Irreecha: From Thanksgiving Ritual to Strong Symbol of Oromo Identity

By Asebe Regassa*

Introduction
It has become evident since recently that the Oromo across religious, political and geographical boundaries have converged together in celebrating an annual ritual/festival called Irreecha. Historically, Irreecha has been understood and practiced within the context of the Oromo religion, Waaqeffannaa – a belief in one supernatural power called Waaqa (God). However, as I will discuss shortly in this piece, Irreecha has undergone some transformations in accommodating non-religious aspects of the Oromo culture, and thus has played significant role in building the Oromo identity and sense of unity. In the contemporary context, where the ritual brings Oromos across different walks of life, Irreecha should be understood more as an arena where the Oromo identity is articulated, reconstructed, built and practiced, rather than as a religious-oriented or a mere thanksgiving celebration. Before delving into some historical trajectories that shaped Irreecha to be the way it is practiced today, I will briefly clarify on some conceptual understandings of the ritual itself.

Traditionally, the Oromo practiced Irreecha ritual as a thanksgiving celebration twice a year (in autumn and spring) to praise Waaqa (God) for peace, health, fertility and abundance they were given with regards to the people, livestock, harvest and the entire Oromo land. Irreecha is celebrated as a sign of reciprocating Waaqa in the form of providing praise for what they got in the past, and is also a forum of prayer for the future. In such rituals, the Oromo gather in places with symbolic meanings, such as hilltops, river side and shades of big sacred trees. Here, I would like to make clear that the Oromo people never worship any of these physical landscapes though some outsiders and detractors of the Oromo culture and religion represent it as such. Rather, these physical landscapes are chosen for their representations in the Oromo worldview, for example, green is symbolized with fertility, peace, abundance and rain.

In Oromia, the core center of Irreecha celebration has been around Hora Arsadi in Bishoftu town, some 25kms to the south of Finfinne, the capital city. Annually, particularly during the Irreecha birraa (the Autumn Irreecha) in September or October, the Oromo from different parts of the country come together and celebrate the ritual. In the past few decades, Irreecha celebrations have been expanded both in content as well as geographical and demographic representations. This short commentary deals with such historical trajectories by contextualizing the changes within political discourses in Ethiopia vis-à-vis Oromo nationalism.

Irreecha celebration in Hora Arsadi (http://my.opera.com/alolani/albums/show.dml?id=12754752)

Irreecha in Pre-1991 Periods

Any analysis of the rights of the Oromo people to exercise its culture, religion, economy, governance, language and identity within the Ethiopian state should be positioned within the historical trajectories that brought the birth of the modern Ethiopian state, and the subsequent political, economic and cultural domination unfolded upon the subjugated peoples of the South, in which the Oromo people were a part. Following the military conquest of the different hitherto autonomous states of the South by the army of Menelik II in the late 19^th century, the Amhara ruling group imposed its culture, language, religion and political dominance over the subjugated nations and nationalities. Menelik’s soldiers dispossessed the land of the conquered people and reduced them to the status of tenancy. In areas of religion, Orthodox Christianity was installed as the only legitimate religion while other religious practices were denigrated, discouraged, and at times, banned. For instance, Orthodox priests took the place of the Oromo Qaalluuand other religious leaders. The Oromo religious and cultural practices became targets of state repression during those times. Irreecha rituals were very restricted and were portrayed by state backed Orthodox Christian church as a practice of devilish worship.

The military regime, that overthrew the imperial regime in 1974, initially seemed to have tolerated traditional cultural practices, language diversity and religion, but its communist orientation and ‘modernist’ discourse had placed the regime at odds with these fundamental rights of the peoples of the country – the right to cultural and religious practices. While it outlawed ‘religion’ – though Orthodox Christianity did not face state persecution as other religious sects – it labeled traditional cultural practices, such as Irreecha, as ‘backward’ and obstacles to development and revolutionary ethos of the regime. As a result, Irreecha and other Oromo religious and cultural practices were banned by the government.

It is imperative to mention two fundamental motives behind state suppression of Irreecha (as common to other Oromo cultural practices) during those eras. First, successive Ethiopian regimes had subtle and overt policies of establishing culturally, linguistically and religiously ‘homogenized’ Ethiopia in their quest to build Ethiopian nationalism as a replica of Amhara, and to some extent Tigrayan identities. Secondly, the Ethiopian state was built on a cultural and political identity that depicted Amhara/Tigrayan cultural/political superiorities. The myth of ‘great tradition’ that portrays the North as cradle of ‘civilization’ and conversely demotes the South to the opposite was in the center of Ethiopian state identity. This myth has been used to legitimize exclusionary policies of the state against the people in the conquered region in the process of political, economic and cultural representations. In the process, denigrating the culture or religion of the ‘Others’ as ‘backward’ was used as strong instrument to place one’s own on the privileged position.

The Revitalization of Irreecha in post-1991 Period

In 1991 Ethiopia underwent remarkable political reconfiguration following the overthrow of the military regime. The analysis of the political ideologies of the new regime is not the objective and scope of this piece. Rather, it suffices to mention that the new political arrangement along [linguistic] federalism fundamentally deconstructed the old illusion of nation building along one dominant cultural path. Ethnic groups (nations and nationalities) were for the first time given a constitutional right to exercise, preserve and promote their religion, culture, language and history. Although the translation of these constitutional rights into practice has faced inconsistencies and flaws all through the last twenty years, it was a breakthrough in providing a political space for cultural revitalization.

