uu qabaa jedhuf. Bilisummaa fi walbummaa galii keenya ta’e addunyaan akka nu dhaggeeffattu yaannaan, sochiitti jiraachuu keenyaaf illee waan addunyaan gurra itti laattu hojjachuun murteessaadha. Kun haaluma addunyaatu nu dirqisisee itti nu seensisa. Addunyaa dhiisaatii diina keenya rifaasisuuf kan raawwachuu qabnu kanadha.
Kana hundaa raawwachuuf , waan akka tasaa nu mudatee mormiif nu kaasisu jiraatullee , waan keessa dabrre keessaa wanni barannu garuu, diinni keenya akkaataa deemsa keenyaan kan nu irraa dhaabbatu miti. Kana jechuun kiyya sochiileen Biyya keessaa Ummata Oromoon gaggeeffamu gatii hin qabu jechuu kiyyaa miti. Sochiin keenya ykn mormiin keenya sagantaa fi qophii keenyaan kan gaggeeffamu malee, MARAAMMARTOO SIYAASAA irratti yoo nu jalaa maxxane, hegaree keenyaaf akka hin tollee hubachiisuufi.
Miniiliik dhabameera. Miniiliik qaamaan hin jiru. miniiliik ekaraan isaa akka hin faarfatamne barbaanna taanaan, nu mitii, warri miniilikiin faarfatan iyyuu miniilikiin waan isaan yaadachiisu of keessaa fi dachee keenya keessaa dhabamsiisuun murteessaa ta’a. Dhalli Oromoo ol aantummaa qooqa isaaniif mo’ame tokko , miniilikiin balaalefachuun haqummaa qaba jedhee hin fudhu. Maqaa Gizaachoo fi Daanyaachoo miniiliik qooqa keenya balleessuuf nu keessa kaa’ee baadhatee, minilikiin mormuun isaa jabina natti hin fakkaatu.miniiliik qooqa keenya addunyaa kana irraa dhabamsiisuuf tokko jedhee wixinee har’allee hin dhaamne qabsiisee dabru karaa adda addaa babal’isaa, har’a harka yoo facaase, bu’aan inni argatu balaalefachuu irra hin dabru. Oromiyaa keessatti , dhaloota keenya irratti dhiibbaa gochuu fi ol aantummaa qooqa tokko mirkaneessuuf , bifa sirbaan, diraamaan kkf shirri meeqa hojjatamuu ofitti fudhannee nama lubbuun hin jirre abaaruun bu’an isaa karaa kamiin fudhatama qabaata ? akkan gubbaatti jedhe, seexanni kun lubbuun hin jiru. kan inni facaasee deeme garuu nu miidhaa jira. Tokkon tokko , mana keenyaa keessatti adda nu baasaa jira. Maarree kan balleessuu ykn mormuu qabnu isa kanadha. Sochii baddallee itti jiruuf taasifame, osoo Oromiyaa keessatti qooqaa fi aadaa keenya irratti dhiibbaa taasifamu irrattis itti fufee , bu’aa lama galmeesifna turre.
Mormiin kun hundee sheexana kanaa dhabamsiisuu irraa eegaluu qaba. Amaara humnaanu nu bulche dhiisaatii, warri guraagee illee gaaffii akka kaasan taasifamaa hin jiru ? wayyaaneen shira Qooqa Oromoon Barachuu fi hojjachuu dhaabuuf gaggeessitu, karaa saboota biroo akka gaaffitti kaasisuun itti fayyadamuun hin hafu. Miniliikis dura Oromoo Oromoon cabsee ka’ee, warra baalaabbaataa dachee isaa fidee nurra galagalche. Wayyaaneenis kanumatti jirti. Kun hundi dhaabbachuu kan danda’u, sochiin keenya waan keessa deebii hin qabnetti yoo ce’eedha. Humna murataa ijaaranii tarkaafii Gootummaa keenyaa fi obsi keenya dhumachuu kan diinaaf akeekutti ce’uun fardiidha.
Qeerroon Oromoo diina irratti tarkaanfiin fudhataa jiran diina hangam yaaaddeessaa jira ? kana irra yoo jabaanne maal hojjachuu dandeenya ?qaawwaa dhaloota gidduu jiru duuchinee, dhalooti jiru mana barumsaa keessa wayita jiru qofaa odoo hin taanee, hojii irratti wayita bobba’uus gurmuu isaa jabeessee itti fufu akka qabutti irratti hojjannee, Hojjattoonnis , daldalaanis, dhalli Oromoo kana keessatti akka hirmaatutti hojjannee , nu ga’aa jechuu qabna. Shira diinaa kana cicciruu qabna. Siidaa eenyullee haa ta’u , kubbaaniyyaa eenyullee haa ta’u, waan dachee fi Ummata Oromoof hin tolle yoo raawwate, battalumatti dhaabii jechuu barbaachisa.
Akka walii galaatti, sochii keenya humnatti geeddaruu qabna. Keessattu dhalooti har’aa waan itti jiru kana daran jabeessee gurra abbootii irrees ta’ee addunyaa akka harkisu taasisuu qaba. waan eegalle tokko akka hin dhaabbaneef sagantaa sochii wal irraa hin cinnee baafachuu fi qopheeffachuu barbaachisa. Shirri nu irratti hojjatamu lakkoofsa hin qabu. Shira kana dura dhaabbachuuf, yeroo qaban hundatti dhimma ba’anii hojjachuu barbaachisa.warri Biyya alaa keessa jiraatanis carraa argataniin , warra sirnicha waliin jiranis ta’ee , diinoota seenaa waliin dhaabbatee jiru guyyuu itti himu qaban.  Kan dhumaa jiran obbolaa keessanii,, kun deemee deemee dhaloota dhabuuf deemna . jarri beekaas ta’uu odoo hin beeknee garamitti nu oofaa akka jiran hubachiisuu barbaachisa. Kun har’a ta’uu baatu boriif waan nu fayyadu qaba.
Maraammartoo siyaasaa keessaa baanee, gumaa nu irra tuulamee jiru hanqifachutti haa ceenu. Gumaan Yohaannis, Tewudiroos, miniliik, H/Sillaasee, Dargii fi wayyaanee nu irra jira. odoo nuuti gumaa hin baafatiin isaanu wal baafataa jiru. garuu Gumaa  dhalootaaf dabarsinu yk dubbannu hojjachuun murteessaadha. Gumaa miniiliik ba’uuf, siidaa isaa kaasee hanga ilaalcha isaa nu keessa jirutti buqqisuu qabna . kana ammoo sadarkaa dhuunfaa kaafnee irratti hojjachuu dandeenya. Mana keenya keessaa eegallee dirree keenya irra waan ifatti arginu irratti haa dullu. Siiidaan H/Sillaasee, yohaannis, Dargii fi Mallasaa dachee keenya irra tuulamanii jiran. Gochaa fi shirri isaanis akksuma guutee danbali’ee jira. Kanatti duuluutu furmaata maayyii argamsiisa. Bara baraan balaaleffachuu fi aaruu irra waanuma Ummata gammachiisu fi buqqaasaa ta’ee hojjachuu irra boqonnaa namaaf kenna.