Under the initiative and organizational leadership of the Macha-Tulama Association, Irreecha celebrations were restarted in Hora Arsadi in mid 1990s. As the period was the heyday of the Oromo nationalism and self-conscious, Irreecha became not only a religious practice as in the past; rather it served as an arena where the Oromo people across religious boundaries could meet and share their common identity. However, it maintained its fundamental element of Oromo’s connection to Waaqa(God). The thanksgiving ceremonies, prayers and blessings by elders have put Waaqa in the center of the ritual while songs and material culture the youth decorated themselves with brought into the scene political and emerging Oromo national identity. In both cases however, two fundamental principles of the ritual were consistent across different time spans. Firstly, Irreecha served and still serves as a medium or symbol of connection between the Oromo and Waaqa through thanksgivings, prayers and blessings. Secondly, Irreecha rituals reflect how emotional, cultural, psychological, spiritual and identity issues are embedded and embodied within the Oromo, and thus one cannot dissociate one of these elements from another.

Another major feature of the post-1991 Irreecha celebration was that it attracted more of the youth and the educated class than before. This should be contextualized within the broader Oromo consciousness and the rise in Oromo nationalism. University students, government civil servants, businessmen/women and people in different professions were highly involved in the celebrations. It became at times an arena where people could meet, discuss and demonstrate their common issues – political and cultural to a larger extent.

However, it soon became a contested space between different actors, mainly between political parties (the ruling party and opposition political parties and movements). The ruling party was confronted by two ambivalent developments on its side with regard to Irreecha and other Oromo cultural revitalization movements. Firstly, the constitutional provisions it enacted grants, in theory, the right of nations and nationalities to exercise their culture, religion, language and history. On the other hand, people’s exercise of such rights – like the case of Irreecha, music, language, etc. – would inevitably raise the level of self-consciousness of the people that would in the long run challenge the status quo. For example, using the constitutional right as a legal protection, many participants on Irreecha used to decorate themselves with material culture and costumes that reflect the flags of the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) rather than that of the Oromo People’s Democratic Organization (OPDO). Around the year 2003/04, the government of Ethiopia heavily scrutinized Irreecha festival and tried to manipulate it for its own advantage. Since then, Irreecha in Oromia fell under the full control of the government. While such intervention gave Irreecha more publicity on the one hand, as the celebration was at times given huge coverage on state media, it has added a political dimension on the other hand. It should be noted, however, that the contestability of this cultural field still persists despite strong state intervention.

Irreecha in Exile

Irreecha is not only practiced among the Oromo in Oromia. As hundreds of the Oromo are in exile for different reasons, their culture, religion, language and identity had also exiled with them. Because Irreecha has a cultural ambiance in connecting the people to the Oromo land and the creator, Waaqa, it still remained as strong element of connection between the Oromo in diaspora and home – Oromia. In the past ten years or so, the Oromo across different parts of the world (from Toronto to Melbourne, and Bergen to Johannesburg) have come together and celebrated Irreecha as a common icon of their identity. If anything could be mentioned in bridging the differences (political and religious) within the Oromo in the diaspora, Irreecha has become the major binding force not as a mere cultural or religious practice, but for its conjoint constitution of culture and identity. Currently, Irreecha has got publicity among the non-Oromos (Ethiopians and non-Ethiopians alike) to the extent that city administrations in different countries recognized the celebration and granted the Oromo with the spaces for the ritual.

To sum up, Irreecha as one of the Oromo cultural practices has responded to different forms of internal and external influences, but persisted across history in binding the Oromo across religious, political and geographical boundaries together. Today, it is considered as the major unifying emblem of the Oromo identity. Despite relentless attempts by different actors (interest groups) to appropriate Irreecha for their interests or to demote it altogether, it continued to be a marker of Oromo’s embedded cultural identity. Among the diaspora in particular, where political rift is more apparent, Irreecha is believed to converge differences, and in the future, investing on how Oromo common markers of identity would contribute to common visions of the people should be the core agenda of all Oromo.

* The author, Asebe Regassa, is a PhD Candidate, Bayreuth University.