Kana irratti wanni qalbifachuu qabnu, wayyaanoonni fi Abbootiin qabeenyaa maqaa investimantiin waan miniiliki nu keessa kaa’ee ture dabalaa jiraachuudha. Qabsoon keenya maqaa umama keenyaa deeffachuu hammata. Har’a garuu , HABASHAA SIMINTOO, HABASHAA KONISTIRAAKISHIN, HABSHAA BAANKI, ABSINIYAA BAANK, kkf jedhanii nu irratti ijaaran boriif wareegama akka nu gaafatu hubadhaa .kana ammumaa qoqqobbii Baddalleen wal fakkaatu fudhachuuf yaaduun misha. dizaayinii manneen jireenyaa, warshaalee, siidaa adda addaa, gamoon adda addaa fi kubbaaniyoonni Oromiyaa keessaa, irra jireessi AKSUMIIN faarfatu. Meeqan keenyatu kana qalbeeffate ?  waan hojjannu irratti bal’inaan itti haa yaannu jedha. Damee isaa ciruun bu’aa yeroo qofaa ta’a. waan itti fufaa jiru kana dhaabuuf, furmaata buqqaasaa ykn waan akkasitti akka hin deebineef, waan isaan dhaabu hojjachuun  murteessaadha. Kana hundaa wayitan kaasu, gama kamiinuu haa ta’uu waan hojjatame hin jiru jechaa hin jiru. amma baayyina keenyaa haa geenyuudha. Yaada kiyya xumureera. Mudanno tokko eereen adda baana.
Dogoggora Nama qomoo keenyaa ala ta’e tokkottan hedduu aaree, akka malee itti aaruu kiyyan ibseef. Kolfa taajjabbii natti kolfee, , keessa isaatti waan nu taajjabe natti dubbate. “Isin aarii beektuyi ? Aariin keessan isa akkamiitii? dhuguma ni aartuu ? ani waan aartan natti hin fakkaatu . KAN AARE FAKKAATTU MALEE , keessa keessanii ni aartuu ? dachee qabbanaa keessatti umamtanii aariin, akkamiin miira keessan xuxuqa ? aaruu fi qabbanaa’uun keessan tokkuma. Namni aarii isa dhugaa aare, waggaa amma kana obsaa ? nuuti dachee gogaa keessatti guddannee, dafnee aarii isa dhugaa aarra. Aariin kun ammo tarkaanfii humna qabutti nu ceesise. Obsa kan jedhamu dhabnee turre. Bilisummaa booda obsa haaraa horanne. Kanaaf kan aaree gubatee argeen, sittin aare jettaa ? aarii keetiin fuulli kee gubateeraa ? dhukkubsatteettaa ? Odoo dhukkuffatee akkas sitti tolaa ? asi jirtaa ? Gabrummaan nama quqquuqa malee namatti hin tolu. Odoo aarii isa dhugaa aartee, Ummati miliyoona sadii , miiliyoona 35 gabroomsutti gubattee dhumatta.kanaaf aarii isa dhugaa baradhu , Bilisummaa dhabuuketti odoo hin kolfiin ooltee bultee beekataa ? anoo yeroo hundaa gammaduma keessanin argee , har’a maqaa aarii eessaa fidde ?? kkkkk“” naa jedhe. Namni kun, Oromiyaa keessatti dhalatee guddachuu isaa irraa, miidhaa nu irra ga’u isa dhukkubsa. Dhuguma , gaafa waan jedhe kana dubbatu fuulli isaa hundi hidda dhiigaa qofaa ta’ee ture. qaamni isaas akka dhidhiita’uu tokko ta’e ture. kan koo har’allee akkas ta’eeraa jarana.?
GALATOOMAA , HORAA BULAA !!!!!!!!!!!!!!
Kutoota dabran:


Egypt seeks Saudi help on Ethiopia water dispute


The Blue Nile flows into Ethiopia's Great Renaissance Dam in Guba Woreda in Ehthiopia, June 28, 2013. (photo by REUTERS/Tiksa Negeri)

AUTHOR                             TRANSLATOR(S)Kamal Fayad                       Ayah Aman


CAIRO — Egypt is considering preparing a formal request for Gulf mediation under the leadership of Saudi Arabia, in order to back Cairo’s stance vis-à-vis the ongoing conflict with Ethiopia about the Renaissance Dam. The mediation request comes as part of a basket of escalatory measures adopted by Egypt in January, following the breakdown oftechnical negotiations among the Egyptian, Sudanese and Ethiopian water resources ministers.