=>gadaa

Sugar Coated Venom The Oromo Should Stay Away From

The history of Amhara and Amhara led Abyssinia is no more secret to Oromos.  Their shroud move and action to weaken and divide when Oromos are united proves their animosity and deep rooted hate toward our unity and existence. This is not a secret any more, we have seen them in past, we are witnessing their negativity and hate towards us and we will see more of such action until they confront the inconvenient truth and unavoidable facts of the liberation of Oromia and Oromo people from Amhara lead Abyssinia for good.
On one of fanatic Amhara owned Abyssinan website, http://quatero.net/pdf/melbourne-support-group-ad-to-esat.pdf  a little known a group “Democracy for Ethiopia Support Group”  post an ad that read as follows.  “በጋራ ጉባኤው በኢትዮጵያ ኮሚኒቲ ሥር ከሚገኘው ኢትዮጵያዊ በተጨማሪ የኦሮሞና የሱማላ ማህበረሰብ አባሊት እንዲሁም የድምጻችን ይሰማ ሙስሉም ኢትዮጵያዊያን ድጋፍ ቡድን አባሊት ይሳተፋለ።”  The rough translation is read as, “on the meeting, in addition to members of the Ethiopian Community, members of the Oromo, Somlai and the Voice of Ethiopian Muslims Support Groups  will participant in the conference”.  Although the ad didn’t mention about the conveners and where the conference will be held, the ad does mentioned the date of the meeting, August 25, 2013.
While we continue our struggle to defend our rights and stand united, they left no stone unturned to divide us and come up with sugar coated divisive idea to divide us and abort novel idea of  “I am Oromo First”  Oromo Community engagement.  Organizing such meeting and posting such ad at the time the Oromo people are united and engaged on novel idea of “I am Oromo First”, it is a well planned and calculated move to divide and weaken us.
At the time Oromumma gained momentum, Oromo scholars are working around the clock to engage the Oromo community around the world in “I am Oromo First” social movement, announcing such meeting is a well calculated move to divide and weaken our people and community. Members of Melbourne Oromo community are proud and strong Oromo community who has never been and will never negotiate on their Oromumma and I am Oromo first.
The question is who are this so called “Democracy for Ethiopia Support group”? What are they objective and who are this support group? Is it true that members of Melbourne Oromo community and community leaders agree or expressed their interest to participate in such clandestine meeting? What is the trick and hidden agenda behind such meeting and why they organized such meeting at the time our people stand united and Oromumma and I am Oromo First went viral  among the Oromo people across the glob? Why the very people who ridiculed ostensibly our scholar Jawar, but actually on the identity of the entire 40 plus million Oromo people invite our  to their meeting? All Oromo have moral obligation and Oromumma responsibility to scrutinize such sugar coated venom and dig deep to find the truth.

Each Oromo citizen who believe in his Oromumma and the inevitable independency of Oromia, has the rights to suspect and not trust them. We have reasons and causes to be alert to scrutinize such move and understand the facts behind their window dressing and unravel the their hidden agenda.
I call up on all members of the Oromo community, Oromo affiliated political or non-political organizations around the world to boycott any meeting, negotiation or cooperation with Amhara lead or affiliated political or non-political organization and association until:-
1.      They denounce the current online propaganda war they wage ostensibly on Jawar actually on all of us (the Oromo people) through their media.
2.      They denounce the barbaric acts of group of Amhara gang who attacked the out spoken young Oromo journalist Abdi Fete.
3.      They recognize our identity, Oromumma, and our country Oromia.
4.      They recognize all the victory so far the Oromo people gained through the bloods and lives of its sons and daughters.
5.      They are ready and willing to accept the rights of Oromo people for self determination.
6.      The Exclusive rights of Oromo citizen on the socio-political and economic affairs of Oromia. In other words, Oromo people should not negotiate on the fundamental socio-economic and political rights of Oromo people. Oromia for Oromo first. No one has the right to tell us what we should speak, think and believe in.
7.      They should apologize and recognize the atrocity committed by Menilik and his soldiers (their ancestors) and stop praising genocidal leader Menilik as “Emiye Ethiopia” if they are serious about the fate of that empire. We don’t want to sit and negotiate with people who not only violate our basic rights of speaking for our rights but also those who praise the murderer of our mothers, sisters, fathers, brothers, breast feeding and pregnant women and innocent children. They need to learn a lesson to say sorry for the crime their ancestors committed, the Australian way. For the crime the white settlers committed since the Europian arrivals, the Australian Prime minister Kevin Rudd said sorry to indigenous people in 2007. It is obvious that Kevin Rudd didn’t commit the crime. Most of the crimes against indigenous people were committed even before he was born and personally he didn’t commit those crimes.   Likewise, if the Amhara elites, people, media and politician are really serious about working together, democracy, federalism, human rights and the unity of that empire, they have do to be ready to accept the inconvenient truth and accept the facts and stop the facts they have denied for years and confront the unavoidable and inevitable truth.  That is the only way forwards that will bring us together and negotiate on our future, including on the name of that country, the language, flag and many more.

From now on, any Oromo community and political party representatives should carefully scrutinize any kinds of meeting or negotiation with the Amhara lead Abyssinian group. Expressing interest to participate on the meeting organized by the people who ridiculed our identity (who we are) tantamount to slapping and spiting on the face of the entire Oromo people.
If what has been said is true, I call upon all members of Melbourne Oromo Community and their the beloved community leaders to boycott the meeting “Democracy for Ethiopia Support Group” called until the aforementioned seven points meet, the current and ongoing campaign waged on each one of us is settled and “I am Oromo First” global community engagement is successfully completed and clear directions and consensus are reached on how to set the direction and strategies to liberate Oromia.

=>bilisummaa

Shira Diinaa Irraa Of Tiksuun, Meeshaa Waraanaa Caala!

Y.G(2005)

Biyyoonni ykn Saboonni Bilisummaa isaanii goonfatanii jiran , milkaa’ina qabsoo isaaniif inni adda duraa, shira diinaa irra aanuu ta’uu jala muranii namaa dhaaman. Faallaa kanaas, humna kamuu mo’achuuf ammoo , shira humna sana diigu yk humna dhabsiisu hojjachuun murteessaa ta’uu gadi jabeessanii dubbatu. Qawwee baatanii adda waraanaatti wal waraanuun, carraa tokko fi tokkoti. Ajjeesuu ykn du’uu. Shirri barbaachisu keessa diinaatti odoo hin hojjatamiin qawween walitti ba’uun, tarii kasaaraa lubbuu hedduu nama gaafachuu danda’a. shirri keessaan yoo hojjatame garuu , yeroon qawwee barbaachisu iyyu dhibu akka danda’u warra muuxannoo qaban irraa hubachuun ni danda’ama.