Speaking to Al-Monitor, an Egyptian government official said, “A detailed report is currently being prepared to examine and explain Egyptian concerns relating to the building of the dam, in the absence of a clear agreement with Ethiopia about it. The final draft of the report, which explains the concerns over the repercussions the construction of the dam will have on Egypt and Sudan, will be sent to the International Panel of Experts.”
The official, who has close ties to Egyptian decision-making circles, added, “Egypt will ask Ethiopia, through the mediation, to sign a binding agreement with Egypt stating the dam’s operational specifications, its stored water capacity, and the amount of water that will be regularly released in a manner that does not negatively affect Egypt’s share of that water.”
This convergence of views between Egypt and the Gulf countries — except for Qatar — began after the ouster of President Mohammed Morsi by the army on July 3, 2013. While the Gulf leaders expressed their satisfaction toward the change in the political scene of Egypt after the fall of the Brotherhood, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emiratesrushed to offer financial aid packages to the Egyptian government, amounting to $10.7 billion in the span of only six months.
“Resorting to Gulf mediation will help Egypt gain more time. As Ethiopia is rushing to build the dam, we are running out of time and are unable to re-launch negotiations, which puts us in a critical situation,” the official added.
According to the same official, “Egypt is preparing this dossier after receiving verbal assurances from Saudi and Emirati officials that they would back Egypt in all issues affecting its national security. This problem has been discussed in the many meetings that took place between Egyptian and Gulf officials since last June 30.”
“The Gulf mediation is a good and useful step, but it is conditional on the acceptance of both countries,” Mahmoud Abu Zeid, the head of the Arab Water Council, told Al-Monitor.
Abu Zeid said the potency of such mediation efforts lies in the fact that Saudi Arabia, the UAE and Kuwait have strong economic ties with and large investments in the Ethiopian market.
The head of the Arab Water Council, whose membership includes Saudi officials, added that it was possible for the council to play an important role in helping alleviate the ongoing tensions between Egypt and Ethiopia. But the Egyptian government has yet to ask it to intervene, and Egypt’s concern with the water issue still requires direct guidance from the president, as well as an intensification of efforts to solve the crisis, Abu Zeid said.
Saudi Arabia contributes to economic development projects in Ethiopia through investments made by Saudi businessmen in infrastructure projects. In addition, it offers Addis Ababa further support through the Kuwaiti Development Fund, OPEC and the Arab Bank for Economic Development in Africa, with the Ethiopian parliament endorsing projects financed by Saudi Arabia in energy and agriculture. Furthermore, the kingdom plays host to thousands of Ethiopian workers who are employed in a variety of jobs, particularly as domestic labor, despite that this issue was the cause of tensions after Saudi Arabia expelled a large number of illegal workers.
In January 2011, the Director of the Ethiopian Investment Authority, Abi Walad Meskel, estimated Saudi investments to be close to $3 billion dollars, making Saudi Arabia the largest investor in Ethiopia, followed by India, China and Turkey.
Al-Monitor spoke with an Egyptian diplomat assigned to the Ethiopian relations dossier. “Any change in the amount or terms of monies given to the Addis Ababa government will greatly contribute in compelling Ethiopia into reassessing its stance towards Egypt, as well as committing to a serious and constructive dialogue in order to resolve the continuing crisis that exists between the two countries concerning the Renaissance Dam,” he said.
The diplomatic source, who requested anonymity, asserted, “Arab financial pressure was the best of options in the escalatory scenario currently adopted by Egypt, following strong indications that the Egyptian Minister of Water Resources’ visit to Italy would be successful, and the uncertain prospects vis-à-vis resorting to the international community, now that Egypt has a new government in place.”