Biyyoonni gurguddatan har’a meeshaa waraanaaf maallaqi baasanii fi humna Biyya tokko ykn humna tokko laafffisuuf shira hojjatamuf maallaqii baasan waaqaa fi lafa. Addunyaan har’a waa hedduun walitti dammaqee, karaan shira wal irratti hojjatan , karaa hedduu dhoksaa fi waggoota lakkofsiisee Injifannoo argamsiisu irratti hojjachuu ega eegalanii bubbulanii jiru. Biyyoonni hedduun Biyya isa tokko shiraan cabsuuf, dhaloota wal irratti guddisaa jiran. Dhaloota jiru amanu dhabuu irraa, dhaloota Biyya ykn lammii Biyya akkasii akka jibbutti, jibbuu qofa odoo hin taane, of wareegee akka dhabamsiisutti wal irratti guddisaa jiran.

Kana malees, lammiilee Biyya cabsuu barbaadanii funaananii, waan barbaadaniin qaranii guddisanii, Angoo qabsiisanii saamichaa fii tu’annoo barbaadan yennaa gaggeessan, ifatti kan argaa jirrudha. Adeemsi akkasii ammoo, Biyyoota gurguddataniif qofaa odoo hin taane, warri akka wayyaanees muuxannoo kana fudhatanii nu irratti hojjachaa jiraachuu ragaalee hedduu tarrisuu dandeenya. kana irratti raga tokko kaasuu danda’a. wayyaaneen baatii lama dura humna basaasaa Israa’eelitti leenji’e Biyya keessatti wayita bobbaaftu, hojiin isaanii adda duraa sochii hawaasa musiliimaa dhaabuudha. Kanaafis basaastoota 893 laanjisifte, quraanaa fi salaata hundaa barsiiftee jirti. Kanneen keessaa 630 TIGIREEDHA. Jarri kun egaa warra sochii kana gaggeessan keessa seenanii waan hundaa barbadeessudha. Ajjeesuudha.

Fakkeenya biroo, tokko-shanii Biyya hammacaa jiru, Israa’eel loote seentoota Filitsixeemii fi mankaraasitootaa itti tu’attudha. Gama kanaan qabxiilee hubachuun nu barbaachisu hedduu, gara fuula duraatti dhiheessuun kiyya hin hafu. Har’af garuu haala kana kan keenya waliin ilaaluun barbaachisaadha. Yoo haala kana hubanne, of tikisuu keenya mirkaneessinee , nuutis diina irratti hojjachuutti ce’uu keenya dhugeeffanna. Keessa keenya cufannee, diinni akka kanaan duraa akka nu hin seenne dhorginee, waan diina irratti hojjannu qofaa irratti hojjannee, injifannoo keenya harkaan ga’annaa jechuu kiyya.

Waan Biyyoonni biro ykn sabni biraa keessa dabre irraa barachuun hedduu barbaachisaadha. Mooraan qabsoo Oromoos , shira diinaan hedduu miidhamaa jiraateera. Waan keessa dabarre sana har’as akka nu mudatu hin feenu. Fedhii qofaa odoo hin taane, hojiin mul’isuutu nurraa eegama. har’a sochii qabsoo Oromoo keessatti tasgabbii amma tokko argaa fi ilaa fi ilaameetti ce’u argaa fi dhaga’a jirra. Har’a Oromoof OROMO malee akka hin jirree kan hubatame fakkaata. Walitti dutu irra , wal dhaggeeffachuu fi wal hubachuun akka dursu argaa jirra. Mooraan Qabsoo Oromoo hangamu ilaalchi walii faallaa fakkaatu mul’atus, lolli warra gawwaa sun hanga tokko kan hir’ataa jiru fakkaata. Sochiin, dhimmi Oromoo dhimma Oromooti jedhamee waliif dubbachuu fi waliif birmachuun akka dansaatti bakka maraa wal utubaa jiraachuu argaa jirra. Miidiyaalee adda addaa bananii ummata ofii tajaajiluun gama hundaanu itti fufaa jira. Dhimma ofii hawaasa addunyaa beeksifachuun sadarkaa dhunfaa eegalee hanga dhaabbilee adda addaatti , sochii hin tuffatamne argaa fi dhaga’a jirra.

Haala walii gala mooraa qabsoo Oromoo keessattii mul’achaa jiru kana, diina irraa tikisuun murteessaadha. Waan kaleessa mataa akka gadi qabannu nu taasise inuma beekna. Diinni shira akkamii akka nu keessatti hojjatee isa fudhatu fudhatee, isa kaan adda baasee, kaan manatti galee akka taa’uu taasise qalbii qabana. Shirri diinaa kun har’a daran yoo hammaate malee , kan sochii keenyaan rifatee laafatu akka hin taane akka gaaritti qalbeeffachuu nu barbaachisa. Shira diinaa mo’achuuf, dhalli Oromoo mooraa qabsoo isaa qulqulleeffachuun murteessaadha. Keessattu Biyya keessattis ta’ee alatti eenyu waliin akka hojjatanii fi jiraatan beekuun heddu fardiidha. Humni basaasummaa wayyaanee akka salphaatti kan ilaalamu miti. Basaasa keessaa baasaasi badaan, kaayyoo oromoof kan du’u fakkaatee yeroo maraa sabboonaa fakkaatee kan nu waliin jiraatu fi diinaaf sochii murteessoo ta’an kan gabaasuudha.

Kanaan wayyaanee muuxannoo qabdi . har’a mooraa qabsoo oromoo keessaa kana hanga tokko qulqulleessuun tasgabbii har’a argaa jirru uumee jira. Wayyaaneen ijoollee ishee akka keenya dubbatanii fi aadaa illee nu caalaa ibsuu danda’an nu keessatti guddiftee sadarkaa Bulchiisaa irraan ga’achuu dagachuu hin qabnu. Warruma akkasii qabsootti akka seenan taasftee keessa keenya akka marqitu hubachuu nu barbaachisa. Keessattu warri Biyya ambaa jiraatan, maqaa Oromoo kan Biyya keessaa ba’an kana jechuun keezii Oromoo bitatanii karaa keeniyaa yaa’an lakkoofasa akka hin qabne kan beekamuudha. Jarri kun irra jireessi isaanii , Oromiyaa keessatti dhalatanii kan guddataniidha. Guyyaa hawaasa Oromoo waliin oolanii galgala dhalcha isaaniif gabaasan.kaayyoon isaanii inni guddaan, mooraa qabsoo Oromoo gaaga’uudha. Qabsoon keenya kanuma mataa keenyaa nu irratti bitanii hojjachiisanitti dammaqu irra dabree, jara kana irraa illee of ittisu qaba.

Har’a tasgabbaa’uun mooraa qabsoo Oromoo kun diina irriiba dhawweera. Sochii nuuti eessattu taasifnu, shira diinaa irraa tikisuun hedduu barbaachisaadha. Oduun miliqee babba’u akka ibsuttii wayyaaneen ammas mooraa qabsoo Oromoo keessatti rakkoo uumuuf sochii jabaa taasisaa jiraachuu dhaga’aa jirra. Keessattu dhaabbilee Bilisummaa Oromoo mooraa qabsoo Oromoo jabaa gadi dhaabuuf deeman fashalsuuf tattaafataa jiraachuu , dhaga’amaa jirra. Kana irratti dhalli Oromoo ajaajaan odoo hin taane waan arguu fi dhaga’u hundaa hordofee fi qaama ilaallatutti gabaasee   , shira kana fashalsuuf sadarkaa dhunfaa eegalee amma gurmuutti socha’uutu irraa eegama . kana waliin sochii mooraa qabsoo burjaajeessuuf, ajandaa qabsoo Oromoo gara wal qoccalloo AMHAARAATTI ceesisuuf tattaafachaa jiraachuu qalbeeffachuu barbaachisa.

WAAN IRRAA OF QUSACHUU FI BILCHINAAN ILAALU QABNU:

= Shirri diinaa inni angafaa akka wal irratti duullu taasisuudha. Rakkoo keessaan akka bara baraan miidhamaa jiraannu nu taasisuudha. Kanaaf gama siyaasa Oromoo wal qabatuun waan eegalamuu fi sochii taasifamu hundumaa, qalbii tasgabbaa’een ilaalanii, sirnaan wal gaafachuu fi yaada jiru ega wal hubatanii boodas , wal gorfachuu nu barbaachisa. Namni dhuunfaa kaasee hanga gurmuutti sochii barbaachisu yoo taasise, waan halkan tokkotti ta’u waan hin jirreef, akkaataa ittin wal gaafachuu fi hubannoo barbaachiisu waliif laachuu irratti hojjachuu nu barbaachisa. Adeemsa qabsoo kana hundee jabaa irra gadi dhaabuuf adeemsa keenya shira diinaa irraa tiksuun murteessaadha.

Waan Ummati kun lubbuu fi jireenyaa itti dhabamaa jiru kana waan namoota dhunfaan wal qabsiisuun dhaabbachuu qaba. Wal tuffachuun eessaanu hin ga’u. har’a namni dhuunfaan yk gurmuun waa yoo yaade yk hojjate, odoo adda hin baafnee kan irratti katabnu ykn holallu yoo ta’ee, waa hedduu kichuutti hanbifna. Waan fedhe haa ta’u , badii barbaadees haa hojjatu, waan Ummata kana hamilee cabsu odoo hin hojjannee beektoonni yk qaamni ilaallatu ykn hawaasi naannoo sana jiran, sagalee gadi qabanii wal fudhachiisuu yaaluu fi yoo hammaate haala ummatatti ibsan odoo jiraate , tasgabbii har’a jiru jabeessaa deema jedheen yaada. Wanni lafee namaa cabsu holola miidiyaa gara garaa irratti wal cabsaniidha. Diinni ammo hamilee ummata Biyya keessaa cabsuuf haalli akkasii akka umamu barbaaddii.  Kana irraa hundumtuu of qusachuu qaba. Wanni shiraan gaggeeffamu eessallee hin ga’u. kanaaf muuxannoo ga’a qabnas waan ta’eef , kana irraa of qusachuun murteessaadha.