African affairs specialist at the Al-Ahram Center for Political Studies, Hani Raslan, cautioned, in an interview with Al-Monitor, about “the current state of affairs, which was no longer confined to mere tensions and constituted a direct and imminent threat to Egypt, as a result of it being deprived of its water rights. Ethiopia refuses to recognize previous international norms and conventions, as well as Egypt’s historical right, and considers the waters of the Nile to be its property.” Raslan further warned against any attempts to impose a fait accompli and move toward adopting a policy where water would be sold after the building of dams.
Raslan opined that Saudi mediation did not stop at direct negotiations with Addis Ababa, but also entailed putting pressure through other diplomatic channels that exist between Saudi Arabia and the United States.
He also asserted, “The success of Saudi intervention would primarily be to the benefit of Egypt, in accordance with the political pledges and interests that Saudi Arabia has undertaken vis-à-vis Egypt lately.”
The Arab world suffers from an inability to secure daily water needs, with a November 2013 UN report estimating that Arab countries needed to allocate at least $200 billion for water resource management during the next 10 years, just to address this crisis. The report also warned about the nonexistence of comprehensive international agreements governing transboundary waters, despite that one-third of the surface water upon which the Arab world relies originating outside its borders, with the same applying to ground water in the Arabian Peninsula.
News reports have pointed toward a shift in the food security policies of Gulf countries from Africa to Europe and America. Gulf countries are re-evaluating their projects aimed at securing their food security through some African nations, such as Ethiopia, following increased animosity toward Gulf investors among locals and the spread of public reservations about Arab investments on their lands. This is a result of the massive investments that Gulf countries made to purchase tens of thousands of hectares of cheap farmland in African countries, which they used to satisfy nearly 90% of their food needs.
The Renaissance Dam crisis continues to dominate the rhetoric of Egyptian officials, as the Ethiopian side asserts its intention to proceed with the project. Despite Cairo’s efforts, there’s no clear indications that their efforts thus far have made any inroads.


=>al-monitor


ከፍል 3 — የጌታቸው ሃይሌና የነፍጠኞች ርዝራዥ ጩሃት፣ አምስት ሽህ ዓመት የሚያስኬደው የኃጥሃታቸው ገደል መግቢያቸው ጊዜ ስለ ተቃረባባቸው ነው። (8ኛው ሽህ)

ከቃሉ ኩሳ
Gadaa.com
Gadaa.com
Gadaa.com
Gadaa.com
Gadaa.com

Oromo women protest male violence under banner of goddess Atete

By VELEDA
March 7, 2014 (Source Memory) — I found this article while searching for information about the Oromo goddess Atete on a scholarly database. Here the southern Ethiopian goddess hardly appears in her own right, most of the Oromo having (incompletely) converted to Islam or Christianity. Yet she has survived in women’s domain, especially in a ceremonial period around birth, known as Qanafa, which remains sacrosanct. The women fiercely defend this time sacred to Atete and, although they are abused at other times, militantly confront men who commit abuse during the Qanafa seclusion. Much of the information available about Atete revolves around these ritualized female protests rather than the actual rites of the goddess.
Jeylan W. Hussein. “A Cultural Representation of Women in the Oromo Society.” African Study Monographs 25 (3), October 2004, pp 103-147 Online:
Oromo scholar Jeylan Hussein outlines the decline in women’s status in recent history, losses that have accelerated since conversions to Christianity (pushed by the dominant Amhara group) and Islam (embraced by many as a means of resisting these traditional enemies of the Oromo). He cites testimony of elders and historical records that indicate that women’s status was better in earlier times and that gender inequality hardened in the colonial era. [108-9]
It’s not that the old laws weren’t patriarchal. Oromo society was already patrilineal, with a harsh sexual double standard that stigmatized females and practiced boy-preference. Men who could afford it married several women, and senior wives ranked far above additional wives and concubines. Hussein analyzes numerous proverbs, showing how they describe women as inferior beings, as weak, fickle, irrational. They overwhelmingly depict women as men’s chattel. Several proverbs advocate beating wives, and compare them to donkeys and horses who could be tamed and beaten at will. As Hussein summarizes, Oromo sayings prescribe male mastery and female subordination. [121-28]
Men “actively excluded” women from the Gada generational system. However, when men held their assemblies, women used their work songs to make their position known with “pointed commentary… or a direct criticism of some unjust or unwise decision the men are contemplating.” [Legesse, 1973: 20-21, in Hussein,109]
Oral tradition also says that Oromo women received certain regalia and powers from the Gada system. An official called the Abba Gada brought to his wife two insignia of female honor and authority, a sinqe (ritual stick) and a qanafa (sacred piece of wood). She used the sinqe in anointments and other important ceremonies. The qanafa was to be tied around her forehead while giving birth, and for several months afterward. This wearing of the qanafa represented the high dignity of mothers, and served as the focal point of female protest and resistence.