= Kaan gama intarneetaan waan argaa fi dhaga’a jirruudha. Diinni qalbii nu hate dhimma keenya akka irraanfannu nu taasisuuf duubatti akka hin jenne haqa hunduu hubatuudha. Maarree har’a Intarneeta irratti kan dubbisaa jirru nama gaddisiisa. Abbaan fedhe nu xiqqeessee yk nu busheessee nu abaareef, arraba aadaa fi safuu keenya waliin hin tolle tarrisuun maal irraa nu oolcha ? waan xixiqqoo waliin arraba dheerachuun bu’aa maalii argamsiisa. Waan Qabsoo fi dhimma Ummata keenyaa ilaallatu , yaada bal’aa fi gadi fageenyaa yoo ka’e deebii quubsaa irratti laachuu malee Ilmaan ebaluu jedhanii wal abaaruun maalummaa keenya ibsa ? faayidaan nuuf argamsiisu maalii ? Ababa Biqilaan Oromoo ta’uu fi dhiisuu lammii isaatu raga ba’a. har’a kaanee waan dabsanis, qajeelchinuus hin jiru. Abbaba Biqiilaan wal qabsiisee yaadooti ka’an sana Amaarri katabu isaaf raga maalii qabna ? har’a Oromoo fi humna biraa walitti diruuf shirri hojjatamu daangaa dhabuu hin beeknu ? Maqaa nama tokkon arrabsamuun keenya akkama Ummata keenya hundaa dhukkubu , nuutis, yennaa saba tokko walitti qabnee abaarru, kan yaada keenya waliin fudhatu akka abaarru ni beeknaa laata ? kana irratti of haa qusannu.

= fakkeenyuma turban kana waan maxxansame keessaa , Magaalaa gimbii keessatti Qooqi Oromoo dhiibamaa jiraachuu dubbifnee jirra. Waan argan ummataaf gabaasaa jiraachuun dansaadha. Garuu Intarneeta keenya jennu irrattoo maaltu hojjatamaa jira ????????????????harka keenyaan diinaaf karaa saaqnee of arrabsiisaa hin jirru. Waan maaxxanfamee fi katabame hundaa warra alaaf qofaa akka waan hojjatamaa jiru,  guutummaatti Ingiliffatti ce’aa hin jirru ???????yaadi laataman hundi ingiliffaan wal laaqee yaada waliin dhahumsaa uumaa hin jiru ??????? waanuma ummata kana qofaaf odeeffannoo laatu qabu Ingiliffaan katabuun bu’an isaa maalii ? kun diinaaf bu’aa guddaadha. Dhaloota itti aanullee humna buusuudha. Waan gimbii keessaa odoo hin taane, bakka Oromoon jiru maratti , haalli wal fakkaataa hojjatamaa jiraachuu ijoolleen akka gaaritti ibsuu danda’an ni jiran. Kana yeroo biroo itti deebina.

Walii galatti Hawaasi alaa waan hubachuu isa barbaachisu, adeemsa mataa keenyaa qabaachuu qabnaa jedhanii waliin haasa’uu qaban. Waan dabre akka hin deebineef irratti hojjachuu qaban. Shirri diinaa qaawwaa xiqqaa argannaan bal’ifaa deemuun beekamaadha. Kanaaf MOORAA QABSOO OROMOO TASGABBEESSANII INJIFANNOOTTII CE’UUF, SHIRA DIINAA IRRAA OF TIKISUUN HOJII KEENYA HANGAFAA TA’UU QABA YAA FIRAA . 

=>gadaa

Ethiopia: official denies device uncovered at airport was an “explosive”

By Tesfa-Alem Tekle

August 22, 2013 (ADDIS ABABA) - A senior government official said on Thursday that a device found at Addis Ababa’s international airport was not an explosive, as was recently was reported by Sudan Tribune and other media outlets.

“The device was not an explosive or type of bomb but just a flammable cylinder gas”, communication minister Shimels Kemal told Sudan Tribune, adding that a counter-terrorism team had been established to deal with the incident.

Kemal said the situation is under investigation and no suspect has yet been arrested.

Airport authorities today similarly confirmed that the devices found were gas cylinders.

The two gas cylinders, which could potentially explode if they caught on fire, were first found by airport janitors.

The two devices were found around the departure terminal of the country’s largest airport.

Airport officials said details of the incident will be announced once the investigation is complete, declining to provide further comment on the matter.

The investigation team is yet to determine if the devices were deliberately deposited at the airport in order to commit a terrorist attack.

Addis Ababa Bole International Airport is one of the continent’s busiest airports, with a current traffic movement of nearly 2 million passengers per year, according to Ethiopian Airports Enterprise (EAE).

EAE has finalised an expansion and upgrade project at the airport which would enable it to park more passenger jets at a time.

The airport has been serving to the East African nation as an international gate way for over 40 years.

(ST)

=>sudantribune

CALL FOR A PEACEFUL PROTEST AGAINST THE TYRANNY IN OROMIA

Human Rights are Universal and indivisible! 

Call for a Peaceful Protest against the Tyranny in Oromia

Over the past 21 years, the Tigrayan Peoples Liberation Front (TPLF)-led and dominated Ethiopian government, has imprisoned tens of thousands of political opposition and citizens, mainly Oromos. As a consequence to the government’s repressive policies, thousands of innocent citizens have been languishing in prisons and secret camps, and many have been and are being severely tortured, deformed and/or killed. Others have been abducted in broad day-light and made to disappear or murdered secretly.

Rampant arrests, unlawful killings, abductions, tortures and other human rights abuses by the Ethiopian government, consistent with the direct experiences of many of us, are documented and confirmed in the annual reports of well-respected human rights organizations such as Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, and the US State Department.

Despite these tangible facts of human rights abuses, the Ethiopian government continues receiving billions of dollars of aid money every year. Subsidizing over one third of its budget from foreign aid, Ethiopia has built one of the biggest and best-equipped armies in Africa, while millions of its citizens depend on food aid. In fact, the aid money is used to impose the Tigrayan ethnocentric dictatorship on Oromos and other peoples in an involentary multinational society.

It is frustrating to  witness the  West’s reluctance to use their influence  to effect real change, and even worse to believe the fairy tale of  a human-rights-abusing government, that  claim to be moving on the road to democracy.

While thousands of Oromos and others are languishing in prisons under bogus terrorism charges, the current Prime Minister of Ethiopia, Mr. Hailemariam Dessalegn, brazenly argued in public that there arewere no political prisoners in Ethiopia.

Such blatant misinformation has been the norm within the entire leadership of the TPLF- regime, intended to deceive international donors and allies. Again referring to his inauguration speech, the new prime minister also promised to continue implementing the policies of the late autocratic Prime Minister Meles Zenawi; this, is a clear indication that the new prime minister is under the control of the Tigrayan elite and that he cannot make any reform and democratic changes in the empire-state of Ethiopia.

Observing the painful agony and sufferings of the ordinary people, the political prisoners in particular, and the worsening situation at home, We members of the Oromo Communities and the Union of Oromo Students in Germany, call for a Peaceful Demonstration on 30.08.2013 in Frankfurt am Main, to Protest against the Tyranny of the TPLF-Ethiopian government and earnestly appeal to the German government and its  allies to use their good offices with the Ethiopian government and facilitate the following :

1.  immediate Stop of Financial support to the Dictatorship in Ethiopia
2. immediate stop to Ethnic-Cleansing now underway in Eastern-Oromia’s Anniyya region
3. Unconditional and immediate release of all political prisoners
4.  practical action to promote real democratic changes in the country
5. immediate stop  to Land-grabbing and their restitution to the indigenous owners
6. Immediate implementation of the right of the Oromo and other nations for Self-determination.
7. Respect freedom of Religion and journalism
8. Justice for those criminally murdered in Arsi – Kofele and all Parts of Oromia

Union of Oromo Students in Germany

HOB

HOMN

=>ayyaantuu

Ethiopia’s Muslim Activists Pave a Path for Nonviolent Political Activism

A year after Ethiopian Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn came to power following the death of longtime leader Meles Zenawi in August 2012, the ruling Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) remains firmly in control. It has continued to govern through a collective leadership that includes three deputy prime ministers from the Amhara, Tigray and Oromo wings of the coalition; Hailemariam hails from the Southern People’s Party. Party discipline and coherence has held, although the lead-up to elections in 2015 may reveal destabilizing fissures. But while older opposition parties and armed movements have been marginalized, a social movement of Ethiopian Muslims is an important new development.

Rapid economic growth has been key to Ethiopia’s stability. The economy grew by more than 10 percent annually over the past decade, and while growth has slowed down it remains higher than the African average. Recent data, however, suggest that earnings from coffee and gold, Ethiopia’s two largest sources of export revenues, have declined. The World Bank also raised concerns that Ethiopia’s boom has relied too heavily upon public investment and that sustained growth will require a significant increase in private investment.

The political opposition to the EPRDF—currently divided into camps based on whether they subscribe to ethno-national or pan-Ethiopian goals and whether they operate in exile or have remained in the country—has struggled to find channels to influence Ethiopian politics. After competitive elections in 2005 and the subsequent crisis that led to the arrest of much of the opposition leadership and the collapse of the main opposition coalitions, the regime effectively criminalized dissent. Restrictions on independent media and civil society limit the ability of Ethiopians to mobilize outside of the structures of the ruling party. The EPRDF’s dominance was evident in local elections this year, in which it and its affiliated parties won all but one seat nationwide.

As a result, opposition political parties that challenged the regime in 2005 now play virtually no role in national politics. The Semayawi, or Blue, party organized a notable demonstration in June and has some following among the youth, but its potential to challenge the regime is limited. Berhanu Nega, a politician who had considerable influence in 2005, is now operating in exile without a significant presence in the country. Repression and the use of anti-terrorism laws, as well as weak structures and leadership, limit the opposition’s ability to operate within Ethiopia.

Meanwhile, several groups, notably the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) and the Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF), remain engaged in protracted armed struggles, but Addis Ababa has effectively managed these military challenges. Oromo nationalism remains potent, but the OLF leadership is divided and discredited. Promising talks between the ONLF and Addis Ababa collapsed in October 2012, but there are officials on both sides that see advantages from a negotiated settlement. The government would like to end the war in order to concentrate on development of the region’s natural gas and other resources. Some Ogadenis recognize that they are unlikely to win the military contest and wish to end the ferocious counterinsurgency campaign in the region. But reaching a durable agreement, a recent International Crisis Group report accurately notes, will require “unprecedented concessions from both sides.”

Finally, the ongoing demonstrations by Ethiopian Muslims, who make up approximately 40 percent of the country, provide an important model of politics outside of the ruling party that relies upon neither armed struggle nor the strategies of electoral competition on a hopelessly lopsided playing field. The demonstrations began 18 months ago to protest government interference in Islamic affairs and the regime’s links to the Ethiopian Islamic Affairs Supreme Council. The movement has been extraordinarily disciplined and nonviolent and has succeeded in part by focusing on a specific set of issues. Demonstrations have been held after Friday prayers in Addis Ababa but also notably in other towns across Ethiopia.

Muslim activists emphasize that they are operating within the framework of the Ethiopian constitution and that they are not seeking to overthrow the regime. The Ethiopian government, in contrast, has consistently claimed that the protests were organized by extremists bankrolled from overseas and seeking to establish an Islamist state. More recently Addis Ababa has identified neighboring Eritrea as the source of this alleged external support. The movement’s leadership was arrested July 2012 and charged with terrorism in October.