Among the Shoa Oromo, most people are nominally Orthodox Christians, but the old religion is still in the mix: “One example of this is the periodic observance of muuda (anointment) by both men and women, and Atete (female divinity) by women.” [105] In Oromo religion, Hussein contrasts “the patriarchal view of Waaq, and the matriarchal view of women’s divinities such as Atete and Marame.” [110] Women’s Atete rituals belong to a cultural belief that women are intermediaries between the spiritual and physical, and “that Waaq listens to women’s desire and instantly responds to it.” [111]
Hussein disputes early British accounts of Atete as a fertility goddess with annual ceremonies. He says that there is no fixed date for her festival: “Whenever natural disasters fall, women gather and perform the ritual.” So when crops failed, the rains stopped, epidemics spread, or in times of war, it was the women who prayed to relieve the hardships. The men formally asked them to “gather around a sacred Qiltu (sycamore tree), distinguished ford or high ground, or any renowned ujubaa (tree shrine). The women gathered and prayed to revert the affliction.” [111]
Hussein offers one example of “rainmaking Atete hymns of the Arsi Oromo women” intended to win favor from Waaq. Once again, Atete is not named, only “the Lord,” indicating that revisions have erased the goddess from “Atete hymns.” Tradition held that after women’s prayer, Waaq “would immediately provide the community members with a much rain as they wanted.” He notes this as a female “leadership role” that also “indicates the subtle interconnection betweenayyaan (spirituality), uumaa (nature) and saffuu (ethical and moral code). [111-112]
Women use the Atete ceremony, among other things, for rituals of conception. An Arsi couple would ask the saddeetoo senior mothers sodality to set up an Atete ritual for them. The village women would gather and celebrate a sing with call and response prayers.  Among the Borana, a childless woman would come  to a mother of dabballe (young men of rank) for blessing. Her forehead and belly were rubbed with butter and libations of milk and honey wine poured. [112; 137, note 11]
By all accounts, however, Oromo women have lost ground. The most traditional groups retained a base for female solidarity that reached across divisions of kin and marriage ties. The Arsi Oromo called this female organization saddeetoo or saddeettan hanfalaa. This group of married and older women “provides the women with the impetus to participate in village councils and the cultural vehicle to mobilize en masse against mistreatment by men.” [103-07]
It was these female groups that invoked Atete “to counter male atrocities and to enforce religious sanctions against related misbehaviors.” Women’s primary impetus to action was a violation of the qanafa post-birth sanctity during which family members are supposed “to please the mother and avoid annoying her.” The husband has to respect taboos surrounding birth, which include not abusing his wife. If he beats or verbally abuses her “while she is observing this ritual, the wife throws off any responsibility at hand and heads straight to communicate the matter to thesaddeettan hanfalaa (council of senior mothers).” Even when the woman tries to kept such abuse secret, other women tell the female elders’ council. “Then, the senior mothers mobilize en masseagainst the atrocity committed by the husband. As a result of this, all of the women in the village abandon their individual houses, and protest against the offense.”