Earlier this month there were clashes between Ethiopian security forces and Muslims reportedly following the arrests of three local imams in Kofele, a town in the Oromo region. A heavy police presence and arrests in Addis Ababa following the Eid al-Fitr ceremonies celebrating the end of Ramadan on Aug. 8 further raised the temperature and tensions. Government spokesman Shimeles Kemal alleged that the arrests were of “Salafist elements who tried to create disturbances.”

Despite the government’s arrests and condemnations, the Ethiopian Muslim demonstrators have shown that sustained, nonviolent political activism is possible in Ethiopia. What is not clear, however, is the movement’s future. Many leaders in the older ethno-nationalist movements, including those with large Muslim constituencies, such as the Oromo and Somali, view the multiethnic nature of the movement with trepidation. Others, including leaders in the Semayawi party, view it as a vehicle to advance pan-Ethiopian political ideas. Some Muslim activists propose a strategy of sustained low-level protest that avoids confrontation and recognize that a quick victory is impossible. To move more assertively would spark a military crackdown, and the movement’s leadership is likely to lose control if there is violence. The key dynamics to watch in the lead-up to elections in 2015 are therefore competition within the ruling party and the potential for the Ethiopian Muslim movement to create new space for political activism.

Terrence Lyons is associate professor of Conflict Analysis and Resolution and co-director of the Center for Global Studies, George Mason University.

=>bilisummaa

Ethiopia: African Media Leaders Must Boycott Ethiopia

By Fasil Girma Aragaw

Ethiopian journalists have come to expect the worst from our government

August 22, 2013 (Indepth Africa) — One of the world’s most hostile governments to an independent press, it has jailed friends and colleagues, forced them to leave the country and unjustly branded them as terrorists or enemies of the state for doing their jobs. But until now we have at least been able to count on the moral support of fellow journalists, media organizations and others opposed to injustice.

That has been changed by the deeply disappointing decision of the African Media Initiative (AMI) to hold its annual convention, the African Media Leaders’ Forum, in Addis Ababa this year. Far from helping to improve Ethiopia’s media environment, as suggested by the AMI’s chief executive, Amadou Mahtar Ba, this move will instead embolden the government in its ongoing war against the press.

According to the Committee to Protect Journalists, at least 49 Ethiopian journalists have been forced into exile since 2007. Nine of our colleagues languish in prison, making the country the second worst jailer of journalists in Africa after Eritrea.

Just last year, the government forced the closure of Feteh (“Justice”), the prominent independent newspaper in Addis Ababa, because of its critical editorial line. Its publisher, Mastewal Berhanu, who was forced to leave the country after receiving threats from security agents, is one of those who have said that the AMI’s decision is a blow to jailed and exiled Ethiopian journalists.

We have held the AMI in high esteem because of its stated commitment to”promote the development of pluralistic media”. But we believe its justification for holding the forum in Ethiopia is self-serving and insensitive to Ethiopia’s independent media community, and we cannot understand why Mr. Ba calls the decision “courageous”.

The AMI’s suggestion that holding the forum in Addis Ababa will further a process of “constructive engagement” with media stakeholders, including the government, is either naïve or aimed at benefitting narrow interests that do not really serve the Ethiopian media community at large. Neither the publishers’ association nor the media council with which the AMI has interacted represent independent journalists, nor do they defend their rights.

Despite all the Ethiopian government’s actions to stifle press freedom, I used to believe that if the press could organize itself it could gain enough strength to overcome its multi-faceted challenges. To test my belief in practice, I tried in 2011 to organize a monthly informal journalists’ roundtable, bringing the highly-polarized media together to discuss investigative journalism, particularly on corruption issues.

This platform sought to help the media play its watchdog role and I hoped it would grow into an investigative or anti-corruption journalists’ association.

But over ten months of meetings, the arrest and intimidation of journalists, along with the closures of local rights groups, rendered members frustrated and hesitant about forming an independent association.

Even the monthly roundtable meeting could not be sustained as participants gradually dropped out. Stringent laws, arrogant bureaucracy, threats and other challenges sapped the media of its energy, leaving it too weak to build one strong local media association which could help protect itself.

Today, professional media associations are either under the concealed patronage of the government or too scared to speak out for unlawfully imprisoned journalists such as Eskinder Nega, Reeyot Alemu, Woubshet Taye and many others. The Ethiopian government has ensured that there is no strong and vibrant media association that can stand for freedom of speech and press freedom.

Mr. Ba’s suggestion that the government-sponsored media council “is known for its independence and commitment to building free and balanced media” confirms our fears that the AMI, its handful of local partners and the Ethiopian government are speaking with one and the same voice.

I appreciate the Pan-African approach of Mr. Ba. But Pan-Africanism begins with African solidarity, based on the understanding that injustice against one African is an injustice against all Africans. The Ethiopian government is willing to have the AMLF meet in Addis Ababa because it can use the event as a counter to international pressure for freedom of speech and press freedom.

In our struggle to realize the freedoms promised in our constitution, Ethiopian journalists have seldom heard African intellectuals, media leaders or the African Union call out our government on its grave abuses and support those struggling to be free. Apartheid and colonialism were not defeated with “constructive engagement” or apathy and silence.

Business interests that worked with the apartheid regime are marked with shame forever. The AMI should reconsider its plan to hold the meeting in Addis Ababa.

=>ayyaantuu