“The village women consider the offense committed against a single woman as violation committed against them as a group. Hence, no woman in the village is excused from the protest unless and otherwise she has an absolute inconvenience she has no control over.” They will not tolerate any woman who breaks this female solidarity. … After abandoning their houses, the women gather in the compound of the misbehaving husband and sing songs of resentment.” They may also decide to lay a curse on him. [113]
“Once they are in Atete ceremony, the women are observing a ritual and many taboos come into full force.” [113] No one can speak to them or cross their path as they go in procession. Bystanders have to stop and wait respectfully until they have passed, or risk a most serious curse resulting in incurable illness, ruin, or madness. To avoid these magical disasters, the male elders approach the senior women to find out what the problem is. If the male elders do not intervene immediately, the women leave and take refuge with another clan. Custom requires that they be received with honor, and their heads anointed with butter. The elders of that clan would then get in touch with male elders of the boycotted clan. These elders would have to ritually make amends and agree to deal with the abusive husband.
The ritual of reconciliation begins with the male elders taking a sheaf of green grass to the women (a sign  of reverence) and reciting a formal apology for invading their space. The male elders say all together, Dhiltee dhinna (save us from your eyes). The women elders accept the grass, responding, Hoffola Hobbaya (Be saved!) or Ijarraa hafaa! (Survive our eyes!). [In the footnotes, Hussein explains that “Save us from your eyes” is a standard disclaimer when facing a big gathering, that looking at the group, in this case at the women, is not to be considered shameless or bold.] After this opening, the men ask the women why they are protesting. One of the female elders recounts the crimes committed against the female community, against motherhood (protected by Atete, thus this protest is named for the goddess). “If need be, she reminds the male elders the lallaba of the good old days, when they were granted honour.” [114]
The outcome is that the wrongdoer makes amends by “compensating the group and appeasing their divinity.” He usually does this by sacrificing a cow or calf for the women to feast on. “If the offender does not confess his mistake in person or in absentia, the women impose a more serious curse called abaarsa sinqee (the curse of sinqe). This is the stage when all of the women rest theirsinqe (ritual sticks) on the ground and pray to Waaq for the offender to be ruined.” So the Atete society has two sanctions: this one against a single person, and the bidhaa against the council of male elders. [114]
Hussein writes that the Atete ceremony has two functions: one is regulating women’s morality (but she says nothing about this). The other is to enable women to challenge male domination as a group. She observes that this ceremony is seriously endangered, like so much other Oromo culture. He discusses the pressures from Islam, particularly the “fanatical” Wahabi sect active in her country: “In the region, the preachers of this movement indignify those who cling to indigenous creeds by calling them Awaama or Jahila (ignorant). They condemn the traditional religious practices in its entirety as shirk (heretical)…” Hussein observes that Muslim Oromo women are abandoning the Atete rituals, and thus losing a significant mechanism of solidarity and resistance. [115]
“The gradual expansion of the two universalistic religions, Islam and Christianity, has directly or indirectly contributed towards the decline of the value of the Oromo women’s Atete ritual over the last century. With the recent resurgence of the competitive religions, their religious influence on the communal practices of the people has gained maximum momentum.”
© 2010 Max Dashu
The women’s ritual stick is especially interesting, since this appears in the Saharan murals as well as in modern South Africa, Zimbabwe, Namibia and other parts of Africa, as well as on other continents.
I originally posted this commentry on the Suppressed Histories Facebook page after a reader who challenged my suggestion that a woman’s bruised eye could have anything to do with male batterer pattern. It gives ample evidence of endemic and sanctioned wife-beatings in that cultural context, but the feminist Oromo scholar’s article is interesting for another reason. He shows how Goddess veneration provided a basis for female solidarity and resistance, even though it had shrunk to apply only to periods of pregnancy and birth, and even as the goddess Atete herself was being done away with by christianization and islamicization.
Read more Jeylan W. Hussein. “A Cultural Representation of Women in the Oromo Society.”